This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project
to make the world's books discoverable online.
It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject
to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books
are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover.
Marks, notations and other marginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the
publisher to a library and finally to you.
Usage guidelines
Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing this resource, we have taken steps to
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying.
We also ask that you:
+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for
personal, non-commercial purposes.
+ Refrain from automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help.
+ Maintain attribution The Google "watermark" you see on each file is essential for informing people about this project and helping them find
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it.
+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liability can be quite severe.
About Google Book Search
Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web
at http : / /books ■ google . com/
AMN ALS Er mnnoiRS
OF TME,
COURT or PEKING
E.BACKHOU5E & J.O.P. BLAND
ANNALS ^ MEMOIRS OF
THE COURT OF PEKING
ANNALS & MEMOIRS OF
THE COURT OF PEKING
(FROM THE 16th TO THE 2(mi CENTURY)
BY
E. BACKHOUSE and J. O. P. BLAND
AUTHOKS OP
"CHINA UNDER THE BUPKESS DOWAGER," ETC.
ILLUSTRATED
BOSTON AND NEW YORK
HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY
1914
Printed in En^and
NOTE
The thanks of the authors are hereby grateiully
expressed to Mr. Charles L. Freer, of Detroit, U.S.A.,
for photographs of four masterpieces in his unrivalled
collection of Chinese paintings ; to Mr. I^aurence
Binyon and to the Trustees of the British Museum
for permission to reproduce several pictures from the
Museum collection ; and to Dr. Perceval Yetts for his
interesting photograph of the Mummy-Priest of the
temple at T'ien T'ai-ssti.
London, Dtcember 191S.
CONTENTS
ALPHABETICAL LIST OP THS PBINCIPAL PEBSOHS HBRKINAPTBB NAMED . 1
iBTBODUcnoir 9
Part I
THE MING DYNASTY
CHAPTER I
A CHISB8B HABOUN AL BASCHID 23
CHAPTEE II
AH ISPAMOUS BCKDCH 46
CHAPTER III
U TZO-CH'eHo's BEBBLLION and THE FALL OP PEKING ... 86
CHAPTER IV
wu ban-kubi 118
CHAPTER V
THE HANCHU DTNASTT ESTABLUHED 138
CHAPTER VI
TBE MINOS AT NANKING 166
CHAPTER Vn
THE SACK or TANO CBOU-FO 166
CHAPTER Vni
TIE LAffT OP THE MINOS 213
vii
CONTENTS
Pabt II
THE MANCHU DYNASTY
CHAFTEn IX
THE EMPKBOR BHUN CHIH 229
CHAPTER X
k'ano nsi as a fatheb 239
CHAPTER XI
TOE TRIBULATIONS Or TUNG CHENG 269
CHAPTER XII
TUNG CHENG DISPENSES JUSTICE 289
CHAPTER XIII
HIS HAJESTT CH'IBN LUNG 310
CHAPTER Xrv
THE DOWNFALL OP HO SHEN 347
CHAPTER XV
cniA cn'iNO : tbb beginning or the bnd 373
CHAPTER XVI
TAO KUANO. THE IMPACT OF THE WEST 390
CHAPTER XVII
H8IEN rENO AND ^UNG CHIH : THE PACILE DESCENT .... 406
CHAPTER XVIII
THE SOBBOWS Or HIS MAJESTY KUANO HSG 429
CHAPTER XIX
MEMOIRS or THE BOXEB YEAB (1900) , 442
CHAPTER XX
CONCERNING THE OLD BUDDHA 466
CHAPTER XXI
THB COURT UNDER THE LAST BEQBNOT 493
CONCLUSION 513
INDBX 623
viii
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
To fact pagt
HOHlCr-STATUI AT t'iEN-t'aI SSO, OOMMONLT HELD TO BB THAT OP THB
BMPBROR SHUN CHIH FrotU%«piec«
POBTRAIT OF A OHINBSB OPSICIAL. BY WU TAO-TZ0 (UOUTH OINTCBT) 24
KUINB OP THB *' 8HRINB OP THB HOST HIOH " AT THB SHBKO WD OATB, NBAR
THB OOAL HILL 44
•OKSBS OP OOUBT LIP£ : PBBPARtNO TBI POR HIS HAJBSTY ... 60
0OSNB8 OP COUBT UPB. BT OQIU TINO (PIPTBBNTH CBMTURT) 84
1HB IHPXSXAL PAVILION NBAB THB OOAL HILL, WHBRB THK LAST MIHO
EMPSROB HAHOBD HIHSBLP 104
BOBNB FROM THB UPB OP THB OOUBT 120
•CBNBS OP OODBT UFB : LADIEa OF THB PALACE 150
A BANQUBT OITBN TO THB OPPIOBRS OP THE ARMY AT THB " HAIX OP PURPLE
UGHT" in THB LAKE PALAOB ENCLOSURE 170
KUtfO SHUN, A MANDARIN OF THB HAN DYNASTY 190
A WAR JUNK AT TBB TIUK OP LORD JIAOABTNBY's MISSION 210
AH IMPERIAL JOURNKY UNDER TUB 8DNQ DYNASTY .... 230
KCMG KWANO, ORANDSON OP KUNO SHUN 260
PAHOBAHIO riBW OF THB POBBIDDEN CITY AND THE IMPBRIAL CITY FBOM
THB OOAL aiLL 286
KMTBAIT OP HIS MAJESTY OH'iBN LUNO 310
LORD MAOABTNBY's BMBAMSY AT A HAUL-OVER ON THE TUNOOHOU CANAL 334
IDBM188ION OF THB TUNOU8 TRIBRB 376
THB CAMP AT ALCHUB 392
TBB BCTUKN FBOM THB WILDERNB83. THE PRINCBSa IMPERIAL'S SEDAN 420
ix
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
To Jhet po^
THSBBTURN FROM THX VILDERNE8S. IN8IQNIA BKABXR8 FOLLOWING THE
REAROOABD. PEKING, JANUABY 7, 1902 444
I.APIB8 OF THE COURT WORKING AT BHBROIDBRT 470
THE BBTURN OF THE OOURT FR(JH EXILE. BEAD OF THE IMPERIAL
PROOEBBlOIf. PEKING, JANUARY 7, 1902 486
THE RETURN FROM THE WILDERNESS. THE SEDAN CHAIR OF HIS MAJESTY
KUAHO HStJ. PEKING^ JANUARY 7, 1902 502
MARBLE BRIDGE IN THE IMPERIAL PALACE, AT THE TIME OF THB OCCUPATION
BT THB ALUK8 IN 1900 filO
THE EASTERN BHTRANCX TO THB LAKE PALACE, AFTER THE PUGHT OF THE
COURT IN 1900 620
ALPHABETICAL LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL
PERSONS HEREINAFTER NAMED
Abtai, cider brother of Emperor T'ai Tsiing.
An Te-uai, TzO llsi*s fuvourito cnnuch during the first llogenoy.
Ao Pai, regent diiring K'ang Hsi's minority.
Ao Pao, Grand Secretary under Ch'ien Lung.
BoHjixiN, Mongol consort of Shuuctiih and Empre&s Dowager of
K'ang irsi.
Chang Ciiih-tung, scliolar and statesman of Kimng lUii's reign.
CuANO Cmii-WA\. Grand Councillor in Kiianjj Hsli's reign,
Ch'ang Fu, son of Emperor Wim Li ; Prince of Kueiyang.
CiiANG HsiEN-CHUNO, Li Tzu-ch'cng's chief rebel colleague.
Ch*ang IlsuN', Prince Fu, son of Wan Li, slain by Li Tzu-ch*cng.
Chang Kuo-chi, adopted father of iisi Tsung's Empress.
Ch'ano Lo, or KuANG Tsung, son of ^Van Li, reigned one month.
Coaxg Pei-lux, one of the " Puritans," under Tzti Hst; son-in-law to
Li Hung-chang.
CuANG T'iNG-vt% 1670-1756, great scholar under Ch'icn Limg.
Chang Yin-huan, friend of Kuang Hsu, banished by Tzu Hsi in
1808, and executed by Prince Tuan's order in 1000.
Chano Yt'AN-FU, eunuch favourite of Lung YU, commonly called Hsiao
Chang. He is believed to have stolen her j>earl shoes before the
breath was out of her body.
Chao Ch'i-lin, a famous censor under TzG ILsi.
Chao Shu-ch'iao, allowed to commit Nuicide in 1900 for supposed
anti-foreign proclivities.
CuAO Erh-hsln, cx-XIccroy of Manchuria and opponent of the
Republic.
Chao Hui, a Manehu General of Ch'icn Lung.
Cii'kn. Lady, the mistress of \Vu San-kuei.
Cheng, Ladv, favourite concubine of Wan Li and mother of ]?rinoe Fn.
B 1
1
^
K*ang Usi.
Chang Cuih-tun'g, scholar and statesman of Kuang Hsii's reign.
Chang Ciiih-wav, Grand Councillor in Kiiang H*ii*s rei|^.
Cu'ano Fu, sou of Emperor Wan Li; Prince of Kueiyang,
CuANO HsiEN-CHUNC, Li Tzu-ch'cng's chief rebel colleague.
Ch'ang HsrN, Prince Fii, son of Wan Li, slain by Li Tzii-ch*cng.
Chang Kuo-ciu, adopted father of Ilsi Tsunjj's Empress.
Ch'ang Lo, or Kl'ang Tsuno, son of Wan Li, reigned one month.
CuANo Pei-li-n, one of the " Puritans." under Tzfi Hsi; son-in-law to
Li Himg-chan<T.
Chang T'ino-yI', 1070-1750, great :>tlioIar under Ch'icn Lung.
CiiANO Yin-hcan» friend of Kuang Hsii, banished by Tzft Msi in
1898, and executed by Prince Tuan's order in lUOO.
CiiANG Yl'AN-Fi', eunuch favourite of Lung Yti, commonly ciUcd Hsiao
Chang. He is believed to Ixave stolen her [Kurl shoes before the
breath was out of her body,
CiiAO Ch'i-i.in, a famous censor under Tzft Hsi.
Chao Shu-ch'lio, allowed to commit suicide in
anti-foreign procUvities.
Chad Erh-hsun, cx- Viceroy of Manchuria and
Republic.
CilAO Hul, u Mnnehu General of Ch'icn Lung.
Cu'es', Ladv, the mistress of \Vu San-knei.
Cheng, Ladv, favourite concubine of Wan Li and mother of Prince Fu.
B 1
1000 for supposed
opponent of the
PRINCIPAL PERSONS NAMED
CiiENG, Pkince, one of the couspiiing Hegrnts. 1861.
CiiENO Tfi, reign title of AVii Tsung, Emperor from 1506 to 15'22.
Cu'exg Tfe, a Mauchii who attempted to slay the Emperor Chia Ch'ing.
Chen IIsiN-cniA, Ch'ung Chen's Minister of War.
Ch'en Pi, corrupt Minister under IlsUan T'ung, now adviser to the
President, Yuan Shih-k'ai.
Chen Pao-chex, one of the *' Puritan " party, later tutor to Emperor
HsQan T'ung.
Chia Ch'ino, reign title of Jen Tsung, who succeeded Ch'ien Lung.
Cii'i Chun-tsao, Grand Councillor under Tao Kuang.
Ch'i Hsiu, Boxer leader, decapitated in 1901.
CiiiNG Lix, decapitated by Old Buddha for cowardice.
Ch'in, Madame, Li Tzu-ch'eng's personal attendant.
Crtn, Prikce, a descendant of Yung JU).
Cu'iNO Yi-k'i'anc, Pkince, Prime Minister under Tzft Hsi for six
years, and later under the Regent.
Chin Kuei, a traitor famous in liistory.
Cii'i Siiak, or Kisuan, Viceroy of Canton in 1841.
Cifou, Empiiess, wife of Ch'ung Chen.
Ciioij Ki'Ei, a statesman in the last days of the Mings.
Ciiu Ciim-FENO, Governor of Ilsiian liua under Ch'ung Chen.
Chu Hhien. leader of Wliitc Lily sect.
ChO IIiNCi-ciii, rival to Prince Ch'ing from 1903 to 1907, enemy of
Yuan Shih-k'ai and ally of Ts'en Ch'un-hsiian.
Cnu KuEi. tutor and valued servant of Chia Ch'ing.
Ch'un, Princess, mother of Kuang Ilsti and sister of TzQ Hsi.
Ch'ung Cuen, last of the Ming Emperors at Peking.
Cn'iTNG Ch'i, father of A Lti-tc, consort of Emiseror T'ung Chih, friend
of Jimg Lu, slew himself in Paotingfu.
Cu'uNC Hou, signed the Treaty of Livadia in 1878.
Ch'ung IIi'A, Manchu olTtcial in Formosa in 1812.
Ch'ung Li, Commander of Peking gendarmerie in 1900 and pro-Boxer.
Cnu Shiu, Grand Secretary of Ch'icn Lung.
Chu Yuan-chang, canonised as T'ai Tsu or the Exalted Ancestor,
founder of the Ming dynasty.
Deportment Concubine, one of Hsi Tsimg's consorts, a tool of Madame
K'o.
DoROUN, Prince Jui, brother of Manehu dynasty's founder and Regent
to Shun Chih.
Fan Ching-wen, Ch'\ing Chen's Grand Secretary.
Fan Wen-cheno, high oHicial imdcr T'ai Tsung.
Fano Ts'Lxa-cuE, Grand Secretary of Wan Li.
2
PRINCIPAL PERSONS NAMED
*
Feng Hsiu, friend of Jung Lu and father of the Yti Fci, or "G«in "
Concubine, at first known as Hui Fei.
Fu Cii'ano-av, protrgi of Ho Shen,
Vv K'ano-an, a prominent General under Ch*ien Lung and rival of
iio Shen.
Ho Lin, brother of Grand Secretary Ho Shen, under Ch'ien Lung.
Ho Shen, or Ho K'un, the all-powerful Minister of Ch*ien Lung, put
to deatli by his suecessor CWa Ch'ing.
Ho Shih-tai, official deputed to receive the Amherst Mission.
Hsiao Cuem, TzC Ak, Tzfi Hsi's colleague. Empress of the Eastern
Palace.
Hsiao Te, Esjpress, wife of Hsicn Feng, who died before he became
Emperor; canonised as his chief Consort.
Use Ch'eng-yC, son of Hsii T'ung, decapitated by the Allies in 1901.
Hst) Shih-cu'ang, Viceroy and Grand Councillor, formerly Yuan Shih-
k'ai's proUg^. \\'hen his patron was dismissed, HsU character-
istically did nothing to help him.
Hsu Suu-min'O, a partisan of the Old Buddha in 1898.
Hsu T'ukg, Boxer leader, enemy of Kuang Hsti, slew himself in 1900
on fall of Peking.
HuAi T'a-pu, kinsman of Old Buddha and of Jung Lu.
Hung Kcanc nominated successor to the last Ming Emperor Ch'ung
Chen at Nanking in 16W.
Huang Sou-lan, Vice-President of Board of War in 1900,
Huang T'ien-pa, a well-known theatrical hero.
Hung Hsiu-ch'Uan, the " heavenly king,'* a Tai Ping leader.
Hi* VO-FES, high oflicial in Peking under Kuang Hsii, and friendly
to foreigners.
I-Chiang-a» Governor of Shantung and protfg^ of Ho Shen.
JtRHALANG, or Chiebhalano, flist cousin of T'ai Tsung, Prince
Cheng.
Jul Ch*evg, Viceroy of Wuchang in 1911, grandson of Ch'i Shan.
Juno Lu, kinsman of Xza Hsi, devoted adherent and patriotic Manchu.
K*ang, Prince, cousin to K'ang Hsi.
K'ano Yu-wei, reformer, loathed by Tzfl Hsi.
Kao T'ien-te. and Kou Wen-mino, leaders of the White Lily
rebels in Ch'ien Lung's and Chia Ch'ing's reigns.
K*0, Madame, Hsi Tsung's wet nurse, the '* Lady of Divine WoRhip,"
who resided in what is now the Naitztt-fu, or ** Foster-mother's
Palace."
PRIXCIPAL PERSONS NAMED
K'o, Prince, dc&cciiUed (rum Ntnhuclii'b second mjii.
K*ou Lien-ts'ai, a eunuch decapitated by the Old Buddha.
Kt'ANo Hui, official deputed to receive the ,\inh(Tst Mission.
K'uEi ChOx, a clianiberlaiii to the Court under Tzfl Hsi and Lung Yti.
KuEi UsiAXG, father of Lung Yd and younger brother of Tzti Hsi.
KuNo, Prince, senior, died 1898.
KuNO, Prinxe, junior; P*u Wei, Iiaughty and hostile to House of
Ch*uii, Opix)scd the abdication ; thought he shoiUd have suc-
ceeded KuangHsU. Recently Uvcd in Tsingtau, leading the Tsung-
shctang or Restoration Society.
Lai Pao, commander of Peking gendarmerie under Ciricn Lung.
Li, Concubine, favourite Consort of Kuang Tsung.
Li Ciiia-ciiu, Manehu bannermau of Canton, sometime Speaker of the
Senate.
Li Crih, personal name of Kao Tsung, Emj>eror of T'ang dynasty,
a.d. 655.
Li Ciiien-t'at, Grand Secretary under Ch*ung Chen; the richest man
in Peking of that time.
Li Cuing-shu, eldest sou of Li Hung-ehang.
Li Hsi-ciiang, Prefect of Peking under Id Tzu-ch'cng.
Li Hsiu-cu'eng, the leader of the Taiping rebellion.
Li Huno-chang, the famous Viceroy of Chilili.
Li K'o-yuno, a General at close of T'aug dynasty, who afterwards
usurped the Throne.
Li Kuo-p'u, a Grand Secretary of Hsi Tsung.
I^i LiEN-YiNO, Ame Hamn^e and Chief Eunueh of Tzft Ilsi.
Li Pino-ueng, anti-foreign and Boxer leader.
Li Suiu-MiN, the ideal nUcr, second Emperor of the T'ang dynasty,
seventh century a.d.
Li TiNG-KL'O, brigand chief, .supporter of Yung Li, fugitive Ming
Sovereign.
Li Tzu-ch'eno, rebel leader and usurping Emperor,
Li Yen, one of Li Tztl-eh'eng's Generals.
Li Yu-UKNG, Commander-in-chief of Szechuan under TzU Hsi.
Liang Ch'i-cu'ao, one of the leading reformers in 1898; sutKequently
a refugee in Japan. Appointed to the Cabinet by Yuan Shih-k'ai.
Liang K'uei, adopted son and heir of Jung Lu.
LiAO Suou-heng, Minister on Grand Council under T/ft Hsi, and anti-
Boxer.
Lien Wen-chung, clerk in Grand Council who drafted decree of 20th
June 1900 declaring war against the Powers.
Lien YOan, Manehu and anli-lioxcr. decapitated in 1900.
PRINCIPAL PERSONS NAMED
I,1S II&u, ivformcr under Kuaiif; IIsU, put to death by Tzfi Hsi.
Lin Tse-hsu, Viceroy of Canton, who bunied the opium and defied
Great Britain, thus precipitating the first China AVar.
hiv CirCAN-ciim, Chia Ch'ing's Grand Secretary.
Liu Cnu-BSUAX, Prefect of Peking under Hsi Tsung.
Lio Kl'ang-fv, Censor under Wan Li.
Liu K'l'N-yi, Viceroy of Nanking under T/A list.
Liu Lis, alioji Liir Cn'iso. leader of Palace conspiracy in 1813,
Liu Te-ts'ai, eunuch implicated in Chia Ch*ing's Palace consi>irucy.
Liu Tsi NG-MiN', a rebel General under Li Tzft-chVng.
Ix) Pao, Manchu General under Chia Ch'ing.
Lu, Prinxe, cousin of Yung Li, the last of the flings.
Lu Ch*uan-ijn, a patriotic statesman at the close of the Manchu
regime.
Lung K'o-to, maternal uncle of Emi>cror Yung Cheng,
Lung Wu, successor to Hung Kuang, slain at FoocJiow.
Lu Yuan-ting, taotai of Shanghai under Kuang Hsfk.
Ma Skao-yL\ Ming Peace Commissioner to Manehus.
Meng Cn*UAN-CHix, a censor who impeached Po Sni,
MiEX En*, Prince Ting, nephew of Cliia Ch'ing.
Mien K'ai, tlurd son of Chia Ch'ing.
Mc Ch'ang-a, Chief Minister under Tao Kuang.
NiEH Ch'i-kuei, Provincial Judge under Tzu Hsi.
NiEN Keng-yao, ;i fumous General, ordered to cumnitt suicide
Yung Cheng.
Niso, PRISCE, rcbelicd against the Ming EiniK-ror Cheng T6.
NURHACHl, foimder of the Manchu dvnastv.
bv
Pan Suiii-Tsu, Grand Councillor under Tao Kuang.
Pao Xing, Governor-General of Hi.
Pao Tai, Resident at Lhasa under Ch'ien Lung.
Pao YDn, Grand Secretary under Tzfl Hsi.
Po Sn, Grand Sccretar}', executed by Hsien Feng.
P'u Ax, father of Na T'ung, decapitated for improper conduct whilst
serving on an examination commission.
P'u Shan, an Imperial Duke, flogged by Lung YQ"s eunuchs.
San Kuniang, Ch'ien Lung's literary courtesan.
Sues Kuei-fen, Grand Councillor during Kvmng Hsu's minority.
Sur.N I/TI'-t'ing, one of Limg VO's mniiehs.
5
PRINCIPAL PERSONS NA»IED
Shih HsC, Grand Councillor under Tzfl Hsi. afterwards chief guardian
to Emperor on Manchu downfall.
Shih K'o-fa, patriotic Grand Secretary of the Ming Emperor Hung
Kuang.
Siiou Fu, an Imperial Clansman of Kuang Hsti's party, son-in-law of
Lien Yuan.
Shun Chih, first Manchu Emperor, said to have taken vows as a bonze
and to have lived to extreme old age.
SuLiNOA» father-in-law of Ho Lin, Grand Secretar>' under Ch'ien Lung.
Sun Chia-nai, Kuang Hsti's tutor.
Sung Yun, resident at Lhasa under Ch'ien Lung.
Sun Skiu-yi, Envoy to Burmah under Ch'ien Lung.
Sun Ti-a, poet of the T'ang dynasty.
StJN Tzu-SHOU, one of Kuang Hsti*s tutors.
Sun YC-wen, Grand Coimcillor under Tzft Hsi.
Su, Phince, an anti -republican Manchu.
Su Shun, President of Board of Revenue and Grand Councillor, Imperial
Clansman and boon companion of Ilsien Feng, put to death by the
two Empress-Regents for treason, in 1861.
Tai Huno-tzC, first Cantonese to enter Grand Council, died 1910.
T'an Chiao-t'if.n-erh, the most famous actor in China under TzG Hsi.
Tag Kitano, reign title of Mien Ning, canonised as Ilsiiun Tsung, or
Distinguished Ancestor.
Teng Ch'eng-hsiu, a Puritan party man of the Reformers of 1898.
T'lEH Pao, famous scholar under Ch'ien Lung.
Tien Wen-cuing, favourite Minister of Yung Clicng.
TsAi Chen, son of Prince Ch'ing, and Envoy to the Coronation of
George V; he complained at not being given a higher precedence,
and had photographs published of himself as Crown Prince, which
he was not, and could not be.
TsAi Feng, Prince Ch'un, the ex-Regent.
TsAi HsOn, Prince Chuang, Boxer leader.
TsAi Lan, Boxer leader and brother of Prince Tuan.
TsAi Lien, son of Prince Tun, implicated in the Boxer rising,
Ts'ai Mou-te, defender of the city of Tai Yuan against Li Tzu-ch'eng,
TsAi YiNG, son of Prince Ktmg, implicated in Boxer movement.
TsAl Yuan, one of the conspiring Regents, 1861.
Ts'ao Pin-chou, tutor to Hsien Feng.
Tseng Kuo-fan, statesman and soldier who overcame tlie Taipings,
Tso Tsuno-t'ano, General and statesman under TzQ Hsi.
TuAN CR'i-Jfi, a favourite and protCgi of Yuan Shih-k*ai.
PRINCIPAL PERSONS NAJIED
ruAN Fako, Viceroy and amateur in curios, decapitated in Szcchuan
by his troops.
Tu Hst}N, eunuch who betrayed Pekinjj to Li Tzu-ch'eng.
Tun, Princk, fifth son of Tao Kuang {vide Manchu genealogical tree).
Tunc Chia, Empress, mother of K'ang Hsi.
Tung Fu-iisian'G. Boxer leader, who falsely claimed until his death
that he was obeying Jung Lu's orders in nttacking the legations.
Tunc T'u-lai, prominent Cliinese supporter of Manchu Emperor T*ai
Tsung.
Tu Shou-t'iev, tutor of Tao Kuang.
TzO Hsi, the Empress Dowager, Okl Bviddlia, or Western Empress.
Wanc Cii'eng-en, eunuch Commander-in-chief of Peking, who died
with his master, the Emperor Ch'ung Chen.
Waxg P'eno-yCn, a censor under Kuang Hsu.
Wang Wen-shao, favourite of Tzfl Hsi and somttinic Viceroy of ChitUi.
Grand Councillor under Tzd Hsi.
Was Li, reign title of Shcn Tsung, died 1620.
Wei Chitjo-hsizn, originally called Wei Chin-chung, an infamous
eunuch under the late Mings.
Weng T'unq-ho, famous scholar and tutor to Kuang Hsii, who was
dismissed by Tzii Hsi in 1898 for alleged hostility to herself.
Wxj Chao-pinc, a Canton merchant who traded with the barbarians
mider Ch'ien Lung.
Wu HsiANG, father of Wu San-kuci.
Wu HsiUNO-KL'ASG, promotcd to be Grand Councillor by Ch'ien Lung.
Wu San-kl'EI, made a Prince by the Manchus, afterwards adopted
reign title of liis own and rel3elled against them.
Vakg Hsiao-lou. palace actor under Limg V0.
Yang Hsiu-ciriNC, famous General of the Taiping rebellion.
Yang Jui-uex, a famous scholar mider Yung Cheng and Ch'ien Lung.
Yang Lien, loyal official who impeached the eunuch Wei Chung-hsien.
Yen Hsiu, Manchu President of Boanl of Ceremonies in 1880.
Yl YuAN-LU, high ofTicor who slew himself at the fall of Peking in 16tk
Yuan Chia-san, grandfather of ^'uiui Shih-k'ai.
Yuan Ch'i:ng-huan, patriotic Ming General, and anrcstor of Yuan
Shih-k'ai.
Yuan Siini-K'Ai, born in I85D of old ofiicial family. Viceroy of Chihli,
now President of the Hepublic.
YO Hsien, Manchu Governor of Sbansi who massacred the missionaries.
Yd, Prinxe (son of T'ai Tsung), Manchu Commander-in-chief at siege
of Vang Chou-fu in IGiS.
7
PRINCIPAL PERSONS NAMED
Yu Te, Grand Secretary under the Old Buddha.
YD Lu, Viceroy of Tientsin in 1900.
YUN Chih, eldest son of K'ang Hsi by a lower concubine.
Yung Cheno, son of K*ang Hsi and successor to that Monarch.
Yung Kuei, Grand Secretary under Ch'ien Lung.
Yung Li, reign title of last Ming Prince, grandson of Wan Li, who
reigned in the south from 1645 to 1659.
Yung Lo, fourth son of first Ming Kmperor, who usurped the throne
from his nephew.
INTRODUCTION
The enduring interest displayed by many readers in
the cliaracter of China's great Empress Dowager Tzu Hsi,
and the generous appreciation accorded to our work
on lier life and reign/ have prompted the belief that
tlie present work, covering a wider stretch of space
and time, should prove interesting, and of some value,
to those who desire to study the causes, immediate
and remote, of recent and current events in the Far
East. Until we undei*stand something of the main-
springs of thought and action which determine the
governance and daily Ufe of a people — something of their
atavistic memories and instincts, of their social, religious
and economic systems, it is not possible to sympathise
with them in their perils and crises of change, or to render
them the assistance wliich appreciation of their motives
and intelligent anticipation of their needs might supply.
And to see the Chinese world steadily and see it whole,
to trace cause and effect back to the deeply buried founda-
tions of their philosophy and civilisation, it is necessary
to look at things from their point of view, to hear them
speaking, amongst themselves, of many things which
the West has forgotten, but which are still part of the
very soul of the East. It is for this reason that, in the
present work, as in the hfe of Tzu Hsi, we have thought
it best to reproduce the actual form and substance of
the words in which Ciiina's Sovereigns, annalists, com-
mentators and despolch-writers have recorded the events
* Cbi»a under tfte Empress Dtncager, mid. (llfinciuann.)
9
INTRODUCTION
of contemporary history, hoping thus to create in the
mind of the European reader something of the atmosphere
in which tliey lived and moved.
The purpose of the present work is to present a faitli-
fui picture of hfe at the Court of Peking, beginning with
the period at whicli the dechne of the Ming dynasty had
definitely set in and the rise of the Manchu power had
begun—that is to say, from the middle of the sixteenth
century down to the passing of the Manchus, to the chaos
of degeneration and disruption, which obtains in China
to-day under tlie name of a Republic. We have not
attempted to construct a consecutive chronological record
of the Empire's internal history or foreign relations,
but only to present a series of impressions, taken from
hfe, serving to illustrate the personal and domestic rela-
tions of China's rulers with their Court, and of the Court
itself with the government of the country ; to trace
in these relations (vitally important under China's
patriarchal system) alternating causes of national growth
and decay; to watch, during the space of a few genera-
tions, the sowing of the seeds, and the reaping of the
harvests, of good and evil.
Our object being to reproduce as fully and as truthfully
as possible the atmosphere of the Court of Peking, through-
out the period wliich has culminated in the present
paroxysm of demoralisation, we have allowed the narra-
tives of Chinese writers to stand, as a rule, without
attempting to amend or curtail them to meet the con-
ventions of reticence imposed, in certain directions,
upon European writers. Here and there (notably in
the narrative of the sack of Yang Chou-fu) we have
thought it advisable to omit some of the worst details
of horrors inseparable from the orgies of bloodshed and
lust which mark the rise and fall of power in China. As
a whole, however, we have assumed that the student of
history prefers to see things as they ai-e, rather than as
10
INTRODUCTION
the moralist would prefer them to be ; that he can, aad
will, approach this study of Eastern life, described by
Orientals, in the same spirit of detachment, with the
same recognition of fundamental humanities and moralities,
as that with which we approach the bmUil frankness
of the Chronicles of the Kings of Israel — things written
for our learning.
There exists a small and happily diminishing class
of moralists who would rather not look upon the mirror
of history, or face the unpleasant realities of life, lest
perchance they be disturbed from their comfortable
fireside conceptions of the universe. One such there was
— ^the manager of an American agency for supplying
improving literature for the home circle — who recently
asked us for a series of articles on China and the Chinese ;
but lie stipulated, amongst other conditions calculated
to preserve the moral dignity of his subscribers, that
" they should contain no reference to concubines, secon-
dary wives or other forms of immoraUty." The present
Annals and Memoirs of the Chinese Court are no more
suitable to the libraries of these dwellers in the walled
I garden of cherished illusions than Job, fresh from his
place amongst the ashes and scraping himself with a
potsherd, would be fit company for their drawing-rooms.
Nevertheless, Job, his afflictions and philosophy, remain
to this day commonplaces of existence in the Far East,
and he who would truthfully depict the life of tliis people
must take them into account. As it was in the beginning,
so it is now; while men speak glibly of parliaments and
representative institutions, the *' stupid people " arc
" born unto trouble as the sparks fly upward," because
of an ancient social system not to be uprooted by any
philanthropic devices of the West. Within the last
few months, many a walled city of China has known once
more the abomination of desolation, has heard again
the familiar voice of Rachel mourning for her children.
11
INTHODUCTIOX
Railways, telephones, forts and ships— all the parapher-
naUa of Europe's material civilisation, have availed
nothing to save the citizens of Nanking from the hand
of the destroyers, men of their own race. As it was in
the time of the Sabeans and the Chaldeans, so it remains
to-day in the Kast; the sons of Han "are far from
safety; they arc crushed in the gate, neither is there
any to deliver them : whose harvest tlie hungry eateth
up, and taketh it even out of the thonis. and the robber
swalloweth up their substance." To these hereditary
victims of an outworn patriarchal system, the words of
Job are everyday truths. " Terrors make them afraid
on every side. Their strength is hunger-bitten, and
destruction stands ever ready at their side. The king
of terrors dwells in tlicir tabernacles and brimstone is
scattered upon tlicir habitations."
The annals and memoirs used in compiling the present
work have been selected as typically representative of
the Oriental outlook on life and dcatli, and the business
of government. We have not sought by any means to
emphasise the brutaUties, debaucheries and cruelties
of the Forbidden City; we have not looked for horrors,
nor reproduced anytliing whieli the Chinese themselves
would consider to be outside the range of common experi-
ence. We have aimed simply at reproducing from Chinese
sources a series of impressions true to life — not life as the
sentimental humanitarian prefers to imagine it, but life
as it was yesterday, and will be to-morrow, in the light
that beat upon the Dragon Throne, and in the dark
shadows behind it. To do this, we have endeavoured
to steer a middle course between the Scylla of the Chinese
chroniclers' brutal realism and the Charybdis of our
conventional and often prurient reticences.
The reader will best appreciate the historical value
and the significance of these Chinese records, who, in
studying them, is able to detach himself for u while from
12
INTUODUCTIOX
Western modes of tliought and standards of actions ;
wlio, clearing his mind of conventions and cant, endeavours
to understand the fundamental differences between the
moralities of East and West, and to weigh their results
without prejudice or passion. It is impossible, for
instance, for any one who regards polygamy as a form
of " immorality " to study Chinese history with inteUi-
gent sympathy; or even to appreciate the motives which
chiefly influence individuals and determine policies
amongst the ruling class at this moment. To get the
correct point of view, wc must, in fact, assume for the
study of China*s institutions and history the frame of
mind in which we approach the lives of the Hebraic
patriarchs and rulers; cheerfully accepting for them
customs which we, the heirs of all the ages, liavc decided
to modify or to reject. Better still if, in adopting this
attitude of detachment, we can bring ourselves to recog-
nition of the truth that the \Vestern World's convictions
and conventions concerning the moralities are neither
final nor necessarily superior, as a whole, to those of tlie
East. Beneath the cruelties and rapacities of life, the
brooding soul of the Kast preserves, with its infinite
capacity for suffering, the dignity of a philosophy and
the beauty of ideals which the West has never equalled,
and from which it has derived many of its noblest inspira-
tions and religions. Inferior to the European in many
things that make for intellectual and material progress,
the Oriental in general, and the Chinese in particular,
can eiaini superiority in this, that in remaining nearer to
nature, he has escaped the shameful hypocrisies and con-
ventional falsehoods, which play so large a part in the
social systems of the Western World. Admitted, that the
East's immemorial acceptance of polygamy, with all its
multitudinous paternity and chaotic domesticity, repre-
sents a lower ideal than that which finds expression in the
monogamous West; admitted, that, as practised by the
18
INTRODUCTION
rulers of China, it has been the cause of many and great
evils; yet, so soon as we regard the question dispassion-
ately and without reference to our own standard of con-
duct, we are compelled to admit that polygamy, with all
its evils, has preserved the Chinese from many things which
they justly condemn and despise in our social system —
from the terrible human traffic of our streets, from tiic
unsexed or superfluous woman and the militant Suffra-
gette, from the network of sordid sex problems and intrigues
which honeycomb European society and reflect themselves
in its literature and drama. The East is by tradition
and temperament tolerant, reluctant to discuss the im-
mortal Gods, and, for the rest, judging the tree by its
fruits ; willing to see good in every creed which preaches
benevolence and gentleness ; yet even the Chinese cannot
avoid comparing some of the results of Christianity's
civilisation with their own, and realising with satisfaction
that the daily records of our divorce and police courts
have no parallels in the East. And again, although we
may disagree with the principles and practice of ancestor
worship, we cannot deny that it has inculcated reverence
for parents, with definite ideals of duty, and produced
a race of women which instinctively prefers death to
dishonour. The Chinese, with no desire to argue about
worlds unseen or the road thereto, would be more than
human if they took no comfort from comparing these
results of the Confucian philosophy with those of our
European systems; if they failed to perceive the un-
deniable fact that (as de Tocqueville observed in America)
democracy affords neither time nor place for that profit-
able meditation which makes for the peace of a man's,
or a nation's, soul. In studying Chinese history it is well
to remember these things.
One of the most conspicuous results of the Chinese
educational and philosophical systems confronts us in
the family likeness impressed by classical traditions upon
14
INTRODUCTION
the seven ages of their literature. All the annalists of]
the Mings, like their forbears under the Sung d}T»asty,
and their descendants under the Manchus, use the same
stock phrases, metaphors and arguments, derived one
and all from the classical authors of antiquity. Age can
never wither, nor custom stale, the perennial \'1tality of
their venerable quotations. The more remote their
ancientry, the better do they become in the eyes of a race
of scholars who :
•'Tbotitth they wrote in all by rote,
Could never write it right.
All Chinese literature is sicklied o'er by the pale cast
of the Confucian tradition; therefore it is, that in the
Ming chroniclers of the sixteenth century, as in those of
the T'ang dynasty, we And the same set phrases, the same
artificial gestures and ready-made emotions, as we find
in the presidential mandates of Yuan Shih-k'ai to-day.
Throughout the whole course of Chinese history, events,
as recorded by the Hanlin annalist, become stereotyped
in fixed groves and rigid patterns. The Confucian
scholar sees and interprets the whole human comedy in
rigid terms of classical allusions. For him there is, indeed,
no new thing under the sun; nothing in heaven or earth,
concerning which the Four Books and the Five Classics
have not said the first and last word. In the ftfteenth
century, a somewhat similar attitude obtained amongst
the rank and file of European scholars; indeed there
is reason to believe that it survives, to this day, in certain
slumbering backwaters of our univei-sities. The mind
which lives for and by Latin odes or Greek elegiacs at
Oxford is surely the same, in its causes and effects, as that
which rejoices in the production of antithetical couplets
at Peking; fortunately for itself, however, it has to deal
with a different public. The absence of a healthy spirit
of criticism, due to the Middle Kingdom's splendid
15
LNTHODUCTION
isolation and sflf-sufticiency, gradnally evolved a typt^ of
scholariihip amongst the Chinese which displays all tlic
erudition of a Montaigne, a Bacon or a Burton, but lacks
their saving graces of huinour and humanity. Thus it
is that the mandarin scholar, century after centtiry, has
seen and describetl men and events in a dull monotone
of conventional platitudes. Borne down by the weight
of the classical tradition, all things in heaven and earth
are associated in his mind with the odes of Confucius,
the stilted periods of some Sung philosopher, or the
poems of Li Tai-po. It is not surprising, therefoi'e, that
wc find official annalists of the present day using precisely
the same expressions as those whicli were in vogue
amongst the writers of the Ming period ; or that, through-
out the dynastic annals, we find evidence of a tendency,
on the part of the chroniclers, to make history conform,
as far as possible, to the precedents established by the
old times before them.
Judged in tlic light of its aciiievements, and even of
its avowed aims, Young China stands at present condemned
of futility. With a fair field and much favour, it has failed
to seize its splendid opportunities; it has been weighed
in the balance and found wanting. But even whilst
we recognise that its shrill- voiced iconoclasm and loud
beating of imported drums present but little justification
for optimism, yet this, at least, must be placed to its credit,
that its fervour of zeal for Western learning has been,
and is, au intelligent protest— a conscious reaction^
against the petrefaction of the Confucian system, against
** the letter which killeth " ; a wholesome breeze of dawn,
stirring the dead bones in the dark valleys of Chinese
tradition. The lamp which they have lighted can
never again be extinguished; the old order must pass,
giving place to the new. It will be well for China and
for the world if, in destroying the fetters of the past, tlie
leaders of the people find grace and wisdom to seek once
19
INTRODUCTION
more the pure well of moral philosophy from which the
early sages drew their sweetness and their light.
Amongst such morals and conclusions as the reader may
draw from study of these three centuries of Chinese history,
one of the most obvious is to be found in the persistent
coincidence of periods of demoralisation in the State
with the ascendancy of eunuchs at Court. The Chinese
have always realised the truth of this matter; scholars,
historians and moralists never fail to declare that the
Empire's crisis of private corruption and public disorder,
the decline and fall of dynasties, liave been caused or
greatly hastened by the interference and intrigues of these
Court menials in affairs of State. The first Manchu
rulers perceived clearly the evils of a eunuch-ridden
Court, and took wise precautions against them. In the
fate of the Mings, the lesson was writ plain for them to
learn, adding one more to the many warnings of history
against the insidious dangers of the Court's excessive
polygamy and the atmosphere of debauchery and enerva-
tion thereby created. They could see for themselves
to what a pitiful state the Throne and Court had been
brought by the tyrannous cruelty, treachery and greed
of the eunuchs who infested the Forbidden City and
projected the " poisonous miasma " of their influence to
the farthest frontiers of the Empire. It is noteworthy
that, amongst the many emasculated Palace officials who
rose to place and power under the Mings and again under
the latter Manchus, few displayed the fidelity and the
civic virtues which seem to have distinguished those of
the Court of Babylon, or those which Herodotus attributes
to the eunuch magnates of Persia. Fidelity to the person
of the Emperor we find, indeed (though none too fre-
quently), combined with literary and histrionic talents
of a high order and great intellectual vigour; but the
history of China, during the period with which we are
dealing, produces no eunuch general or statesman com-
c 17
parable to that Ilerniias, Governor of Atarnea, to whose
nmiies Aristotle offered sacrifice and sincere reverence.
If we compare the condition of China's civil service and
military organisation of to-day with that which obtained
in the reign of Ch'ien Lung, we are compelled to seek
for specific causes to account for so complete a demoralisa-
tion of the riding caste and so swift decay of the nation's
civic and patriotic instincts. A century and a half ago,
Chinese armies, organised under the rigorous military
system of the Manchus, were steadily figliting one success-
ful war after another, thereby extending the frontiers
of the Empire and the benefits of its well-ordered adminis-
tration to independent Tartary, Thibet, Nepal, Burmah
and Sungaria. Studying the history of this great Monarch's
long reign, and that of his immediate successors, we per-
ceive that the chief cause of the swift decline and fall of
the Mancliu power, and of the consequent demoralisation
of the whole system of government, lay (as Tzu Hsi
admitted on her deatlibed) in the corruption of public
and private morals which set in, so soon as the " rats and
foxes " of the Court were permitted to interfere in affairs
of State. So long as the Palace eunuchs were kept in
the place wisely assigned to them by Shun Chih. and de-
barred from all high offices, the Court retained its virile
dignity and the public service its efficiency. The luxury,
nepotism and venality introduced during the regime of
Ch'ien Lunges favourite, the Grand Secretary, Ho Shen,
restored to the Palace eunuchs opportunities which they
had not enjoyed since the overthrow of the Ming dynasty.
Fifty years later, their ascendancy at Court was com-
pletely estabhshed. Henceforward, they were able to
exercise once more their traditional functions as the
tempters of youth, the debauchers of age, in the profound
seclusion of the Forbidden City, until gradually the Son
of Heaven on his Throne became a defenceless puppet in
their supple bloodstained hands. Steep is the ascent
18
INTRODUCTION
of Olympus, rapid the descent to Avemus ; the structural
character of a people moves onward and upward only
by slow processes of evolution, but its destruction is often
brought about by swift and direct factors of demoralisa-
tion. Seldom is this truth thrown into relief so clear as
that in which we see it against the background of China's
history, during the periods immediately preceding the
downfall of the Ming and Manchu dynasties.
10
PART I
THE MING DYNASTY
CHAPTER 1
A CHINESE HAROUN AL RASCHID
When, in 1868, Chu Yiian-chang, Buddhist priest,
administrator and ligliter, established the Ming dynasty
by lus successful rebellion against the degenerate descend-
ants of Kublai Khan, and thus shattered the last remnants
of the great Mongol Empire, he laid down certain principles
for the government of China which proved him to be a
statesman of the first order. He realised clearly that
the rulers of tlic Celestial Empire must govern rather by
moral than material force, and that the consent of the
governed will always be withdrawn from those who lack
the moral qualities which the people reverence and expect
in their rulers. During his reign and that of his illustrious
_nephew, Yung I-o, literature, education, arts, industries
and commerce were systematically encouraged, with
results that conferred great glory on the dynasty and
prosperity on the people. The founder of the great Ming
dynasty, whose throne was established by the sword,
knew that the pen is a mightier weapon against the
vicissitudes of Time— by its aid he hoped to revive a
patriotic spirit and the instincts of nationahsm, long dor-
mant in the Chinese people. He therefore reorganised the
whole system of the public service and competitive exami-
nations, revised the penal code, regulated taxation, and
introduced a national currency. More important than all,
as has since been repeatedly proved, he forbade the official
employment of eunuchs at the capital.
28
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
In subsequent chapters, dealing with the decline and
fall of the Sling dynasty, the rebellion of Li Tzii-ch*eng,
and the establishment of the Manchu power, the reader
will perceive that the Ming rulers' failure to observe this
fundamental principle of government (upon which the
great Tzu Hsi insisted as she lay dying in 1908) was
the chief cause of their final overthrow and of countless
calamities to the nation at large. It was in the year
1430, that the Emperor Hsiian Tsung, grandson of Yung
Lo, adopted the well-meant but disastrous course of
raising the status of the Palace menials, and giving them
the advantages of a first-class literary education. During
the reign of his successor, the power of the eunuchs and
their interference in affairs of State steadily increased, and
from this time the decline of the great Ming dynasty may
be said to have commenced.
Before proceeding to describe, from contemporary annals
and State papers, the dark days of anarchy and bloodshed
which preceded the subjugation of China by the Manchus,
let us narrate the following episodes from the life of the
Ming Emperor Chang Te, who reigned from 1506 to 1522.
The story is taken from a contemporary memoir, now
very scarce; it throws instructive liglit on the life and
manners of the Court of those days, before the energies of
the Mings had been sapped to the extent of making the
Emperor little better than a puppet in his gilded prison
of the Forbidden City.
The Emperor Chang Te (a reign title, meaning ** Ortho-
dox Virtue ") is described by Chinese historians as a
sensual and thriftless monarch. He may have been ; but
he would seem at least to have been superior to many
of his successors in possessing a will of his own, a sense
of humour, a taste for adventure, and other redeeming
quahties, as shown by the following incidents of his reign.
In the year 1508, the graduate-doctors of the lowest
degree, or Hanlin bachelors, were undergoing a test exami-
24
Portrait of \ lhinksk Opficlau Bv Wu T.kq-tlO [Eighth CenxuryI.
IFrpm (Jb cttUiUm of Ckvtts L. Fnsr, Bt^. at Dtinil.]
{
THE COURT OF PEKING
nation before a Commission in the Palace to qualify
for metropolitan or provincial posts. The Emperor him-
self was present and took an active part in the examination.
One of the candidates, a bachelor of the Hanlin Academy,
named Lin Chi-shih, a native of Fuhkien Province, was
addicted to the use of arbitrary or archaic forms in the
^vriting of charactei's. A\Tien the essays were handed in.
His Majesty objected to Lin's style of writing and asked
what was his a\ithority for such affectations. Lin replied
that they were archaisms. At this, the Emperor wrote
out a spurious character of his own invention and asked
him to give it a name. Lin said he did not know it,
whereupon His Majesty obser\'ed : " If one character
may be written topsy-turvy, why not another ? You
are evidently not a scholar of the standard required in
the Hanlin Academy, I order that you return to your
native place to study for three years, at the end of which
time you may come to Peking and compete again at the
examinations."
Lin thanked the Emperor and withdrew. His friends
and relations all looked upon him as a victim of Imperial
displeasure, and refused to have any further dealings with
him. Being very poor, he could not afford to pay
the cost of the journey back to Fulikien, and no official
in Peking would give him employment as tutor, owing to
his having incurred Imperial censure. He therefore pro-
ceeded to earn his livelihood by writing scrolls at a stand
in the street just outside the Ch'ien Men, the main gate
of the Tartar city, leading to the Palace.
As his writing was admirable, he attracted much atten-
tion from literary men. One day, about a year later,
the Emperor, walking about as he loved to do, incognito,
was passing the scribe's stand, when his curiosity was
aroused by the large crowd of scholars, who were pressing
round and uttering admiring comments.
Anxious to learn the cause of the commotion, the
25
M
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
Emperor made his way tlirough the crowd and observed
a young man wielding his pen with extraordinary rapidity
and skill. His caligraphy and the style of his composition
showed plainly that lie was a master of the literary language,
and the Emperor (no bad judge) was dehghted witli
liis work. He had forgotten the man's face, being at
that time completely absorbed in the charms of the
latest favourite in his harem.
So, coming nearer, he said to the writer : '* I perceive
that your caligraphy and composition are alike excellent;
why do you not compete at the examinations, instead
of wasting your talents in this humble occupation?"
lin looked up and failed to recognise His Majesty, but
perceived at once that it was no common person who thus
addressed him; so, rising from his place, he bowed low
and invited him to be seated. " My name," said he, " is
Lin : I, all unworthy, passed for the Hanlin Bachelor-
ship." The Emperor replied : " It is not fitting that a
member of so honourable a body as the Hanlin Academy
should engage in what is really a form of street hawking,*'
" At the Court examination held last year for conferring
official appointments upon Hanlin bachelors," said Lin,
"I failed to recognise a character written by His
Majesty, and was by him commanded to return home to
Fuhkien and study." " Why, then, have you disobeyed
the order and remained in the capital ? " " Because,"
said Lin, " I come of a very poor family and could not
afford to pay for my joiimey home. My present employ-
ment was the only livelihood left to me." The Emperor
asked why he did not seek a position as tutor. Lin
answered : " All the world knows that I am in disgrace,
and so no one dares engage my services." The Emperor
then said : " I will recommend you for a post as secretary
in a neighbouring province, which will at least be an
improvement on your present vocation."
Lin gratefully bowed his thanks and asked the Emperor's
26
THE COURT OF PEKING
title and address, in order that he might call and return
thanks for his kindness. " Never mind that," said His
Majesty, " wait here to-morrow for a messenger from me,"
With that he turned away. None of the spectators had
recognised him, though all were surprised at his kindness
to Lin. Next day, a eunuch from the Palace arrived
bearing a sealed yellow envelope and a hundred taels.
These he handed to Lin, saying : " Yesterday an official
personage told me to hand these to you, sir, and to direct
you to follow the instructions written on this envelope.
On no account are you to open it, lest evil befall you.
Tliis money is for your travelling expenses." The eunuch
then took his departure, leaving no name. Lin examined
the envelope and read the inscription writ large : " To
be delivered in person to the Governor of Shantung and
to be opened by him."
Lin joyfully closed his stand, hired a cart and proceeded
rith liis former servant to Chi-nan fu. At that time the
substantive post of Governor was vacant, and was tem-
porarily filled by the Treasurer. Arrived at the provincial
capital, Lin took up his quarters at an inn, changed his
clothes and proceeded with his servant to the Governor's
yamen. The Acting Governor had a high reputation as
an honest official and a strict disciplinarian; his under-
lings dared not accept bribes, so it was no easy matter
to gain access to his presence. For three days in succession
Lin tried unsuccessfully to send in his card, and at last
said reproachfully to one of the gate-keepers : " I have
a secret message from Peking wliich I must deliver in
person. Why do you obstruct me like this?" The
underling then informed the official in charge of the gate,
who ordered Lin to approach, but, on observing his
somewhat common raiment, came to the conclusion that
he was merely a suppHant for favour. Therefore he shook
his head contemptuously, saying : " My master is Acting
Governor of this proN-ince and far too busy to sec any
27
M
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
former friend of his less prosperous days. Any letter
you may have for him I will deliver; meanwhile, get you
to your lodging and wait until you hear from me." Lin
was obliged to hand him tiie yellow envelope and went
sorrowfully back to the inn.
Scarcely had he reached liis room, when the landlord
came rushing in and made obeisance before him. " I
did not recognise Your Excellency," he said, " and have
failed in respect to yoiu: attendants. I deserve to die a
thousand deaths." Indignantly Lin answered : " Why
do you mock my poverty?" The landlord was about
to explain, when a great commotion was heard outside
the inn; gongs were beaten and crackers fired. An aide-
de-camp from the Governor had arrived, attended by a large
retinue, and was kneeling reverently at the inn door. Wlien
the ceremony was completed, he rose and addressed Lin :
" The provincial Treasurer bids us invite Your Excellency
the Imperial Commissioner to proceed to his office."
Lin, completely dumbfoundered, felt as if he were
walking on air. However, he was assisted, almost by
force, into a sedan-chair borne by eight men. Preceded
by a long line of insignia bearers and followed by troops
of horsemen, he was carried into the yamen, just outside
the main hall of audience. Here, the provincial Treasurer
(that was Acting Governor) was awaiting him in ftdl dress.
Alighting from the sedan he observed an altar upon which
incense was burning ; on it lay the yellow envelope which
had been entrusted to him for delivery. The Treasurer
knelt before the altar and saluted His Sacred Majesty's
communication ; then, bowing to Lin, he said : " Will
Your Excellency the Imperial Commissioner be pleased
to read aloud the sacred decree ? " Lin opened the
envelope and read : " The Govemoi-ship of Shantimg
is at present vacant. W^E command Lin Chi-shih to act
as Governor." Realising that it was the Emperor himself
who had befriended him, he kotowed nine times in the
28
THE COURT OF PEKING
direction of the Forbidden City. Tlie Treasurer then"
came forward with liis congratulations, apologising for
not having met him at some distance from the city. So
Lin became Governor of Shantung and, as in duty bound,
drafted a memorial of thanks to His Majesty and requested
an audience. Not long after he received the Imperial
rescript : '* We saw tliat you possessed capacity and we
therefore conferred tins appointment upon you. Do your
duty diligently in all things, so as to do credit to Our
choice. In three years' time return to Peking and give
an account of your Governorship."
At the expiry of the appointed time Lin returned to the
capital and had audience with the Emperor, who said ;
** You have now acquired a literary efficiency : we
appoint you Hanlin compiler. Study three yeai-s more
at the Academy, and we shall then see what higlier
appointment you may deserve."
On another occasion, the Emperor entered the quarters
in the Palace where the Grand Secretaries were wont to
transact business after audience, and foimd all the officials
there assembled at breakfast. They rose at his entrance,
and the Emperor said : " Come all of you to my private
apartments, after you have finished, that we may talk."
In due course they joined His Majesty, who bade them be
seated. " You have all been eating rice," said he ; " do
you know anytliing about the method of its cultivation
and the difficulty of producing a crop ? Before I succeeded
to the Throne, 1 used to fancy that cereals were produced
like weeds, that they grew of themselves without any
trouble being bestowed on them. However, now that I
often roam about the country and have seen with my own
eyes the hardships which the peasants endure, I realise
the truth of the old saying : * Every grain of the rice
on your plate is won by the sweat of the brow.' You,
ray ministers, come from various parts of the Empire,
29
—I
J
ANNALS AND ^iEMOIRS OF
txnd the customs of North and South differ greatly. I
desire now to extend my knowledge, and I tlierefore request
that each of you will state fully for my information the
methods of sowing, weeding and har\^esting rice in your
respective parts of the Empire." It so happened that
most of the Ministers of the day had begun life as farmers*
sons and peasants, so they were able to supply the Emperor
with the information he desired. But there was one
president of a Board, by name Chang Cliin, of an ancient
and aristocratic family, who was quite ignorant of the
subject. To him His Majesty scornfully said ; " How
can you perform the functions of your office if you are
so grossly ignorant aboiit the production of the very food
you eat? Can you possibly attend to the daily business
of your Board without committing some serious blunder
or dereliction of duty ? "
The President was so much alarmed that he could only
kotow, and then in his confusion he mumbled : " I am
Chief of the Ministry of Civil Appointments ; this morning
I attended office, and the last business we dealt with was
the filling of a vacancy in Kiangsu Province for the post
of Deputy Assistant District Magistrate {the lowest post
in the Empire carrying official rank). My ministry has
the right to nominate for this post on this occasion, as on
the last occasion the Governor of the Province conferred
the appointment." *
His Majesty roared with laughter : " Is this wretched
piece of routine business all you can cite in answer to my
question?" With that he shook his sleeve, dismissing
the ministers. The President's colleagues asked him why
he had made such a stupid reply. " I was so greatly
bewildered." said he, " that my mind refused to think of
anything else."
* Posts below a ccrtoin rank in the provinces are filled alternately
on the invitation of the Peking Ministry and of the provincial
authorities.
80
THE COURT OF PEKING
A few days later a decree was issued : ** The post of
Deputy Assistant District Magistrate at T*ai-hu in Kiangsu
is hereby given to President Chang Chin ! " On reading
the decree he was greatly distressed. Turning to his
colleagues, he said : " Wliat can it mean and what shall
I do? The lowest post in the official list is given me;
naturally 1 must proceed to take up my new duties, but
would it be right for me to ask for a farewell audience
before leaving Peking? " His colleagues, greatly tickled
at the Imperial jest, repUed : " Wliat right has an official
of the lowest rank to demand an audience? All you can
do is to prostrate yourself at the Gate of Mid-day,* and
thank His Majesty. There they will give you the warrant
authorising you to take over the post. But as the decree
says nothing about your being cashiered or reduced in
rank, you will have to go on wearing your first-class button
and official robes."
On arrival at the provincial capital, he found the Gover-
nor and all the local oilicials awaiting to greet him in the
suburbs as a mark of respect. But he begged tliem to
desist and go home, while he proceeded on foot to pay his
respects to the various officials, presenting to each his
visiting card, drawn up in the humblest form like that of a
petitioner. This made all the officials rather uncomfort-
able, as he was superior in rank to them all, so they begged
him to remain in residence at the provincial capital and
not to trouble about taking up his post. He replied :
*' How dare I disobey the Imperial mandate ? I shall
proceed thither on the first auspicious day." Thereupon
the Prefeet and Magistrate of T'ai-hu decided in all haste
to decorate and alter his official residence, so as to make it
resemble as closely as possible, and so far as size would
allow, the yamen of a governor. Outside they mustered
a great number of lictors and rumiers, Avith a forest of
^ The southern gate of the Forbidden City,
81
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
insignia and bands of musicians, and they placed chevatix
de jrise in front of the main entrance.
On his arrival, the President-Magistrate observed that
his new residence was surrounded on three sides by rice-
Helds, and thus it came to him that His Majesty desired
him to leam by practical experience the hardships of a
farmer's life. So he dismissed all his underlings and
retinue, and thereafter made it his daily business to go,
simply dressed, amongst the people, visiting the adjoining
villages and chatting with the elders concerning the
condition of the peasantry. He made careful study of
their grievances, and took note of wrongs that might
be put right. Five years he lived amongst them, acting
as mediator and arbitrator in their disputes, so that he
earned the respect of all men and their goodwill.
When, in 1519, Prince Ning, a kinsman of the Emperor,
rebelled, His Majesty came South in person to chastise
him, and arrived in due course at Soochow, the provincial
capital of Kiangsu Province. The ex-President, hearing
of his impending arrival, hurried to Soochow and said to
the Governor : " I who have held one of the highest posts
in the Empire am in duty bound to wait upon His Majesty
when he arrives here, but ofiicial etiquette forbids that
one who holds so humble a post as that of Deputy Assist-
ant District Magistrate should proceed to the provincial
capital and absent himself from his duties. What do you
advise me to do? "
The Governor and his colleagues replied : " As regards
official duties you are, it is true, our suboi*dinate, but in
rank you are our superior. You should, therefore, go to
meet His Majesty, wearing your robes and insignia of the
highest rank, but you should take up a position in our
rear." To this the President agreed. As the Imperial
cortege drew near. His Majesty, who was on horseback,
recognised him from a distance, and bade him approach.
" Do you now understand," said he, ** the hardships of a
d2
THE COURT OF PEKING
farmer's life ? " The President kotowed and thanked the
Emperor for the lesson he had given him. His Majesty
bade him join the Imperial party at the travelling lodge,
and there questioned him concerning the fulfilment of
his charge. The President gave him full details of the
various reforms he had initiated, which so pleased His
Majesty that he promoted him to a rank even higher
tlian that which he had previously enjoyed, namely, to be
Assistant Grand Secretary.
During this same expedition against Prince Ning, while
the Imperial barge was moored one day at Ch'ing-ho on
the Grand Canal, in Kiangsu, His Majesty went incognito
and afoot to an adjacent teashop, desiring to hear some-
tliing of the local gossip. As he sat there, he heard many
grievous complaints concerning the squeezing and bare-
faced robbery which travellers were suffering at the hands
of certain military officers and their underlings. Every
boat passing up and down the canal at this point, whether
laden with merchandise or personal baggage, was liable
to detention imtil it paid their extortionate charges, and
if the " squeeze " was not promptly forthcoming, all the
(contents of the boat were confiscated and the boat itself
often smashed to pieces. Travellers and traders were
loud in their helpless wrath at this state of affairs, and
many expressed their hope that the rebel prince would
'defeat the Imperialist forces, for any change must be for
the better.
The Emperor made up his mind to look into these
matters for himself, so he bought a small boat, dressed
himself as a trader, and with only one body-servant and
a young eunuch, proceeded down the canal. On reaching
the Customs station which hes outside the important
city of Yang Chou-fu, close to the Yangtsze, the Emperor
saw hundreds of boats drawn up in rows, which were being
searched by the river poUce and petty Customs officers,
o 88
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
Targe Customs barge was moored to the bank where the
tolls were fixed and protests heard. From each boat
heavy payment was being exacted in the name of the
Fjinperor and ostensibly for the purpose of providing funds
to suppress the rebellion. All the merchants meekly paid
"squeeze" to the underlings, who were rapidly making
their fortunes. When the time came for the Emperor's
boat to be searched, His Majesty lay prone in the stern
and when summoned to rise paid no attention. The
runners, therefore, seized him roughly and brought him to
the Customs barge, where he saw an official in full robes
surrounded by lictors and seated at a table, as if he were
presiding at a court. As the Emperor approached, this
official began angrily to upbraid him : " What manner of
man are you who dare interfere with His Majesty's ser-
vants in the execution of their duty ? Has the law no
terrors for you ? do you not fear the heavier bamboo? "
At this the Emperor smiled contemptuously, so the official
bade his lictors strip him and apply the hca\^ bamboo
to his person. Happily His Majesty's body-servant was
a particularly lusty fellow, and he succeeded in putting
fear into the myrmidons for the time being, so that the
Emperor suffered no insult. But the official grew angrier
than ever. He shouted : " This is evidently some notori-
ous river pirate or cut-throat. Go and arrest his boatman."
They did so, and flogged him cnielly to make him confess
that he knew the Emperor to be a robber.
Meanwhile, His Majesty had drawn fmm his breast a
tablet of jade and told the eunuch to take it to the Lieu-
tenant-Governor of the province (who at that time resided
at Yang Chou) and bid him come quickly. Very soon, in
obedience to the Imperial command, the Governor came
hurrying up in a panic of nervous fear. On seeing him
approach, the Customs official knelt at the gangway to
receive him, and was just beginning to tell him how he had
captured a notorious pirate, when the Governor perceived
84
THE COURT OF PEKING
the Emperor standing near the main mast. Reverently
he fell upon his knees, and prostrated himself in the dust,
imploring forgiveness.
The Emperor remained silent, but made signs to his
body-servant to remove the offending official's hat and
button. These he presented to the boatman, who thus
attained to official rank. Said he : *' This hat is to com-
pensate you for the pain you Iiave suffered." Next he
ordered that the official be arrested and made to disgorge
his ill-gotten gains, after which he was duly decapitated.
All the higher officials of the town were punished for liaving
failed to put a stop to these exactions, and from this time
forward the boats of travellers were allowed to pass in peace.
On the last night of the year after the Emperor's return
to Peking from the expedition against Prince Ning, he
left the Forbidden City to make a round of the various
government offices, for he knew that they would then be
practically deserted, as the officials would be seeing the old
year out at their own homes. But when he reached the
Board of Appointments (Li pu) he heard sounds of cheerful
song proceeding from the main hall, as if a large party of
revellers were gathered together. The song was of the
South.
The Emperor entered and, to his tistonishment, found
only one petty official, who was singing to himself, with a
plate of meat before him and a wine-kettle. This man rose
as the visitor entered, and politely offering him a seat,
proffered a cup of wine. The Emperor asked him :
"■ AVhat is your official rank and why are you here all
alone? " He replied : " I am a native of Chekiang and
am on duty at this Board as a clerk. The seals being
locked up for the New Year holiday, all the officials are
away at their homes, drinking and feasting with their
famihes. 1 thought it wrong and dangerous that such a
mass of official documents and archives should remain
85
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
unguarded, so I have remained here on watch and will
not desert my post." The Monarch said : " Very good. I
shall see you to-morrow." With that he departed, the
clerk attended him to the door, and then resumed his
solitary vigil.
Next morning, when the whole Court and tlie chief
metropolitan ofiicials proceeded to the main Palace hall
to offer their New Year congratulations, the Emperor
turned to the President of the Board of Appointments
(the same man who had just returned from learning the
hardships of a farmer's life in the T'ai hu magistracy),
and asked : " What is the name of the clerk who was on
watch at your Board last night? Let him attend our
audience at once."
The President promptly dispatched a Board secretary
to command the clerk's presence. So he came to the
Throne Hall, and after making the nine obeisances, looked
up and perceived in the Emperor his guest of the previous
evening. He trembled all over, but His Majesty reassured
him. ** Be not alarmed. Your diligent performance of
duty and faithfulness to the trust imposed upon you, are
worthy of the highest praise. What is the highest pro-
motion to which you would be entitled at the end of your
present term of office ? " The clerk answered : " If my
conduct has been blameless for five years and no black
marks are recorded against me, the most I could expect
would be to be eligible for selection as an official of the
secondary ninth rank." ^ His Majesty said : " What post
do you covet ? " ** What your unworthy servant covets
is the post of Deputy Assistant District Magistrate at
T'ai hu in Kiangsu, because it has been temporarily held
of late by the President of my Board. It would be an
extraordinary honour to obtain it, because recent events
have caused it to loom large in the public eye. But as my
^ This is the lowest rank entitling the holder to be classed as an
" official."
THE COLTRT OF PEKING
time of duty at my present post is still unexpired, it would
be contraTy to precedent."
His Majesty smiled : " If we command you to proceed,
what has precedent to do with the case ? " The clerk,
overcome with joy, exclaimed : " Wan Sui I " (Ten thousand
years) " May Your Majesty live for ever ! " So the Emperor
bade the President prepare the necessary papers and
arrange for the clerk's immediate departure to take up
his new post.
In 1517, the Emperor, whose eccentricities and excur-
sions were the despair of the Court, took it upon himself to
proceed incognito to Hsiian-Hua fu (about 120 miles
north of Peking). The fairest damsel in that city was
"Sister Phcenix," then in her seventeenth year; she was
the daughter of a wine-distiller named Li, and she kept
his shop. One day, when her father was out, the Emperor,
passing by on one of his walks, observed her dazzling
and queenly beauty. At the charm of a glance, sufficient
of itself to overthrow a kingdom, His Majesty felt as if
he were losing control of his senses. He entered and called
for wine. The maiden brought it, and the Emperor,
supposing her to be an ordinary courtesan, seized her in
his arms and bore her to the inner chamber. She was
shouting for help, when His Majesty placed his hand over
her mouth and said : ** We are the Son of Heaven. Trust
yourself to Us, and wealth and power are yours from this
day forward."
Now it so happened that Sister Phanix had recently
dreamed more than once that she was changed into a
white pearl and carried off by a divine dragon. But
there the dream had always stopped. She now under-
stood its meaning, and believing the Emperor's word,
suhmitted to his august wishes. His Majesty was en-
raptured to know that she was no courtesan, but a
pure maiden.
87
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
c
len, in response to her first cry for help, her father
liad come upon the scene, he found the door fast bolted,
and as her cries had ceased he believed that his beloved
daughter had been tlie victim of a cruel outrage. He ran,
therefore, to summon the guard; but as they came
rushing up the Kmperor opened the door and came out.
He revealed his identity to the excited Li, whereupon
all present made humble obeisance. His Majesty then
bade tliem conduct Sister Phcenix to the quarters
occupied by his concubines. To her father he gave a
thousand ounces of gold and raised him to the rank of
a high official. It was his wish to bestow upon Sister
Phcenix the rank of an Imperial Concubine of the second
grade, were she so inclined. Humbly she declined the
honour. " Your maidservant," said she, " has but a
little measure of good fortune to expect : she is not long
for this world. Were I to accept the rank which Your
Majesty's divine goodness w^ould bestow upon me, it
would hasten my death. Have I not had the im-
measurable honour of finding favour in the sight of the
* World Honoured One ' ? Is not that a sufficient reward
for my humble merits? In all humility I would beseech
Your Majesty to consider your duty to your people and
to return speedily to the capital. By so doing you will
give me far greater happiness than by conferring honours
upon me."
The Emperor realised that her simple peasant*s attire
served only to enhance her radiant beauty, and so he did
not urge her to exchange it for the robes of a concubine.
She was ever at his side in those days, serving him at table
and sharing his couch. But she never ceased to beg him
to return to Peking, and at last, won by her gentle
entreaties, he consented to fix the day for his departure.
Sister Phcenix travelled by his side until the cortege
reached the Great Wall (forty miles from Peking), Here
a terrible storm broke upon tliem, and the party took
88
THE COURT OF PEKING
shelter at a house just inside the gate of Chii-Yung kuan.
Suddenly Sister Phoenix saw that the images of the Four
Heavenly Kings, or Defenders of Buddhism, which stand
guarding the entrance, seemed to be endowed witli Hfe,
and that they turned angry glances in her direction. At
the sight she fainted and fell to the ground. Gently the
Emperor raised her and had her borne to a temple outside
the barrier. He watched by her bedside until she re-
covered consciousness, when she said : " Your handmaid
knew full well that she was not destined long to enjoy the
sweets of life, or to wait upon Your Majesty in the For-
bidden City. Let me now leave you and return to my
home." The Emperor answered : " I cannot grant
that prayer, for I would rather abandon my Empire
than be deprived of your sweet and gracious person."
Sadly she gazed at him, and then, with a deep sigh,
expired.
His Majesty mourned long and deeply over the death
of his favourite, and conmianded that she be buried with
Imperial honours at the summit of the pass. So they
built a huge mound of yellow earth over her tomb, but, to
the amazement of all, in one night the yellow earth became
white; so powerful her virtuous will, even after death.
The Emperor pondered long over her advice concerning
his duty to attend to State affairs. Said he : " If even a
maiden could realise the responsibility of the head of the
State towards his people, surely I should profit by her
advice." With that he returned straightway to Peking.
The historians record tliat the Emperor had paid no heed
to the repeated entreaties of liis officials, that he should
be pleased t* lca\'e Hsiian-Hua and resume his place at
the capital : how strange, they say, that a humble peasant
girl should have been able to persuade him to return to
the fjath of duty ! Is it not an example of what the
Canon of History calls " The softness of the feminine
nature overcoming a strong man's will " ?
89
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
In the year 1508 the triennial autumn examination
took place in Peking for the Masters' degree. As usual,
thousands of scholars from all parts of the provinces had
assembled in the metropolis. The soothsayers and fortune-
tellers were all busily plying their trade in booths just
outside the Ch'ien Men ; one of them attracted particular
attention by proclaiming, in a well- written notice exhibited
outside his booth, that he challenged comparison with the
most famous magicians known to history. He boasted
that he could tell at once the rank and antecedents of
any official who might come to him incognito, and that he
had never made a mistake. As the days went by his
fame increased, and there was always a crowd around his
booth. Soon His Majesty came to hear of him, and
passing by his booth one day, joined the crowd and watched
him at his trade. The time was 11 a.m. on the 8th day
of the 8th moon. Suddenly there was noise and com-
motion. The crowd swayed and parted, and through it
there came rushing a scholar who seized hold of the fortune-
teller and shouted : '* You have ruined my career for good
and all. Either you or I shall die for it." The spectators
tried to separate the combatants, but without success.
The Emperor motioned to his attendant, a man of power-
ful physique, to separate them, and proceeded to inquire
what all the excitement was about.
The soothsayer replied : " A few days ago this man
came here to consult me with regard to his prospects in
the impending examination, and I promised that he would
win the first place. Now, having failed to take his place
in the examination hall, he comes here forsooth and blames
me for his own unpunetuality. Much learning has made
him mad."
At this, the scholar broke in and said : " Because you
foretold that I should come out at the head of the list, my
friends gave me a banquet, at which I became very drunk.
When at last my servant managed to arouse me, I got up
40
THE COURT OF PEKING
nd hurried to the examination hall, but the gates were^
already barred.* Did you ever hear of a non-competitor
coming out at the head of the list ? Are you not, then, the
sole cause of my undoing ? "
The two men continued loudly disputing, until the
Emperor said to the soothsayer : " Cease your brawUng !
Supposing I get this scholar admitted to the examination
hall and he fails to come out at the head of the hst, to what
punishment will you submit ? "
The soothsayer replied : " You may gouge out one eye."
"All right," said the Emperor, "that's a bargain." He
then took up pen and paper from the table, wrote a few
words, and sealed the document with a small seal which
he wore at his girdle. He then bade his attendant go
with the scholar and deliver the paper. To the sooth-
sayer he said, " Farewell : I shall return in a fortnight
to prove your words ." The soothsayer guessed that
it was the Emperor, and promptly folded his tent and
departed.
Meantinie, the attendant and the scholar proceeded
to the examination hall, some two miles away. The Im-
perial messenger then commanded the drums to be beaten,
as a signal that he was the bearer of a decree from His
Sacred Majesty. The seals upon the gates were speedily
removed and the locks opened, whereupon the officials
on duty outside the hall sounded a gong. This brought
an usher from within, wlio escorted the attendant and the
scholar up to the main hall, where the Imperial examiners
were seated. As the Imperial messenger approached
they all knelt : he strode to the dais and there, facing
South, read the decree. Having done so he left to report
the fulfilment of liis mission.
A censor and an inspector then conducted the scholar
' A competitor was excluded from participation once the gates
had been closed, as they could not be rcKipencd until after the
exnmination.
41
m
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
to one of the vacant cells. Examiners and candidates
alike marvelled that the Emperor should thus send a
proUge of his to take part in the examination. Naturally,
the chief examiners paid particular attention to his papers,
and finding that his composition was quite good and his
principles sound, they said one to another : " This candi-
date having been specially recommended by the present
occupant of the Throne, it would be disrespectful to His
Majesty if we were to place any other name ahead of his on
the class lists." So they passed him at the top of his year,
and in reporting the fact to the Emperor, warmly praised
the excellence of his style and his exceptional gifts. They
seized the occasion to congratulate the Emperor on being
so good a judge of talent.
The Emperor laughed loudly : " Tliis is surely Fate,"
said he. As a matter of fact he had originally intended
that the scholar should be ploughed, in order that he
might triumph over the soothsayer, but, as luck would
have it, he had been so much engrossed in dalliance with
the latest favourite of his hareraj that the whole tiling had
escaped his memor\% and he had forgotten to send word to
the chief examiner. Now that tlie scholar had come out
at the head of the list, he was deeply impressed with tlie
soothsayer's prophetic skill and desired to engage his
services for the Court. So, after sending messengers in
vain, he set out in state, at the head of a large retinue, to
look for him ; but the soothsayer had vanished and was
never seen again.
Early one spring morning, the Emperor had just left
the harem, and was taking a drive in the city before holding
his daily audience in the Palace, when he met a bridal
procession on its Avay to the bridegroom's house. The
insignia were borne by an army of attendants, and the
magnificence of the equipages and of the escort showed that
the bridegroom was of a distinguished family. Much
THE COURT OF PEKING
impressed, the Emperor stopped his cart and, standing by
the roadside, watched the long cavalcade go by. Just as
the bride*s chair drew near, he saw a black giant, twenty
feet high, standing in front of it as if to bar her way. His
features were cruel and repulsive in the extreme; he was
clad in armour and wielded a huge club. Insolently he
stood there, until suddenly he perceived the Emperor,
when he seemed to hesitate, and finally hurried away to
the head of the cortege. The Emperor's cart-driver
had seen nothing of this monstrous apparition. Greatly
wondering. His Majesty bade the man drive on, following
in rear of the procession, until they came to the bride-
>om's house, which he perceived to be the stately mansion
of some ancient and respected family. The Emperor
alighted and went in towards the main hall. The black
giant had preceded the bride's chair and was standing
in the courtyard, but when he saw the Son of Heaven
approach, he covered his face and vanished. His Majesty
then remembered that this particular day was unlucky,
owing to the power therein of the Spirit of Disaster; no
doubt it was this spirit which had so strangely crossed his
path. He thought tliat wlioever had chosen such an
unlucky day for a marriage was greatly to blame, and
determined to find out who was responsible for so
disastrous a selection.
So he waited, while the bride descended from her chair
and the newly wedded pair made obeisance to heaven and
earth in the inner chamber. After the bride had been
duly conducted to the nuptial apartment the banquet was
served, and the host came forward to invite the wedding
guests to take their seats. In all sixteen tables were
prepared, and the guests sat down in their order of seniority
and precedence. The host could see that the Emperor
was no ordinary visitor, so invited him to the seat of honour
at the central table, and himself came and sat beside him.
As he did so, his hmbs trembled as if he were in the
48
I
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
presence of some divine being; he dared not even ask his
guest's honourable name.
The Emperor asked him who the person was who had
selected this day for the w^edding. The host pointed to
a venerable man at the second table, and said : " He was
formerly a director at the Court, of Astronomy, now
retired. He is a past master of his art ; any family wishing
to fix a date for an auspicious event invarialily secures
his services. He has never yet been known to fail.'*
" Ask him to come here," said the Emperor, who thus
addressed the astrologer : " I am told that you are an
expert in selecting auspicious days. What made you
invoke disaster to-day by your cabalistic arts?" The
old man repHed : *' Not so : it is quite true that between
the liours of three and five this morning the black Spirit of
Disaster, the so-called * Ruler of the Evil Stars,' was due
to descend into the world, but at the same hour the
Fortunate Star of Good Omen was also destined to appear
among mortals. His benign influence routed the forces
of evil, and has made the occasion auspicious in the extreme.
So far from portending ruin, the event is the harbinger
of much future prosperity."
The Emperor could tliink of no way of refuting his
words, so he said : '* I have just composed the first verse
of an antithetical couplet; if you can supply me with the
second half, matching mine exactly, I will forgive you the
punishment which you deserve, if only for bandying
words so plausibly. Here is my verse :
"The ruler of the evil stars hath encounlercd the ruler oC all mortal
men."
The old man asked to be excused on the plea of his great
age and failing faculties. " Will you permit the bride-
groom to try his skill in my stead ? " The Emperor
agreed, so the bridegroom was summoned. On hearing
the first verse, he replied without a moment's hesitation :
44
THE COURT OF PEKING
•• The bright Star of Good Omen * has shone upon the fortunate bride-
groom ! "
The Emperor was delighted at the prompt and fitting
antithesis and said to the assembled company : *' Some
day he will become a doctor of the HanHn Academy."
The old man then bade the bridegroom prostrate himself
on the ground and thank His Majesty, who, seeing that
his identity had been discovered, mounted his carriage and
departed.
The bridegroom had already attained his Master's
degree; after passing the next year for the doctorate, he
attended at Court, together with the other successful
competitors, to be presented. The Emperor recognised
him, and appointed him to be a HanUn compiler, saying :
'* We were an intruder at your wedding banquet : this,
though belated, is Our wedding present."
' The star thus named is often used as a figurative appellation of the
Son of Heaven,
45
CHAPTER II
AN INFAMOUS EUNUCH
Readers of China under the Empress Dowager may
remember how, when the great Tzu Hsi lay dying, the
watchers by her bedside asked her, in accordance with
ancient custom, to pronounce her last words. " Never
again," she said, " allow any woman to hold the supreme
power in the State. It is against the house-law of our
dynasty and should be strictly forbidden. Be careful
not to allow eunuchs to meddle in Government matters.
The Ming dynasty was brought to ruin by eunuchs, and
its fate should be a warning to my people."
Tzu Hsi knew well the law, though she observed it not
herself. She was deeply read in the history of China, but
in the matter of the eunuchs' power at Court, she failed
to benefit by its teaching. Although her edicts fre-
quently denounced the corrupt and demoralising influence
of the " rats and foxes '* wlio infested her Palace, de-
scribing them as " fawning sycophants " and " artful
minions," against whom the Throne must ever be sternly
vigilant, she nevertheless allowed her favourites, An
Te-hai and Li Lien-ying, to wield an authority only little
inferior to her own. She knew that, not only under the
Mings but under the Han and Tang dynasties, the authority
of the Sovereign had been usurped and degraded by these
myrmidons, to the ruin of tlie State. Yet she took no
steps to rid her own Court of evils which all her best
advisers denounced and which, under her successor, Lung
4re
THE COURT OF PEKING
Yii, became no small factor in the final decline and fall]
of the Manchu power.
\Vhcn Tzu Ilsi spoke of the ruin of the Ming dynasty
by the eunuchs, she had in mind the history of the Emperor
Wan Li and his three successors, the last of the Mings,
and that of the infamous Chief Eunuch Wei Chung-hsien,
whose memory is universally execrated to this day by
the Chinese people. The tale of this foul creature's evil
deeds and of the calamities which he brought upon the
Tlirone and people of China, slieds no little light on the
dark places of life in the Forbidden City, where, beneath
the dignities and splendours prescribed by venerable
tradition, lie grim shadows of death-dealing intrigue, of
cold-blooded cruelty and lust and greed; where, close to
the polished surface of Sacred Edicts and Confucian
philosophy, lurk tlie elemental passions and insatiable
ambitions of Oriental despotism. The life story of Wei
Chung-hsien reveals the seamy side of China's imperial
tapestry of state-craft. It serves to remind us, firstly,
that it is the human equation, the impulses and instincts
of dominant individuals which, far more than any theories
of government, shape the destinies of peoples; secondly,
that the human equation, predetermined in its essentials
by climatic and economic environment, remains unchanged,
and to a great extent unchangeable, beneath the surface
of national life.
The Emperor Wan Li ascended the Throne in 1578 as
a child, and being educated under the influence of the
women and eunuchs of the Palace, remained under that
influence all his days. During the last twenty years of
his reign he refused to transact affairs of State through
the proper officials, conducting all the business of Govern-
ment through his principal eunuchs, and through the
Imperial Concubine Cheng, who was the mother of his
favourite son. Prince Fu.
Wan Li*s eldest son, Ch'ang Lo, was a Prince of high
47
J
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
L
promise, of strong and virtuous disposition, but the evil
influence of Lady Cheng and the eunuchs poisoned the
Emperor's mind against him, so tliat the two rarely saw
each other. Eventually, in 1615, when Ch'ang Lo was
thirty-four years of age, the Lady Cheng, desiring to
secure the succession for her dissolute son. Prince Fu,
conspired with her brother Cheng Kuo-tai and two
eunuchs, named Pang Pao and Liu Ch'eng, to have the
Heir Apparent murdered. Their plans were laid with
great care and subtlety, but they failed, owing to the
stupidity of their hired assassins and to the courage of
Ch'ang Lo's personal attendants. This attempt on the
life of the Heir Apparent created a profound impression
on the public mind, not only at Peking but in the pro-
vinces; it revealed to the nation the true state of affairs
in the Palace, and laid the foundations of that distrust
and disrespect for the dynasty which were subsequently
manifested in Li Tzu-ch'eng's rebellion. Shortly before
sunset of an evening in June 1615, a man, armed with a
stout cudgel of jujube wood, forced his way into the
residence of the Heir Apparent, the Palace of Benevolent
Blessings, and having felled the eunuch on guard at the
outer door, made his way to Ch*ang Lo's private apart-
ments; but there, hesitating, he was overpowered and
disarmed. Cast into prison, at first he feigned madness,
but subsequently attempted to explain his action. His
name, he said, was Chang Ch'ai, and he lived in a small
village not far from the Imperial Eastern Mausolea. The
Lady Cheng had sent some of her eunuchs to build a shrine
near to the tombs, and these men had made a brick kiln
there, close by a pile of brushwood which he had collected
for fuel. Some one had set fire to the brushwood. En-
raged at the loss, he had come to Peking to lodge a com-
plaint at the Palace, and on entering the Forbidden City
had met a man who told him that he must carry a cudgel
as a sign that he was bearing a petition. On reaching
THE COURT OF PEKING
the Heir Apparent's residence he had been angered by
the eunuch, but meant no harm to the Prince.
Complying with the Heir Apparent's request, the
Emperor ordered a formal inquiry into the case. The
officials entrusted with the examination of the prisoner,
shrewdly suspecting that the Lady Cheng and her brother
were at the bottom of the affair, endeavoured to hush it
up and to treat it as the work of a lunatic. One member
of the Court of Inquiry refused, however, to agree with
the rest, who wished to have Chang Ch'ai beheaded with-
out further ado. He insisted on a thorough investigation,
and examined the prisoner in private. Eventually a con-
fession was extracted; the attempt at murder had been
instigated by one of the eunuchs, with promise of rich
reward.
This evidence being reported to the Court, a new
Commission was appointed, which, after applying torture,
elicited a further confession. The instigators of the crime
were declared to be the eunuch Pang Pao and another
named Liu Cli^eng, both henchmen of the Lady Cheng.
Chang admitted that he had been in their pay for three
years, and that they liad told him if he succeeded in killing
the Prince he should never want for meat and drink.
At this stage of the case public indignation began to
be displayed in the capital, and a Censor was emboldened
to accuse the Lady Cheng's brother of connivance in the
crinie. In a plain-spoken memorial he urged that the
Emperor should order the immediate arrest of the two
men named by the prisoner and, if implicated, the Imperial
Concubine's brother; and it would be her duty to request
the Emperor to have him decapitated. If the prisoner
Chang were now put out of the way, and the case hushed
up, the world would know that the Lady Cheng and her
brother were guilty.
The Emperor was greatly disturbed by this memorial.
Being himself of a lazily gentle disposition, he had no
£ 49
J
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
conception of the depths of cruelty and villainy about
him, and would have wished to avoid the further inquiries
that threatened to involve the good name of his favourite
consort. But the officials and Censorate continued to
urge that the case must be thoroughly investigated; the
city was in a ferment of excitement, and the Palace gates
were closed. A Censor now asked that the market days
of the Forbidden City should be temporarily suspended,
and that a strict watch of police be maintained at the
Palace gates, to guard against further attacks. The
Court declined to close the market, but ordered that for
the time being no metal utensils or weapons be sold
therein.^
At this jimcture, the Grand Secretary Fang Tsung-clie
intervened, and bluntly warned the Emperor that any
further hesitation in regard to the open trial of Chang
Ch'ai could not fail to produce a bad impression and
probably dangerous consequences. He reminded the
Sovereign that one of the conspirators, Liu Ch'eng, had
already been accused of witchcraft against His Majesty.
Wan Li was so greatly impressed by this, that he turned
against his favourite concubine and angrily bade her
*' look out for herself." Terrified at the turn affairs were
taking, the Lady Cheng sought out the Heir Apparent and
begged his forgiveness and help. The Prince magnani-
mously forgave her.
On the following morning, His Majesty went to the
Heir Apparent's Palace and held an audience of the entire
Court. Li the presence of all, he took his son by the
hand and said : " You all see this dutiful son of mine.
Know that 1 love him dearly. Had I intended to kill
him, I should have done so long ago. Why do you all
try to create discord between father and son? " Then
* Under the Ming dynably, Uie gates of the Palace were always
opened on these bo-called niarket-days, to allow of the removal of
refuse acLiuuiulatcU la the Furbiddeo City.
50
THE COURT OF PEKING
lie called the Chamberlain to summon the Heir Apparent's
three sons, who were conducted to the dais by the
Eniperor*s side. He bade the Court look well at them.
" These three grandsons of mine are now grown lads,"
he exclaimed; "what nonsense is this that you talk?"
He asked Ch'ang Lo whether there was anything he wished
to say : '* Tell me the whole truth and conceal nought.*'
The Heir replied : " This wretched lunatic Chang Ch'ai
ought to be put to death at once, and so let the matter
end." Then, turning to the Court, the Prince went on :
'* All of you can see the affection wliich exists between my
father and me. These nonsensical rumours which you have
been spreading make you to appear as disloyal Ministers
and me as an unfeeling son." Wan Li called out : ** Do
you hear what the Prince has said? " He repeated these
words thrice, and the whole Court made obeisance.
Next day the wretched Chang Ch'ai was decapitated
ind, at the intercession of Ch*ang Lo, the instigators of
lis crime were pardoned. Dearly was the magnanimous
[Prince to pay for this act of short-sighted clemency. For
le time being, the eunuchs conspired no more against his
'life, content with the power they enjoyed under his father;
but their enmity against him brooded, biding its time, in
the daik places of the Forbidden City.
In 1620, Wan Li lay upon his death-bed, but by order
lof the Lady Cheng his Ministers of State and the Heir
[Apparent were not permitted to enter the Presence. Once
pmore rumour Hew, trumpet-tongued, through Peking, and
a brave Censor, named Yang Lien, urged the Grand
Secretaries to do their duty and to insist upon admission.
The Grand Secretary Fang, after much persuasion, pro-
ceeded, at tlie head of his colleagues, to the Emperor's
bedchamber. His Majesty was evidently moribund.
I Yang Lien and another honest Censor, Tso Kuang-tou,
[seeing this, insisted that the Heir Apparent, who was
[aaxiously waiting without, should be summoned to re-
51
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
ceive his father's last commands, to tend him at the last,
and to " taste his medicine." He was brought in just as
Wan Li expired.
Ch'ang Lo, known in history by the dynastic title of
Kuang Tsung (Glorious Ancestor), might have saved the
dynasty had he been able to protect himself against the
murderous hatred of tlie Lady Cheng and her eunuch
confederates, but his life lasted less than two months
from the date of his accession. He died of slow poison-
ing by arsenic, undoubtedly administered by his eunuch
attendants.
The Lady Cheng, as usual, played craftily for safety,
whilst steadily pursuing her ambitious designs. Shortly
after the new Emperor's accession, she sent him gifts of
great price, jade and pearls and eight beautiful maidens;
at the same time she made friends ^vith his favourite concu-
bine, the Lady Li, and urged her to persuade the Emperor
to confer upon herself tlie title of Empress Dowager, a
suggestion which evoked immediate and unanimous
opposition from the Boai'd of Ceremonies,
The Emperor's illness rapidly increased ; it was aggra-
vated shortly before his death by one of the eunuchs
(Tsui ^^'en-slleng) administering an extremely violent
purgative. The Court became seriously alarmed, whilst
in the city the repoii; was spread that the Son of Heaven
was being done to death by the Imperial Concubines.
Once more the brave Censors Yang Lien and Tso Kuang-
tou came forward, demanding that, in conformity with
inviolable tradition, tlie Lady Cheng be compelled to
depart from the Palace of Celestial Purity (in which Wan
Li had died) where no female is allowed to sleep. The
Lady Cheng at first refused to move, but eventually,
fearful of popular clamour, she complied.
Yang Lien next proceeded to impeach the eunuch who
had administered the purgative to His Majesty. ** This
villain is no physician," he said, " and ought not to be
59
I
I
I
THE COURT OF PEKING
allowed to conduct his wanton experiments upon the
divine person. If he knew anything about medicine, he
must be aware that tonics, and not purgatives, are needed
in a weakening complaint. What the Emperor requires
is strengthening physic, at a time when he is naturally
suffering from the shock of his sire's deatli and is also
overworked vsnth State affairs. It is at such a time tliat.
the eunuch gives an aperient. Rumours declare that the
Emperor is not in good hands, and that there are designs
against his life. Tsui Wen-sheng excuses himself on the
ground that the Emperor's weakness is due to debauchery,
but the truth is that he calumniates His Majesty's morals
as well as increasing his sickness. Such a man deserves
to he eaten. Why does Your Majesty allow such traitors
at your elbows ? " Another Censor urged the Grand
Secretary to take more care of the Emperor's sacred
person, and added that a wrong prescription had evidently
been given.
The Court officials were all summoned to the Imperial
bedchamber, a side apartment in the Palace of Celestial
Purity. A special decree had previously ordered Yang
Lien to repair thither for audience. The courtiers grouped
themselves about the Emperor's bedside. The dying
Monarch looked closely at Yang Lien as if he meant to
consign his sons to his protection. He then addressed the
Court : " I am glad to see you all," he said. The Grand
Secretary replied : " Pray, Sire, be more careful about the
medicine you are receiving." The Monarch rejoined :
" I have taken none for ten days." He then appointed
the concubine Li to be secondary Consort. The lady there-
upon sent for the Heir Apparent, and in the presence of
the Court asked liim to demand for her the title of Empress.
He did so, but his father refused to grant the request and
dosed the audience. The Court was greatly astonished at
her audacity.
The Emperor lingered on, growing daily worse. Five
fi8
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
days later the last agony had begun, and once more he
summoned his Ministers to a farewell audience. As they
pressed him to nominate his successor, lie pointed to his
eldest son, and said : " Help him to be a good man.'*
Then he spoke of the Imperial tomb. The courtiers pre-
tended to misunderstand, and asked if he referred to his
father's tomb north of Peking. " No, I mean my own."
They answered : " May Your Majesty live for ever; why
speak of this now ? " The Emperor then asked : ** Where
is the official from the Court of Banquets who was to give
me some medicine? *' The Grand Secretary replied :
" The Secretary Li K*o-shao claims that he possesses a
marvellous remedy, but we dare not recommend it."
The Emperor bade him be sent for, to feel his pulse. He
was ushered in, gave a very fluent diagnosis of the disease,
and suggested his remedy. The Emperor was pleased,
and agreed to take the drug. Li was told to discuss the
matter with the doctors and the Ministers, but tliey came
to no decision. The Grand Secretary Liu Yi-ching re-
marked that this particular remedy had been taken by two
men in his native place : one had recovered and the other
had died, so it could not be called an infallible prescription.
The Board of Rites thought it would be dangerous to ad-
minister it, but while tliey were still discussing they were
again summoned to the Emperor*s presence. Li K'o-shao
then hastily compounded the medicine, the famous red
pill, and gave it to the Emperor, who swallowed it. He
gasped slightly and exclaimed : " My loyal servants ! "
After taking the medicine, the Emperor dismissed his
Ministers, who waited in an ante-chamber. In a short
time a decree was brought out to them, which said :
" Our person is much better." At sunset Li K'o-shao
was permitted to administer another red pill, and at da\Mi
next day the Monarch *' ascended on the dragon," aged
thirty-nine.
Upon the Emperor's death, his would-be Empress, the
54
THE COURT OF PEKING
concubine Li. threw off all disguise and came boldly to
the front with her chief henchman, the eunuch Wei Chin-
shaiig (who subsequently received from the new Emperor
the name of Wei Chung-hsien, meaning, Wei. the loyal
and good). These two and their troop of eunuchs now
held the Palace against all comers, kept close watch on
the Heir to the Throne, and issued orders forbidding the
usual mourning of Ministers at the deceased Sovereign's
bier. Once more the Censor Yang Lien braved the powers
of darkness in high places. Forcing his way through the
eunuchs, he demanded to see the Heir Apparent. The
concubine I-i sent word that the young Emperor had left
the Palace, but that he would soon return. She then
actually endeavoured to smuggle him out of the For-
bidden City, but his movements were discovered, and he
was conducted back to his Palace. Under the direction
of Yang Lien he ascended the palanquin and received the
obeisances of the Court. It was proposed that he should
formally ascend the Throne without delay, but Yang Lien
deprecated imceremonious haste, since the succession was
not contested. At the same time he took vigorous steps
to preserve law and order in Peking.
The young Emperor T'ien Ch'i (known in histor\' as
Hsi Tsung) was but fifteen years of age when called to
ascend the Dragon Throne; a weakly lad, of small stature,
and utterly lacking in strength of character. From the
date of his accession, the power of the eunuclis, hitherto
kept in check by the fimmess and moral dignity which his
grandfather. Wan Li. had always displayed at critical
moments, increased beyond all bounds, until their leader,
Wei Chimg-hsien, became the autoci'atic ruler of the
Empire. With the death of Kuang Tsung, the Lady
Cheng could no longer hope to secure the Throne for
her son, the dissolute Prince Fu, so that gradually her
influence and her interest in Palace politics became less
personal and less aggressive.
55
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
Immediately upon the death of Kuang Tsung, a struggle
for supreme power began between the concubine Li and
the new Emperor's foster-mother, the fascinating and
notoriously wicked woman known to histor>' as Madame
K'o. The Emperor's mother having died years before,
it was the ambition of Lady Li, through her influence over
him and by the power of the cunuclis, to arrogate to
lierself tlie position of an Empress Dowager, and to rule
the Empire. To this end she began by ignoring the
dynastic law whicli required her to remove from the
Palace of her late lord, announcing her intention of re-
siding there with the young Emperor, and she was able to
enlist on her side the sympathies of the Grand Secretary
Fang Tsung-clie. But the Censor Yang Lien and his
colleague Tso Kuang-tou, backed by an honest eunuch
named Wang An, were not disposed to acquiesce in such
iiTCgularities. They protested most energetically, and
put in a joint memorial demanding that the concubine Li
should forthwith take her departure from the Central
Palace to that of the ^^^urring Phoenixes. Tso pointed
out that an Emperor of fifteen required no mother to
attend him, and that if such a breacli of custom were
permitted. China might be afflicted by another usurpation
of power like that of the Empress Wu in the T'ang
dynasty.
At this the Lady Li was very wroth, and sent a eunuch
to summon Tso to her presence ; but he declined, saying :
" I am the servant of the Son of Heaven; his orders only
will I obey." Yang Lien, discussing the matter angrily
with the Grand Secretary, observed : " Even if the
Emperor's own mother were alive, l»c must take pre-
cedence over her. \Vhat manner of woman is the concu-
bine Li that she dares thus insult the dignity of the
Throne?'*
As some of the eunuchs showed signs of a desire to support
Lady Li's action, Yang announced his intention of re-
.56
THE COURT OF PEKING
maining in the Palace until slie had moved out. To tliose
who sided with tlie Grand Secretary he said : '' Let the
woman Li go to the Temple of Ancestors and state her
demands before the sacred shrines. Are you all in her
pay ? Let her kill me if she can, I will not move until
she does.''
Faced with this crisis, on a clear issue where public
opinion and the law were all against her, the Lady Li
made a virtue of necessity and evacuated the Palace, but
not before her retainers had looted much of its store of
gold ingots. The chroniclers report that Yang's hair and
moustache turned completely white during these days of
danger. But he had won the day, and from this point the
influence and activities of Lady Li waned rapidly at Court.
Certain of tlie eunuchs of her immediate following en-
deavoured to enlist for her the sympathies of the high
officials of the Court, by spreading rumours that it was
her intention to commit suicide in order to escape further
persecution. Hereupon a Censor demanded that the
Emperor should definitely communicate to the Grand
Secretariat his decision in regard to her, in order to allay
these unseemly rumours of the eunuchs. There is every
reason to believe that this action of tlie Censor's was in-
spired not, like Yang Lien's, by pure motives of loyalty
to the Throne, but by the party of the eimuch Wei Chung-
hsien, who now abandoned the cause of Lady Li and
became the close confederate of ^ladame K*o, the foster-
mother. Beyond all doubt feminine jealousy and the
hand of Madame K'o were behind the decree which the
boy Emperor proceeded to issue in reply to the Censor's
memorial. It said :
" When I was a boy the Lady Iji used so to bully my
sacred mother that she fell sick and died. To the end of
my days I shall bear her ill-will for this. Also, when my
father lay dying, she laid violent hands on my person and
demanded to be made Empress Consort. At that time I
57
-C
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
was living in the Palace of Benevolent Blessings; every
day she would send her two Chief Eunuchs to compel me
to submit all State papers for her perusal. I have now
transferred her to the Palace of Wliirring Phoenixes, in
filial remembrance of the love my father bore to iier. I
do not propose to involve her in the punishment wliich
will be meted out to her satellites for stealing valuables
from the Palace."
A little later and the Lady Li's downfall was complete.
Another decree of the Emperor deprived her of her rank
as concubine, " in order to comfort his mother in heaven,"
while continuing her maintenance grant, " in order to
show honour to his father,'* a typical Cliinese *' face-
saving " solution. From this moment Wei Chung-hsien
and his confederate Madame K'o stand forth in absolute
and almost undisputed authority. Under Wan Li, the
Chief Eunuch had ruled the capital and chastised the
Court with whips; he now proceeded to chastise it with
scorpions.
The first noteworthy indication of their vengeful and
bloodthirsty power was given when they did to death the
loyal eunuch Wang An, who had dared to support the
Censor Yang Lien in his tight for clean government. Wei
Chung-hsien forged and uttered an Imperial decree con-
demning Wang to death, and in order to prevent any
chance of his being reprieved, had him murdered in
prison. Yang Lien, who might have saved this honest
man, had already left Peking, and gone into retirement
at his home. In applying for permission to resign, he
had boldly told the young Emperor that, having done his
duty in cleansing the Palace of the usurping concubine,
he desired only to leave the capital, for his straightforward
nature could not brook the sycophants and traitors who
surrounded the Throne. He was to pay dearly for his
courage.
The young Emperor was only too willing to allow all
58
THE COURT OF PEKING
the business of the State to pass into the hands of the
masterful eunuch and of the woman K'o, who exercised
so baneful an influence over him. He devoted himself
continually to his hobby of carpentry, wliich Wei Chung-
hsien encouraged. The eunuch would wait until he was
busy with plane and saw and then ffo to him asking for
instructions concerning some routine question of govern-
ment or one of the day's memorials. Hsi Tsung, hating
to be disturbed, would tell him to settle the business as
he thought fit; and thus, little by little, the eunuch
usurped all the functions of the Sovereign. The Emperor
Ch*ien Lung, commenting on the causes of the Ming
dynasty's ruin, ascribed it partly to " Hsi Tsung's infatuate
interest in mean and cunning handicrafts, which brought
him into competition with workmen. Eunuchs," he wrote,
" have always tried to engage their Sovereign's attention
in ignoble pursuits, so that they might freely pursue their
ambitious designs. In all ages, bad men are the same in
their ways ; the pity is that Sovereigns should be so blind
as to fall into the snares prepared for them,"
During the seven years of his calamitous reign, one good
influence, and one only, saved the young Emperor from
utter degradation, and led good men occasionally to hope
that he might in time east off his bondage and assert the
Imperial dignity of his Throne. This was the influence
of his consort, the '' Precious Pearl," in whom dignity,
virtue and high courage were combined to a degree which
make her one of the most admirable women in China's
history, and indeed in the history of the world. Her
[gentle and steadfast character sliines brightly to this day
against the dark backgroimd of those evil times, her lofty
ideals, patience and loyalty smell sweet and blossom,
even now, amidst the dust and ruins of a degenerate
age. Seldom indeed has history recorded a nobler life, or
a more pathetic death. We make no apology for digressing
at this point, to tell the romantic story of her youth and
59
«
ANNALS AND IMEMOIRS OF
of her selection to be the Empress Consort of China*s weak
and dissolute Monarch.
In the winter of the year 1612, a student of K'ai Feng-fu,
named Chang Kuo-chi, found lying by the roadside a Httle
girl, aged six, and taking her to his home, adopted lier as
his daughter, by the name of Chang Yen. Her " style "
was " Precious Pearl." He attended carefully to her
education and she proved remarkably inteUigent and dili-
gent in study. Cliang Kuo-elii had intended lier to marry
liis son, but was dissuaded from this course by a Buddhist
priest who, after casting her horoscope, foretold for her a
far more exalted position. In 1620, the year of the death
of Wan Li, the dissolute Prince Fu (son of Lady Cheng)
came to take up his fief of Honan, and forthwith sent
eunuchs to search through the city of Kaifeng for damsels
worthy to enter his harem. One of the eimuchs came to
Changes house, and seeing *' Precious Pearl," then aged
fourteen, bade her accompany him to the Prince's Palace,
but the girl indignantly repelled him, threatening that if
he laid a hand upon her she would commit suicide.
In the year (1621) following the death of the Emperor
Wan Li and his unfortunate son, the Emperor Kuang
Tsimg, the young Emperor Hsi Tsung, then aged sixteen,
proclaimed his intention of solemnising his marriage. The
whole Empire was notified that comely maidens between
the ages of thirteen and sixteen were eligible ; after which
the eunuchs made an eliminating inspection. Those whose
height or figiire failed to reacli the required standard were
weeded out, imtil the number was reduced to 4000. On the
following day a much more careful scrutiny was conducted
by the two head eunuchs, who made copious notes of each
damsel's features, size of nose, colour of hair, shape of waist
and length of foot. Each maiden was required to state
clearly her name, lineage and age ; if the timbre of the voice
did not satisfy the eunuchs, she was at once rejected.
Stammering or thickness of speech was regarded as an
60
THE COURT OF PEKING
insuperable defect. As a result of this scrutiny, only
2000 remained eligible, and on the following day further
physical measurements were made, in addition to which
each candidate was required to walk a hundred paces, in
order that her deportment might be observed. Any
slovenliness of gait or lack of dignity disqualified the
candidate; after this test only 1000 remained. These
were then taken into the Inner Palace where they were
subjected to a searching scrutiny by discreet and elderly
women of the Palace, who compelled them to strip so that
their pei*sons might be scanned from head to foot. Three
hundred were ultimately chosen to undergo a month's
probation as Palace handmaidens. Those amongst them
who showed signs of stubbornness or of frivolous dis-
position were ^veeded out, until at the end of the month
only fifty remained, all of whom were appointed to be
Imperial concubines.
The Cliief Eunuch in charge of the Ceremonial Depart-
ment was greatly impressed by " Precious Pearl's " beauty,
and placed her at the head of the list to be presented to
the Senior Concubine, Lady Chao, who had been one of
tlic Emperor Wan Li's chief wives, and was at present acting
as Empress Dowager. This lady, an accomplished scholar,
tested each candidate in caligraphy and other accomplish-
ments. Finally three were chosen as candidates for the
position of Empress, of whom *' Precious Pearl " was one ;
the other two young ladies were named Wang and Tuan.
In accordance with ancient custom, the Lady Chao
enveloped the heads of the three chosen ones in turbans
of black crape, and fastened the arms of each with a
bracelet of jade and gold. They were then taken into an
inner chamber for a final examination by the women of
the Palace, to make sure that they were without spot or
blemish.
In due course their report Avas submitted. The official
chronicler gives from it a detailed list of the future
61
M
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
Empress's charms, some of which is unprintable. Her
complexion was as the dawn, her eyes Uke autumn waves,
her lips like cherries; her teeth, numbering thirty-eight
in all, were perfect, her chin ample, and she was free of
birthmarks.
Lady Chao hastened to report to His Majesty, and con-
ducted the three maidens to his apartments, where his
foster-mother, the evil Madame K'o, was waiting to help
the Emperor to make a final choice. At this time, K'o
was about thirty-three, a woman of great physical beauty
and charm. The Emperor had already bestowed upon her
the title of the " Holy Lady of Ch'in." *
Madame K'o took an immediate and instinctive dislike
to *' Precious Pearl " and began to criticise her. *' For
a gu'l of fifteen," she said, '* her figui*e is too stout; she
won't improve as she gets older. She is good-looking after
a fashion, but quite unworthy to be your Consort." Point-
ing to >Iiss Wang, she exclaimed, " That's the wife for
you." The Emperor, however, was evidently attracted
by ** Precious Pearl," but following the prescribed custom,
he asked the Lady Chao's advice. She replied : " All
three are exceptionally comely, but Miss Chang ('Precious
Pearl') surpasses the others in dignity of demeanour."
Thereupon, nothing loth, His Majesty chose ** Precious
Pearl " for liis Consort. Miss Wang was given the title
of " Virtuous Concubine " and Miss Tuan that of " Pure
Concubine," The eighth day of the fourtli Moon follow-
ing was fixed by the astronomers as auspicious for the
Emperor to ascend his nuptial couch; and three weeks
later the new Empress received her patents. The Emperor
asked her many questions about her family and past Ufe.
Her replies greatly pleased him, and she speedily acquired
^ ChMn, the classical imme of the province of Shciisi, of which she
was a native. The ruins of Madame K'o's private residence arc still
visible just outside the Tung An Gate of Peking, and the &it« is
popularly known as the ** Foster-Mother's Palace.
62
THE COURT OF PEKING
over him tliat influetice for good which became the one
redeeming feature of his weak nature. Her father (by
adoption), Chang Kuo-chi, was ennobled as an '' Earl of
exalted strength," and other members of her family
received suitable honoui*s.
A few days after the marriage, Hsi Tsung and his
Consort proceeded to the Ancestral Temple, where Her
Majesty performed obeisance before the Imperial shrine.
Hsi Tsung was at this time only sixteen and of very
diminutive stature; his Consort towered above him. As
the Empress's influence increased, Madame K*o showed
unmistakable signs of jealousy and wrath; nevertheless,
she continued to visit His Majesty daily in the Palace of
Heavenly Purity.
In spite of the Emperor*8 devotion to his beautiful
bride, it was evident to all the Court that he was becoming
more and more subject to the influence of the Chief Eunuch,
Wei Chung-hsien, who had attended him since early
infancy. This man and Madame K'o graduaUy estab-
lished their authority as the i-eal rulers of China, and
maintained it throughout his reign. Completely domin-
ated in regard to affairs of State by the e\much, Hsi Tsung
bliowered honours upon liim; meritorious officials were
tortured and executed to gratify his lightest whim.
Wholesale proscriptions were made by Wei against those
who had criticised him, so that it came to pass that even
the great Viceroys vied with each other in currying favour
with the ail-powerful eunuch. In nearly every province
shrines were erected to him during his lifetime and he
was worshipped as a deity. In Kiangsi a temple which
had been built centuries before, in honour of one of the
most eminent disciples of Confucius, was dismantled, and
I Wei Chung-hsien's tablet was set up in its central hall.
He was likened to the Sage for virtue and learning : nay,
his merits were even exalted beyond those of the Sage,
and he was accorded the highest place in the national
68
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
Pantheon. The Governor of Shantung gravely informed
the Throne that a ckilin ^ had been captured in Confucius'
native province, near to the Sage's grave, an auspicious
event which he attributed to the fact that near to the
Throne there stood a person of Wei Chung-hsien*s con-
summate virtue. (The chilin^s rare appearances, like
angels* visits, only occur when the Empire is governed
by a perfect ruler.) The eunuch was called Lord of
9000 yeai's, and the Emperor's decrees, which Wei in-
variably drafted, began with the words : " We and Our
eunuch Minister, decree as follows . . ."
In all things the infatuated Monarch submitted to the
will of Wei Chung-hsien, except only when the eunuch
and Madame K'o endeavoured to poison his mind against
his beloved Consort, to whom he remained devotedly
faithfid all his life. Whenever the Emperor, under Iier
good influence, showed signs of wishing to devote himself
to study or serious pursuits, K'o and Wei would lure him
back into paths of sensual dissipation. The Empress
feared and disliked them both, but she could not persuade
Hsi Tsung to free himself from their control.
Shortly after Ilis Majesty's marriage, certain Censors
began to send in outspoken memorials against Madame
K*o, urging tliat she should not be pennitted to spend so
much of her time in the Forbidden City in close attendance
upon the Sovereign ; it being contrary to etiquette that a
woman should be allowed to enter the Palace of Heavenly
Purity. The Emperor, in reply to these memorials, de-
clared that his wife's extreme youth required the guiding
hand of a foster-mother. The Censors retm-ned to tlie
charge, pointing out that a woman of K'o's low ante-
cedents was unlit to minister to a person so virtuous a^
the Empress. " How," said one of them, " can this
woman be permitted to usurp the authority which belongs
^ A fabulouti ammal, of origin probaUy similar to our unicoru.
64.
THE COURT OF PEKING
of right to Your Majesty's Consort ? " K'o was eventually
compelled to leave the Palace, and for a time she remained
at her own residence, but the weakling Emperor felt her
absence so deeply that he lost liis appetite and became
greatly dejected. In spite of the remonstrances of the
Censors, he soon recalled her, and thereafter her influence
grew greater than before. Waxing proud, she began openly
to ill-treat those of the concubines who were not on her
side, and supported by Wei Chung-hsien, dared to show
open contempt for the Empress. Shortly after her return,
the Emperor celebrated her birthday with royal splendour.
Proceeding in person to her residence, he burned incense
before her tablet and offered up prayers for her long life.
All the eunuchs and concubines of the Court were ordered
to prostrate themselves in obeisance before her. Sump-
tuous theatricals were held in her honour for three
days, and the best musicians in the capital were specially
engaged. In the following month the Empress's birth-
day occurred, but no entertainments were given in the
Palace, nor were any promotions conferred. Even in
the tea-liouses, men knew where lay the power behind the
Throne.
Thus things went on, from bad to worse. K'o and
Wei were served with the richest viands from the Imperial
kitchens, while the Empress was frequently kept waiting
for her simple meals. She fully realised the dangers that
threatened the decadent dynasty at the hands of these
evil-doers, and frequently remonstrated with the Emperor
against his flagrant violation of the dynastic laws. K'o
and Wei now tried to lay snares for the Empress, and set
one of their eunuch minions, Ch'en Ti-jun, to spy upon
her in her Palace of Feminine Tranquillity, endeavouring
all the time to turn the Emperor against her. But she,
blameless and pure of heart, paid no heed. She spent
most of her time in reading and in penmanship, wherein
she was liighly expert; to the more intelligent of the
F 66
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
Palace concubines^she gave lessons in history and philo-
sophy. A devout Buddliist, she spent many hours in
prayer before the altar of the Goddess of Mercy. Fre-
quently she attired herself as a nun and gave herself over
to pious meditation. She knew full well that her enemies
were plotting against her, but she relied upon her gentle
influence over the Emperor, which never failed to hold
him, although she used no feminine arts to win his favour.
Her Lord the Emperor being ^^^thout an heir, she would
recommend various concubines to his notice, but usually
excused herself from receiving his conjugal attentions on
the plea of ill-health. The Emperor was wont to say to
her : " Your influence over me is wonderful : you are so
brave, so good. If I but look at you I feel a different
man. Your face seems to say that you should easily be
won. How comes it, then, that I find it so difficult to woo
you?"
At times he would invite her to a boating excursion
upon the lake adjoining the Forbidden City; His Majesty
himself rowing and endeavouring to please her by good-
humoured badinage. But she would use these occasions
to remonstrate with liim for his wild life, urging him to
study State papers and to give daily audiences to his
Ministers. " You ought to make friends with scholars
and attend lectures on the classics," she would way, " in-
stead of dallying with these sycophants." For a time
the Emperor would obey her advice, but he speedily re-
lapsed into evil ways. Madame K'o suppUed him with
drugs to stimulate his passions; whilst *' Precious Pearl "
warned him against all forms of indulgence, and would
throw the drugs down the well. Wei Chung-hsien arranged
lewd theatrical performances for His Majesty's amusement,
but whenever the play was indelicate, the Empress would
rise from her place and leave the theatre in disgust.
In the hope of securing her deposition, Wei and K*o
bribed a man named Sun-erh, a lionanese, who was lying
66
THE COURT OF PEKING
under sentence of death in the Board of Punishments, to
say that the Empress was his child and that he had given
her to her father by adoption, Chang Kuo-chi. To the
Emperor they said that a criminars daughter ought not
to be his Consort and that she should be deposed, Chang-
Kuo-chi receiving the punishment he merited. The
Emperor was impressed by the story, and went straight
to his Consort's apartment to ask her about it. But at
sight of her tranquil beauty he was abashed, and could
only say in an embarrassed way : " Are you really the
daughter of that wretched villain Sun-erh?" The
Empress blushed sUghtly and paused before replying.
Then she said : " If Your Majesty believes such foolish
rumours, why should I continue to defile the Palace with
my presence? Pray let me be deposed and make room
lor another more worthy." The Emperor thereupon
hurriedly apologised and made amends, all doubt having
been dispelled from his mind. That night he supped with
the Empress and next day warned Wei Chung-hsien
against uttering idle reports.
Many were the wiles and stratagems by which these
two evil conspirators endeavoured to injure the Empress
in the eyes of her lord, and at times — so weak a nature was
Hsi Tsung's— they seemed to be on the verge of success.
On one occasion, the Chief Eunuch devised a crafty plot,
supported by lying witnesses, against Her Majesty's
adopted father, and induced the Emperor to issue a
decree reprimanding him and ordering the Empress to
meditate for three days on his conduct. Later, Madame
K*o introduced into the harem a creature of her own,
named Jen, of bad cliaraeter but pleasing appearance,
and persuaded the Emperor to grant her high rank
amongst the Imperial concubines. Here again they
were nearly successful, for Hsi Tsung became infatuated
with the woman; yet she did not succeed in completely
supplanting '* Precious Pearl" hi liis affections.
407
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
In 1624, the Chief Eunuch was at the height of his
insolence; none were safe from his rapacious and vindic-
tive power. It was at this time that he took a fearful
revenge upon the Censor Yang Lien and the others who
liad denounced him and his former confederate, the
concubine Li.
Yang Lien, it will be remembered, had retired from the
Court to his native place in 1622, shortly after the death
of Wan Li. In 1624 he returned to Peking and, moved
to righteous indignation by the evil deeds of Wei and his
accomphces, he handed in the denunciatory memorial
wliich eventually cost him his life. Tliis famous impeach-
ment of the notorious eunuch is too long to quote in full,
but it reveals so clearly the condition of the Court, and
the power wielded by these ** rats and foxes,** and their
effect on the government of the country, that we must
reproduce its most important clauses.
The memorial begins thus : " The founder of our
dynasty desired that eunuchs should not interfere in
governmental affairs, and that evil-doing should not be
condoned. But the eunuch Comptroller General of the
Eastern Court ^ behaves with overweaning arrogance, and
treats the dynastic ordinances with contempt. I venture
to set forth his cliief crimes as follows :
** 1, He is a lewd fellow of common extraction who, after
being emasculated in middle life, won a position in the
Palace by sheer intrigue. He wheedled liis way into
Imperial favour by displaying zeal in trivial matters, and
thereafter developed into a most consummate traitor and
villain, until he has become practically a dictator, even
issuing his own decrees, whereby the Government has
often been thrown into utter confusion. Ancestral tra-
dition requires that the Grand Secretaries shall issue all
* A bureau under eunuchs which had become virtually the Supreme
Court of the Empire, wliich drew up decrees, and completely superseded
the Grand Secretariat,
68
THE COURT OF PEKING
decrees; but since Wei Ch«ng-hsien*s assumption of
dictatorship, he has either issued Imperial edicts verbally
or has himself appended the vermihon rescript. Thus
are the traditions of two centuries defied.
" 2. When His late Majesty lay dying, Liu Yi-ching and
Chou Chia-mo were the recipients of his last testament,
but Wei wa-s able to secure their abrupt dismissal, be-
cause he feared that they might clip his power. In this
way Your Majesty was made to act undutifully in the
removal of your august predecessor's faithful servants.
" 3. Wei dismissed Sun Shen-hsing and Tsou Yuan-piao,
honest patriots both, who had drawn public attention to
the poisoning of the late Emperor by eunuchs. He
bestowed a dragon robe on the henchman of the concu-
bine Li, the man who administered the dose of red pills
which killed His Majesty. He is a friend to traitors, and
the foe of good and loyal men.
" 4. He has removed all honest officials from your Court,
until not a soul is left who dares to warn Your Majesty.
He has prevented you from employing worthy men lest
they frustrate liis schemes.
" 5. It is a common saying in Peking that Your Majesty,
the Son of Heaven, can be easily appeased, but that the
wrath of Wei CImng-hsien cannot be placated. At a
word from him you dismiss every one who incurs his
displeasure.
*' 6. Thus far I have referred only to officials. Last
year it was stated that one of the lower concubines
('honourable persons') had won your favour by her
purity and virtue. Wei became jealous and fearful that
she should undermine his influence and expose his in-
famies; she died, therefore, of a sudden and mysterious
sickness. Your Majesty is unable to protect even your
cherished favourites.
■* 7. Thus far I have spoken only of concubines of lowly
rank. Lately the senior concubine ' Abundant ' was
69
ANNALS AND >fEMOIRS OF
expecting her confinement, and every one hoped that
Your Majesty was about to be blessed with an heir. "Wei
hated her because she was not of his party. He issued
a forged decree which brought about her suicide. Your
Majesty is powerless to protect even ladies of exalted
position in your Palace.
" 8. Thus far I have referred to consorts, but there are
worse crimes. Your Empress had given birth to a son,
but it died straightway, as the result of Wei's plottings.
It is common knowledge that Wei and Madame K'o
brought about this death. You cannot even protect
your own son.
'* 9. During the forty years in wliich your father was
Heir Apparent his position was one of grave peril, but
he had one faithful henchman, the eunuch Wang An.
When your father died mysteriously of the fatal red pills
it was Wang An who saw to your protection and helped
to secure your safe succession to the Throne. This man
deserved well of Your Majesty, but Wei issued a forged
decree and had him beheaded in the Hunting Park. And
not only did Wang An suffer, but hundreds of your father's
attendants have been slain or banished.
" 10. Each day sees him rejoicing in fresh honours :
slirines are built in his honour at which he, a living man,
is to be worshipped. There is no limit to his evil influence
with Your Majesty. In conferring distinctions on such
a man the words of the Emperor are defiled. At his native
place of Ho Chien-fu he has erected triumphal arches in
his own honour, on which are carved Im{>erial dragons
and heaven-soaring phoenixes. His sepulchre in the
Western hills is built on the scale of an Imperial mauso-
leum and covered with a yellow roof.
" 11. He fills official posts with youths still smelUng of
their mothers' milk, or with illiterate members of his own
family, like Wei Liang-pi, Wei Liang-tsai and Wei Liang-
cihng.'
TO
THE COURT OF PETONG
12. He has inflicted humiliating punishment on the
fatliers of Imperial concubines and beheaded their servants
by scores. He lias done his best to ruin the Empresses
father and to shake even Her Majesty's position. Had it
not been for the courageous opposition of one of the
Grand Secretaries, Her Majesty's father would have
perished on the scaffold.
" 13, The ' Eastern Court ' was established for the
purpose of protecting the Throne from treason, but in
Wei Chung-hsien's hands it has become a deadly machine
for the removal of rivals by general proscription. He
keeps a box there into which anonymous accusations may
be dropped, and traps are set night and day to betray
those who oppose him. Let but a word be whispered
against liis doings and forthwith a warrant is issued and
the offender is dragged to trial at the T'ung ^Ven-kuan.
" 14. Dynastic ordinance forbids that eunuchs should
form bands of soldiers as bodyguards to the Sovereign.
For this enactment there are urgent reasons, but Wei has
got together a troop of his own creatures, who are drilled
in the Palace. To this band drift naturally all dangerous
and desperate characters ; what is to prevent an assassin
being foimd amongst them who would attempt Your
Majesty's life?
" 15. AVhen Wei was sent to perform sacrifice at
Chochin, the road was cleared for him, as for an Imperial
progress. Heralds announced his advance and yellow
earth was spread upon the highway, so that the people
believed that he was the Emperor himself. On his Eastern
journey he was borne in a chariot drawn by four horses,
Imperial banners and insignia were carried in the pro-
cession. His bodyguard surrounded him on both sides
to screen his sacred person from tlie vulgar gaze. In
every respect his passing resembled a progress of Your
Majesty ! Numbers of persons offered their petitions to
him or made offerings of tribute, prostrating themselves
71
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
r
Th the dust. What manner of man does this Wei fancy
himself to be?
" 16, It is well known that, if too much royal favour be
shown, conceit is thereby engendered, and that excess of
Imperial grace usually breeds resentment in its recipient
against the giver. Thus it came to pass that this spring
Wei dared to ride on horseback in front of Your Majesty,
Amazed at his effrontery. Your Majesty shot the horse
dead; Wei's offence was speedily pardoned- He showed
no contrition, but carried himself the more haughtily in
your presence and, outside the Palace, spoke despisingly
of you. He has now surrounded himself with armed
men, prepared to resist in ease of his arrest. Traitors
and rebels desire only to attain the goal of their nefarious
ambitions, and nothing stops them until they have gained
it. Way should you nourish a tiger to work his evil will
at your very elbows ? Even if Wei's carcase were hacked
into mincemeat, his sins would remain \mexpiated.
" The tale of liis crimes and treasonable designs is
blazoned abroad in all men's eyes; yet none of your
courtiers dare speak against him, lest they incur doom.
Their tongues arc tied ; not one dare memorialise you.
Should, perchance, any have the courage to reveal Wei's
treasons, the ' Lady of Divine Worship.' Madame K'o,
stands at Your Majesty's side to gloss over his guilt.
These two are sworn allies; each aids and abets the other,
if one calls, the other comes to the rescue.
" Humbly I implore Your Majesty now to display the
might of your high displeasure and to appoint a commis-
sion of the ablest nobles and highest officials, with power
to subject Wei to relentless examination, in order that the
law of the land may be vindicated. Also, 1 beg you to
have the ' Lady of Divine Worsliip ' removed from out
the precincts of the Forbidden City, in order to guard
you from further danger. Then, though your servant
die, yet shall he live."
THE COURT OF PEKING
Wei was greatly alarmed at the revelations of this bold
memorial and begged the Grand Secretary Han K'uang
to defend him. Han refused, so Wei hurried to the
Emperor's presence and abjectly asked to be allowed to
resign the Comptrollership of the Eastern Court. Madame
K*o then used all her wiles, imploring the Emperor not to
give his ear to calumny, while one of the Grand Secretaries
was found to intercede for the eimuch. For a moment Wei's
fate hung in the balance, b\xt in the end the unfortunate
Emperor, in his purblind folly, listened to Madame K'o,
and issued a complimentary decree retaining Wei at his
post. On the following morning he issued another edict
sternly rebuking Yang Lien for his temerity. It had
been the latter*s intention to see the Emperor at the
morning audience and to recount the eunuch*s crimes in
the Monarch's presence, but Wei induced his master to
suspend the Court for that day. Baulked of this oppor-
tunity, and realising the danger of further delay, Yang
handed in a second memorial at the Gate of Supreme
Unity. This Wei suppressed, and though Yang sent in
a third memorial it never reached the Throne. For three
days no audiences were held, and when finally the Monarch
emerged he was surrounded by a guard of several hundred
eunuchs, all of whom had weapons concealed on their
persons. Orders were issued that no memorials would be
received from Yang, who was compelled to desist.
Nevertheless, other memorials of impeachment poured
in; the Censor Huang Tsun-su asked : " Can a Govern-
ment he pure with eunuchs at its head, who usurp the
authority of the Throne? Can Your Majesty employ as
your right-hand man a creature whose flesh the whole
Empire desires to eat? You think him loyal, but you
stand alone and in a perilous position. All upright men
have left your side, while you lean upon this eunuch as
on a pillar. Unless you now act swiftly, Wei Chung-
hsien will never cleanse liis heart. He began by destroy-
78
AXNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
ing officials and scholars, but now he aims at higher quarrj'.
If his position is allowed to become stronger not even
anned force will dislodge him."
Next, Wei Ta-chung put in a pregnant memorial :
" >Vhen honest men advise the Throne at risk of their
lives and their words remain unheeded the situation is
parlous indeed. Yang Lien has not shrunk from the
peril of dismemberment, concerned only with the dangers
that threaten the State, and hoping to arouse Your Majesty
to a knowledge of the truth. Your Majesty has just
issued a decree assuming to yourself all the misdeeds with
which he is charged, but I fear the author of this laudatory
edict is not Your Majesty but Wei himself. It has come
to this, that you, the Son of Heaven, have snn*endered
yourself and your consorts to the keeping of Wei and
K'o. The peril of our State makes my blood run cold.
Those who surround the Throne are tools and creatures of
Wei and K'o and no tnie servants of Your Majesty. You
are become like unto an orphan in a friendless world."
Another imp>eachment, endorsed by over a thousand
academy students, accused Wei of suppressing all attacks
upon himself, of inducing the Emperor to ignore the word
of the officials who, kneeUng at the gate, had begged for
Wei's dismissal, and of designs on the Throne itself.
Finally, a Board Secretary named Wan Ching denounced
the Chief Eunuch fiercely. This official had charge of the
building and equipment of the late Emperor's mauso-
leum; a large amount of copper was needed for its sacri-
ficial vessels, and as there were vast supplies of tiie metal
lying imused in the Imperial precincts, he asked the
eunuch Comptroller to issue what he needed for the tomb.
This Wei not only refused to do, but he issued a forged
decree concerning the application,
Hereat Wan, greatly enraged, impeached Wei. He
wrote : " Sovereign power cannot be delegated, and least
of all to an emasculated minion. This Wei is practically
74
THE COURT OF PEKING
become Emperor and the fountain of all honour; his
friends secure well-feathered nests, wliilst the bodies of
his enemies are covered with boils and sores. At his
asking, hereditary titles are granted; his household
servants receive bribes in thousands of taels. Your
Majesty favours him with unbounded confidence for that
he served yoiu* father; yet he refuses to issue copper for
your father's shrine. His own grave at Pi Yiin-ssii, in
the Western hills, is as large as an Imperial mausoleum ;
in the provinces, stately shrines have been erected in his
honour, emblazoned with inscriptions and gaudy orna-
ments. On liis own tomb he has spent a million taels,
while His late Majesty's sepulchre is denied even the
necessary fittings. Your Majesty's existence is ignored ;
Wei Chung-hsien fills all men's minds,"
Wei, having recovered from his alarm and made sure
that the Emperor's favour would not be taken from him,
now determined to make an example of Wan, so as to
put fear into his other enemies. He forged a decree
sentencing him to a flogging of one hundred strokes in the
Palace, but first he sent a number of eunuchs to Wan's
own house and had him unmercifully beaten there. When
the wretched man was brought to the Palace he was still
alive, but during the official flogging he became uncon-
scious. The eunuchs then kicked and trampled on him
so that he died next day. A Censor had the courage to
protest against this outrage antl to speak well of Wan,
who ** had perished by the hands of this abominable and
sharp-fanged eunuch." The incident, said he, would be
recorded in history for all time, and would cover the
Emperor's name with eternal discredit. Hut the besotted
Monarch, having made his fatal choice of evil friends,
paid no heed to these remonstrances and warnings, so
that W'ci hardened his heart and became more reckless
than ever in his crimes and bloodthirsty revenges.
The brave Censor, Yang Lien, was now tiirown into the
75
I
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
fmperial prison, and with him Tso Kuang-tou and Wei
Ta-chung, who had joined him in denouncing the Cliief
Eunuch. This prison was separate and distinct from the
Board of Punishments; tortures were freely practised
there. Wei issued a decree that these three men were
to be tortured every fifth day, and not to be handed over
to the Board of Punishments until all their money liad
been extorted. All three were tortured most horribly,
but none of them would confess to having obtained money
wrongfully by taking bribes. Finally Tso Kuang-tou,
unable to endure his misery, said to his fellow prisoners :
** Either they will torture us to death for not confessing,
or else they will hire one of the gaolers to kill us. If
now we confess, they must hand us to the Board of
Punishments for formal trial, and we may then escape.'*
His companions agreed, and they all confessed to false
charges of having taken bribes. But the tiger would
not release his prey ; Wei issued a decree that they were
not yet to be taken to the public prison, and the torturing
went on. Yang Lien was eventually killed under a torture
wliich consisted of piling great sacks of earth upon his
belly and driving nails into his ears. \Mien at last the
bodies of the three victims were handed over to their
relatives, they were so mutilated as to be unrecognisable.
The arrest of Yang Lien created much public indignation ;
thousands of scliolars and respectable people lined the
road by which he had to pass, burning incense in liis
honour and praying for his safe return. Wei's minions
seized all his property, but it amounted to less than a
thousand taels, for he was as poor as he was honest.
Had not the neighbours come to their rescue, his wife
and sons would have been reduced to beggary.
Let us now return to tell of the life and death of His
Tsung's noble Empress. The facts recited in Yang Lien's
memorial, above quoted, give some idea of the grievous
wrongs and indignities which, through the miserable
76
THE COURT OF PEKING
weakness of the Emperor, she suffered at the hands of
the Chief Eunuch and Madame K'o.
It was in the year 1623 that the Empress became
enceinte, to the great satisfaction of Hsi Tsung. But the
Chief Eunuch and Madame K'o had no desire to see Her
Majesty's influence over him and her authority at Court
increased by the birtli of an heir to the Throne. Two of
the Empress's favourite and most faithful serving-maids
were, therefore, put to death by means of forged decrees
on false charges, and all her other personal attendants
were dismissed, except those upon whom Madame K'o
could rely. Their places were taken by women selected
by the Chief Eunuch, one of whom, employed as a mas-
seuse, so mishandled the Empress that her child was
born dead. Shortly afterwaixls, Her Majesty, goaded to
desperation by the Emperor's crass folly, determined
on an attempt to rid the Court at last of the woman whose
deplorable influence was the chief cause of its wickedness
and shame. Taking her seat on the dais of the Main Hall
in the Palace of Feminine Tranquillity, with a number of
ai'med retainers on either side, she summoned Madame
K*o to her presence. When the woman came, suspecting
nothmg serious, the Empress laiuiched straightway into
a recital of all her sins and wickedness, and ended by
bidding her prepare to die. K'o knelt at her feet and
prayed for mercy; meanwhile a eunuch had gone swiftly
to inform the Emperor, busy at liis carpentering, of what
was taking place. He arrived upon the scene just in time
to save his foster-mother's life. From this time forward
the Cliief Eunuch and Madame K'o endeavoured by all
possible means to poison the Emperor's mind against
his Consort and to deprive her of his protection. She on
her side sought strength and consolation in prayer, chant-
ing Buddhist masses daily for the repose of the souls of
the murdered Censors and her faithful attendants. She
hoped thus to move her husband to remorse. Especially
77
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
did she reproach him for allowing the murder of Yang
Lien.
Wei Chung-hsien made repeated attempts to ruin the
Empress in the eyes of the Court and country by securing
the disgrace of her adopted father Chang Kuo-chi, against
whom he brought criminal charges backed by the false
e\idence of his creatures. He produced memorials accusing
him of plotting against the Emperor's life, of taking bribes,
and of a secret Haison with a lady of the Court, but Hsi
Tsung, weak as he was in ali other matters, remained
strongly attached to his beautiful and virtuous wife, and
the Empress found another loyal defender in the Grand
Secretary Li Kuo-p'u, who succeeded in checking some
of the Chief Eunuch's bloodthirsty schemes and in frighten-
ing the woman, his accomphce. Finally, in the spring of
1627, upon a false impeachment, the Emperor was in-
duced to deprive the " Earl of Exalted Strength " of all
his titles and emoluments and order him into retirement.
This he did, weary of the importunities of Madame K'o,
but still he would hear no word against his Consort.
When she heard of her adopted father's disgrace, the
Empress stripped off all her ornaments, and dressing
lierself as a mourner, without head covering, sought the
Emperor's presence, where, on her knees, she thanked him
for his clemency.
Shortly after this episode, in the summer of 1627, the
Emperor fell sick of an illness from which he never re-
covered. As his state became worse, his affection for his
loyal and devoted wife increased. At this juncture, Wei
Chung-hsien had the effrontery to propose to Her Majesty
tliat she should become his confederate in a scheme of
treason and dishonour. This devil incarnate had no
belief in the constancy of any sort of virtue — in his world
all were bought and sold, loyalty being merely a question
of price and opportunity. He and Madame K'o had much
to fear from the death of the Emperor, the weakling whose
78
THE COURT OF PEKING
name and authority were necessary to their evil purposes.
Wei could not hope to ^vield the power of the Throne un-
less it were filled by a puppet or by an ally. He therefore
proposed to Her Majesty that, upon her husband's death,
she should become Chief Regent, accepting as Regent
Assessor (practically co-Regent) a creature named Wei
Liang-ch'ing, one of the eunuch's adherents. At the
same time he desired that the Empress should give out
that she was enceinte, with the intention of passing off a
son of Wei Liang-ch'ing as her own child after the
Emperor's death. In this way the house of Wei would
attain to the Throne.
This Wei Liang-ch'ing was merely a tool in the hands
of the Chief Eunuch, without political ambition of his
own. He was a wine-bibber and a profligate, whose one
thought, in accepting the role assigned to him, was to
obtain possession of the beautiful Empress. To his friends
he declared, " I care not a jot for the Dragon Throne,
but to enjoy the society of such a woman as the Goddess
Chang,^ that were bliss indeed." The Empress knew
that, upon Hsi Tsung's passing, it must come to a life-
and-death struggle between the eunuch and herself, but
she held her head high and showed no signs of fear. *' For
many years," she said to him, " I have made me ready
for death. If now I obey you, you will kill me sooner or
later; if I refuse, you will kill me only a little sooner.
But if I die resisting you to the utmost, I can face un*
ashamed the souls of the departed Emperors in the other
world."
As the Emperor's end approached, Her Majesty begged
him to name as his successor his brother, tiie Prince Hsin.
" But," said the dying Monarch, " Wei Chung-hsien
assures me that two of my concubines are with child. If
an heir should be born to one of theni^ he will become our
son and should surely succeed to the Throne." Upon
> Thus was the Kinprc&s lumiliurly luiowu in the Palace.
79
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
tliis, the Empress spoke to him most earnestly; the
attendants never knew what woitis passed between them,
but the Emperor nodded consent, and summoned his
brother to receive his dying behests. Prince Hsin was
about to plead his incompetency, but his sister-in-law,
attired as a widow, hurriedly emerged from behind an
alcove and pleaded with him, saying : " My brother, do
your duty, obey His Majesty. The situation is desperate,
and 1 fear a rising in the Palace. Thank His Majesty and
do as he desires." Prince Hsin then fell upon his knees,
and the Monarch bade him govern the Empire wisely,
avoiding the errors which he himself had committed.
But, blind to the last, he added : " Wei Chung-hsien fully
deser\'es yoiu' trust and may be given the highest office
with absolute confidence." Finally, he commended the
Empress to his brother's tender care. " Sec to her
welfare; she has been a faithful Consort to me these
seven years; much do I owe her. Often has she ad-
monished me and urged me to better things. Her influence
has ever been for good. She deserves all your pity; a
widow, and so young. To your care I commend her."
Prince Hsin left the Presence, and the Empress concealed
him in an inner apartment of the Palace, for fear lest Wei
should assassinate him. The Emperor passed away at
3 p.m. on the 22nd of the 8th Moon. Thereupon the
Empress issued his valedictory decree, and commanded
the hereditary Duke Chang Wei-hsien and other of!icials
to escort the new Emperor to the Main Hall of Audience,
where he should receive obeisance. Wei Chung-hsien was
persuaded to bide his time and to refrain from challenging
the authority of this decree by setting up a puppet of his
own at once. (The eunuchs, as a body, always preferred
intrigue and assassination to open defiance of dynastic
law.) The dead Emperor was dressed in his robes of
longevity, and his widow, weeping at his bier, so exhausted
herself by excess of grief that she fainted away.
80
THE COURT OF PEKING
On recovering consciousness her first thought was to
warn the new Emperor against the danger of poison;
she begged him to touch no food prepared in the Palace
kitchen. She herself dispatclied a confidential chamber-
lain to the market for victuals which she cooked with her
own hands. The Emperor thanked her, and as a sign of
his gratitude for her devotion, recalled her adopted father
to Peking and restored all his honours. He was allowed
to enter the Palace and retui'n thanks to his daughter.
The Emperor conferred upon her the title of Empress
Senior,^ of Feminine Virtue and Tranquillity, and gave
her the Palace of Motherly Peace and of Motherly
Blessings for her abode.
The new Emperor had abstained from all participation
in Palace politics during his brother's occupancy of the
Throne, but he soon showed himself to be a man of strong
character and noble disposition. The Chief Eunuch's
position now became one of great danger, for his crimes
had made him many enemies, who all combined and
turned against him. Also, Madame K'o had been sincerely
attached to her foster son, though she had abused his
confidence, and at his death, stricken with remorse, she
ceased to be useful for treasonable purposes. The power
of the evil confederacy which had wrought so many
and great evils was now broken. Before the late Emperor's
coffin, Madame K'o penitently burned pathetic reUcs of
his childhood, which she had treasured— his first tooth,
some locks of baby hair, a few broken toys, and the scabs
which had peeled off him after smallpox. But her time
had come. Shortly afterwards she was arrested, accused
of countless crimes on overwhelming evidence, and
sentenced to death by the slicing process, every member
of her family and household being also condemned to
execution. At her death the people rejoiced as at a
festival. In her quarters at the Palace there were found
^ To be dibtiuguiiihcd from Empretts Dowager.
e 81
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
six Imperial concubines, all vrith cliild, and it was proved
that she had intended to poison the new Emperor and to
make one of these infants of unknown paternity heir to
the Throne. All these wretched women were condemned
to death, victims of another's evil ambition.
The tide had now turned strongly against Wei Chung-
hsien, and realising that his position was desperate, he
escaped from the Palace and fled to Shantung. Out-
lawed, and abandoned by all his followers, he committed
suicide near the grave of Confucius, but by order of the
Throne Iiis body was subsequently dismembered and the
head exliibited at his native city (Ho Chien-fu), and many
scores of his adherents, especially those who had conspired
against the Empress, were put to death.
Throughout the troublous reign of the new Emperor
Ch*ung-chen (1627-1644) the Senior Empress lived on
terms of happy intimacy and affection with him and with
his Consort, respected and beloved of the populace. In
1642, upon the nmrriage of the Heir Apparent, she took
up her residence, as custom prescribed, in the Palace of
Benevolent Old Age.
Her death was as meritorious as her life liad been. In
1644, when Peking had fallen into the hands of the rebel
Li Tzu-ch'eng and the city was being ravaged and burned
by his troops, the Emperor sent her a message bidding her
commit suicide, but in the tumult and confusion the
messenger failed to reach her. When she lieard that
Li Tzfl-ch*eng was battering at the gates of the Forbidden
City, she called for a sword, but was unable to deal herself
a fatal blow, and her attendants endeavoured to dissuade
lier from seeking death. Failing with the sword, she
hanged herself with her girdle, but was cut down by her
servants and urged to seek safety in flight. Angrily she
stamped her foot, saying : " You have disgraced me,"
and ran to a side room, where again she tried to hang
herself, but some of Li TzQ-ch'eng's men arrived just m
82
THE COURT OF PEKING
time to cut her down. As she came to her senses the rebels
gathered around her, praising her beauty. One of them,
who seemed to be a leader, exclaimed : " We are now in
the Palace of the late Emperor's widow; this must be
she. Never have I seen so beautiful a face. Let no one
lay hands on her. She must await our Chief's orders."
But some declared that this was not the Goddess Chang
— that she had fled in disguise and escaped — whilst others
said she was dead.
The rebels were still disputing as to her identity, wliile
she sat silent, when some eunuchs entered with an elderly
woman who was Li's personal attendant and wiio liad
been ordered by him to arrange the Palace concubines in
batches, according to their age and beauty, for his in-
spection. The eimuchs ]x)inted out the Empress, saying :
** That is the Goddess Chang, wife of the late Emperor."
She was placed in tlie care of attendants, who tried to
console her. '* Lady Chang, do not be afraid," they
said. *' You are so beautiful that when our great Prince
inspects the concubines to-morrow he will surely choose
you for his Empress."
In her grief and despair, the Empress felt as if her
breast were being pierced by a myriad arrows, and she
was wondering how she could contrive to kill herself, when
a loud voice called out from the courtyard : " Where is
the Empress Dowager, Goddess Chang? " This was one
of the chief commanders of the rebels, named Li Yen.
Before Peking had fallen, some of the eunuchs had gone
over to the rebels, and had informed them of the where-
abouts of the most beautiful women, whom they divided
into three classes.
Li Tzfi-ch'eng had promised thirty concubines to each
of his Generals, and a Ust of all the women in the Palace
had been placed in Li Yen's hands. Li Yen was a licen-
tiate of Honan Province who had joined the rebellion, a
fluent expounder of moral philosophy. Seeing that the
83
1
<^
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
Senior Empress's name was at the head of the list of
women, he sighed deeply and said : " How dai'e these
wretched eunuchs desecrate Her Majesty's name in this
way? She stands too high for such disgrace. I, who
come from her own province, must save her from this
outrage."
So he hurried into the Palace, and on finding her, bade
two handmaidens lead her to one of the Throne rooms,
where he assisted her to mount the dais. Li Yen then
dressed himself in Court robes and made obeisance before
her nine times. Placing her in the charge of attendants,
he hurried away to find Li Tzu-ch*eng. That same evening
she succeeded in killing herself. \Vhen they found her
body, she was attired in black silk with gold embroidery
and full sleeves ; her face was veiled with yellow crape and
her hair neatly dressed; she looked like a woman of
thirty. Those who saw the serenity of her face felt as if
some heavenly visitant hovered near them, so happy
was she in her death.
Li Yen buried her in the courtyard of her Palace and
did homage at her obsequies. Meanwhile, Li Tzu-ch'eng
had given orders that the late Emperor and his Consort-
should be buried, but made no public announcement
concerning tiie death of the Senior Empress. It was
freely rumoured that she had been taken alive by one of
the rebels. On the same day the concubine Jen ^ sur-
rendered to Li Tzu-ch'eng, and to increase her own im-
portance told him that she was the Senior Empress, the
wife of Hsi Tsung. Li Tzu-ch'eng believed her, and later,
on his retreat before the Manchus, took her >vith him.
Thus it came to pass that in the Court of the fugitive
Mings at Nanking calumnious tongues insulted this noble
woman's memory, and it was noised abroad that she had
become the mistress of the rebel Chief-
There were still eunuchs and women at that Court who
* Vide £upra, p. ti7,
84
^^^■•^■i^JyUPH ^^^^^^H
=1
» w' ^
^ "jftiJ 1
'^ \ '
lA
--- ;^;
THE COURT OF PEKING
had been of the faction of Wei Chung-hsien and who were
only too eager to besmirch her spotless reputation. The
new Ming Emperor, Prince Fu, was in the hands of evil
advisers and believed these cruel falsehoods, so that no
canonisation was conferred upon her until the following
year, when her death was undeniably confirmed. A
eunuch eye-witness of her death described it to the
Manchu Regent, Prince Jui, who gave orders that she
should be buried beside her husband, at his mausoleum
to the north of Peking. So came she to her honourable
rest.
After the dispersion of Li Tzu-ch'eng's force by the
Manchus, the Jen concubine, who had accumulated great
store of treasure from the Palace, moved to Wu T*ai
Mountain, west of Peking, and her abode became the
resort of many lawless characters. She still claimed to
be the Empress Consort of Hsi Tsung, and in that capacity
extorted money from the common people. Eventually
complaints were lodged at Court, and she was arrested
and brought to Peking. On her arrival there she declared
she was indeed the Empress, and some there were wlio
believed her. But the eunuchs of the Court had no
difficulty in proving her to be a base pretender. The
romantic chroniclers aver that she was compelled to try
on one of the Goddess Chang's tiny shoes, before which
test she failed ignominiously. Be this as it may, she was
allowed to commit suicide, and thereafter the memory of
" Precious Pearl," the illustrious and virtuous Empress,
has shone undimmed throughout the centuries.
85
CHAPTER III
LI TZC-CH'ENG'S REBELLION AND THE FALL
OF PEKING
The swift decline and pitiful end of the Ming dynasty
was primarily due to the corruption and incompetence
of its later Monarchs and to the licentiousness of their
Court, which gave high office and the direction of State
affairs to eunuchs. Its doom was plain-writ upon the
wall for many years before the great rebellion of Li Tzu-
ch'eng ended triumphantly in the Throne Hall of the
Forbidden City, because, as one liistorian has put it,
" the ruling house had ceased to display those moral
qualities %vithout which no power will long be tolerated
by a people hke the Chinese."
There had been serious uprisings in various parts of
the Empire — notably in Kueichou and Shantimg— since
the beginning of the seventeenth century; in 1622 the
Dutch had appeared upon the scene, seizing tlie Pes-
cadores and adding new terrors to the life of Chinese
officials. In 1625, the rising power of Nurhachi and his
Manchu armies had been signalised by the establish-
ment of ills capital at Moukden. But the position of the
dynasty only became desperate when, in 1641, Li Tzu-
ch'eng*s rebellion {which had been fitfully active for some
ten years) assumed formidable proportions and, sweeping
northwards, carried all before it.
Li Tzti-ch'eng liimself stands out as a picturesque
86
THE COURT OF PEKING
iigure against the lurid background of those days, a
great soldier and something of a politician. Cruel, with
all the ruthless ferocity of the Oriental, unscrupulous in
love and war, full of the lust of power and wealth, he
possessed, nevertheless, certain redeeming qualities —
courage, and a capacity for sudden impulses of gener-
osity. His most notable characteristic, common amongst
fighting men of humble origin who have risen to the
purple, was his belief in auguries, omens and pwrtents.
Many of the most momentous decisions of his career were
the outcome of his superstitious beliefs and fears.
He was bom in Shensi, about the year 1606. Historians
declare that in his early youth he had fore-knowledge of
his great destiny. One of them narrates the following
stor>'. As a young man he was addicted to hunting and
hawking, and would wander far afield with congenial
spirits. One day, in the depth of winter, he found him-
self with two intimate friends in a remote country district.
As evening fell they sat imder a tree to rest, and refreshed
themselves with deep draughts of wine. A dust storm
was raging. Suddenly Li turned to his friends and said :
** Listen I If the Imperial Throne is destined to be mine,
a sign will be given us to-night in the shape of a heavy
snowstorm." With this, he planted an arrow in the
ground and added : " If Heaven is on my side let the
snow^ be level with the top of this arrow." His friends
replied : " If you become the Son of Heaven we are
your men till death." Soon after, the sky began to
darken and the wind fell. Snow began to fall gently,
and gradually increased, until by midnight the top of
the arrow could just be seen. Li and his friends, greatly
impressed, walked home through the snow, and from that
day his mind was fixed on the ambition to overturn the
Ming dynasty. He turned brigand, and after eleven years
of perilous adventures found himself at the head of a
large army.
87
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
To give another instance of the superstitions which
continually influenced this bom leader of men : in an
engagement near the strategic pass at T'ung Kuan his
left eye was pierced by an arrow. An ancient prophecy
had predicted that the Empire would be conquered
by a one-eyed man, and Li was therefore greatly
elated at receiving this auspicious wound; indeed, the
incident, widely discussed, brought many new followers
to his flag.
And again, after the fall of Peking in 1644. Li Tzfi-ch'eng
entered the Forbidden City by the Southern, or Dynastic,
Gate. On arriving at the main entrance, the " Gate of
Heaven's Grace," as it was then called, he stopped and
aimed an arrow at the character signifying " heaven/*
painted over the gateway, the conviction having suddenly
seized liim that if his shot were successful in hitting the
mark, it would mean that Heaven approved of his
moimting the Throne. His arrow lodged just below the
character, and he and those with him took it for an
omen that he had been rejected by the Most High, and
that his victorious course was run.
In 1641 Li Tzu-ch'eng, victoriously advancing, laid
siege to Honan-fu. When his troops had completely
invested the city. Prince Fu, the Emperor's uncle, whose
fief was the province of Honan, summoned his generals
to a banquet at his Palace, and they arranged to raise a
force of a thousand volunteers, who would let themselves
down by ropes from the city wall and make a successful
night sortie. Dissolute and drunken as he was, the
favourite son of Wan Li made a brave defence, until Li
Tzu-ch'eng delivered a surprise attack from the north,
and overpowering the guards, took the city by assault.
When all was confusion, Prince Fu had himself let down
from the city wall and escaped in disguise to a neigh-
bouring temple, but he was discovered and brought into
the presence of Li Tzu-ch*eng. As he entered the camp
88
THE COURT OF PEKING
he perceived the Commander of the city garrison in
chains, who called to him and said : " Prince, a man in
your exalted station has a duty to the State to fulfil;
he must die bravely. Let not Your Highness I>end the
knee in submission to these dogs of rebels." Prince Fu
made no reply, but when led before Li Tzii-ch'eng, refused
to speak and was promptly dispatched. After killing
him^ Li mixed a cupful of his blood in a dish of hashed
venison, and called it the *^ Red pottage of fortune and
blessing," this being a pun on the Prince's name, which
means " good fortune." He was ever a grim jester.
His chief associate and fellow-rebel, almost as famous
a guerrilla leader as Li himself, was Chang Hsien-chung, a
Shensi Mahomedan, also a grim jester in his way. While
Li was besieging Honan-fu, Chang possessed himself of
the rich city of Hsiang-Yang, in Hupei. He won it by
covering a hundred miles with a small force of cavalry
in twenty-four hours, and surprising the garrison, whose
scouts had reported the country free of rebels. Having
taken possession of the city and burned the Prefect's
yamen, he seized the person of Prince Hsiang, a cousin
of the Emperor, and over-lord of Hupei. He brought
liim into the audience hall of his own Palace, and setting
a beaker of wine before him, said : '* I have no grudge
against Your Highness, and you are a harmless person
enough, but I have a fierce longing to see the head of
General Yang separated from his body.^ But alas, Yang
is not available at the moment, being far from here ; and
so I propose to make use of Your Highnesses head instead.
For if I now remove it, the Emperor, wrath at the killing
of one of liis own kinsmen, may see fit to order the death
of Yang, who should have been able to prevent this
abominable murder. Will Your Highness drink as much
of the wine as you can carry ? " He then put him to
* Yang Ssu-ch'nng was the Ming Comniander-jn •chief in Hupei,
wlio had defeated Cliang on more than one occasion.
89
ANN.AXS AND MEMOIRS OF
death and burned the body. The same rufRan is alleged
by Chinese historians to have made a dish of a wife who
iiad ceased to please him, putting into practice the
proverb which says, " The favourite of to-day is served
up at to-morrow's banquet."
The news of the fall of Hsiang-Yang created dismay at
Court. As Chang had foreseen, the Censors, trembling
at the prospect of the approaching cataclysm, ordered
that General Yang be put to death for failing to stem
the rebellion, but he saved them the trouble by committing
suicide.
In the same year, 1641, Li Tzti-ch*eng laid siege to the
great city of K'ai Feng-f u in Honan ; but its garrison made
such a stout defence, and its fifty-feet wall was so im-
pervious to his niining and artillery, that he was obliged
to desist from the attempt. Early in 1643, having sub-
jugated all the surroimding country, he made a close
investment of the city, determined to take it at all costs.
Tlie siege lasted until September, and the garrison, being
well supplied with food, showed no signs of yielding to
the rebels. When at last the city fell, it brought no rich
reward of booty to the conquerors, but only a harvest of
death. Enraged by its stubborn resistance, and fearing
the advance of a relieving force from Shensi, Li Tzu-ch'eng
determined to flood the city by cutting the banks of the
Yellow River. Curiously enough, the Commander of the
garrison had conceived a similar plan for flooding the
rebel camp, and had begun to sap the river*s embank-
ment at a spot favourable for that purpose. Li Tzu-
ch'eng's spies warned him of the danger, upon which he
moved his camp to higher ground and made large provision
of boats and rafts for his army. Having done this, he
compelled the country people for miles around to cut away
the embankments at Nia Chia-k'ou. Over a hundred
thousand of these unfortunates perished when the river,
swollen by heavy rains, finally burst its banks, and so
90
THE COURT OF PEKING
fierce was tlie flood that ten thousand of the rebels were
drowned. It entered K'ai Feng-fu by the northern gate
and carried swift destruction throughout the city. Of a
population estimated at over a million, scarcely a tenth
escaped. The Governor and some of the higher officials
saved themselves in boats, and several Princes with their
wives and concubines took refuge in a tower on the wall,
where they nearly died of starvation before rescuing
parties reached them. \Mien Li Tzu-ch*eng entered the
city in a boat, he found no opportunity for phmder or
reprisals.
From Honan, Li marched into Shensi, regaling his
troops witli three days of looting and rapine at Hsi-an.
Here, clad in Imperial dragon robes, he re\'iewed his
forces, while the citizens knelt at his passing. Thence
he proceeded to his native place and offered sacrifice at
his ancestral tombs, which had been desecrated by the
Imperial a»ithorities. On the first day of the new year
(1644) he assumed the Imperial title of Yung Ch'ang, as
the founder of the ** Great Obedient " dynasty ; he also
canonised his ancestors for four generations as Emperors
in the realms above. He would have taken this step at
a much earlier date had it not been that he had doubts
as to the possible rivalry of his old colleague and fellow-
rebel, Chang, who was believed to cherish schemes of
establishing a kingdom of his own. But Chang now sent
rich gifts to Li and a letter acknowledging him as Emperor.
So Li took heart of grace and proceeded to make for
himself a new nobihty and a Court; he appointed six
ministries, with presidents and their staffs, and created
nine marquises, seventy-two earls, thirty viscounts and
fifty-live barons. At this time his army consisted of
600,000 cavalry and 400,000 infantry. He sent Imperial
mandates throughout the country denouncing the Ming
Emperor, in these terms : " His Majesty, the present
Emperor, cannot be called an utter fool. He stands
91
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
alone, but the oppression of his officials is like unto the
heat of a burning fiery furnace. His Ministers serve only
their own selfish ends and form conspiracies among them-
selves. Loyal men are few and far between. The prisons
are full of unfortunate captives, and the officials are devoid
of gratitude for favours received. The people are so
oppressed by their exactions, that in their misery they
abandon their homes."
New Year's Day 1644 in Peking dawned darkly under
a fierce dust-storm, and an earthquake occurred at Feng
Yang in Anhui, near to the birthplace of the founder of
the dynasty. The Court was in despair. The Grand
Secretary Li Chien-ta*i, a native of Shansi, who had made
an enormous fortune as owner of the well-known Ssu Tu-
heng banking-house (which still exists), came forward at
audience and proposed to place his wealth at the service
of the Throne and to lead an army in person against the
rebels in his native province. The news of Li Tzu-ch'eng's
assumption of the Imperial title had come as a great
shock to the Monarch, who sorrowfully remarked to Li
Chien-t'ai : " My conscience is clear. I have not deserved
to forfeit the mandate of Heaven; nevertheless, ruin
confronts me on all sides, and the Empire is sHpping from
me. The inheritance which my ancestors won, after being
' combed by the wind and bathed in the rain,' is rapidly
being lost. How can I bear to face them in the next
world ? Gladly would I march to battle at the head of
my army and perish on the sandy plain. How can I
ever close my eyes in peaceful death while the Empire
is in a fennent? " At this the Monarch burst into tears.
Thereupon all the Grand Secretaries present asked to be
allowed to lead the army into battle in his place (a task
which they were no more fitted to undertake than the
Sovereign). The Emperor refused, whereupon Li Chien-
t*ai again kotowed and said : " I am ready to pay all the
expenses of the army and to march on the rebels."
92
THE COURT OF PEKING
Ch'ung-chen thanked him warmly-: " I mysel! shall sec
you off on your journey, as ancient custom prescribes."
He bestowed upon him an Imperial sword and full powers
in the field.
After a few days of preparation, the Emperor repaired
to the Temple of Ancestors and informed the august shades
of his decision ; then he ascended to the top of the tower
at the Ch*ien Men facing the Palace. The troops made a
brave show, drawn up in line extending from the entrance
to the Forbidden City as far as the Temple of Heaven.
The whole Court was in attendance and the musicians
played martial airs. His Majesty gave a banquet after
the review, at which he presided, and passed the wine
round seven times. Thrice he pledged the health of Li
Chien-ta*i in a golden beaker, and handed to him a
patent inscribed : " Acting as Generalissimo on Our
Imperial behalf."
The troops then marched off, and the Emperor watched
them leave the city. A little way beyond the city gates
Li Chien-t'ai's sedan-chair pole broke, which was regarded
as an evil omen. The expedition was a dismal failure.
Long before it had reached Shansi the rebels had captured
Li*s native city and had looted most of his family treasure.
Many of liis troops died of starvation on the way.
Meanwhile, Li Tzu-ch'eng was marcliing northwards
through Shansi, had crossed the Yellow River without
opposition, and laid siege to T'ai Yuan-fu. The Governor
made a gallant resistance, but the city was betrayed to
the rebels by one of his staff.
Li Tzii-ch*eng entered Prince Chin's Palace and cap-
tured the wretched Prince (a descendant of Yung lo).
Him he slew, together with forty-six high officials. On
hearing the news, the Emperor issued a pitiful decree
deploring the calamities inflicted on his people by the
rebellion, as well as the inefficiency of his officials and
his own lack of virtue in governing. " In the watches
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
of the night," he said, " I mourn over these things and
my self-abasement knows no limit. From this time forth
I am determined to turn over a new leaf and to avert the
consequences of my errors. I mean to strengthen our
resources by employing able men in office, and by adher-
ence to time-honoiu-ed tradition to depart from evil. By
merciful forbearance I intend to win my subjects' love,
and by remitting unjust taxation to make good their lack
of funds. I command tliat lists be drawn up of all
worthy and honest men who m the past may have been
dismissed from office, so that they may be reinstated.
To any member of the local gentry wlio shall re-capture
a city from the rebels I will grant hereditary rank. To
all who return to their allegiance and repent thcin of
their sins I promise pardon and high rank ; while any one
who may capture the rebels Li Tzu-ch'eng and Cliang
Hsien-chung will receive from me a niarquisate and
corresponding official rank."
" The Devil was sick," but the time for issuing such
decrees was past; nothing could now save the doomed
dynasty. \Vi»en a iii*st detachment of rebels entered
Cliihli and captured IIo Chien-fu the Court dispatclied
the eunuch Tu Hsiin to the Chilili frontier at Hsiian-hua
to stop their advance from that side. This was a fatal
step, for Tu was a coward and a traitor. lie had already
advised the Emperor to surrender, saying : ** You had
better abdicate, you and I will have plenty to live upon
in retirement." With this powerful eunuch at the head
of military affairs, interfering in matters of which he was
profoundly ignorant, tlie situation was desperate, but
none dared to oppose him.
A Censor now advised him to send the Heir Apparent
to Nanking, and to place his other two sons, the Princes
Ting and Yung, in charge of the defence of Ning-kuo and
Tai-ping in Anhui, near the birthplace of the ancestors
of the dynasty. While perusing this memorial the
94
THE COURT OF PEKING
Emperor walked nervously round the Palace grounds,
sighing and muttering to himself. He had made up his
mind to agree, when one of the Grand Secretaries told
him that the scheme was bruited abroad and was creating
a bad impression. The wretched Emperor again hesitated,
and finally said : "It is the duty of the Sovereign and
his family to die for the State. I shall order the Princes
to remain in Peking," Urgent messages were sent to
AVu San-kuei to defend Shan Hai-kuan and to dispatch
all the troo[>s lie could spare lo the metropolis.
On arrival at Xing Wu-fu, a city of Shansi situated just
inside the Great Wall, Li Tzu-ch'eng sent forward a herald
to announce that all its inhabitants would be put to the
sword unless the city surrendered within five days.
General Chou Yii-chi, who had retreated hither from
Ping Yang, made use of cannon which had been cast
by the Jesuit priests, and did great execution amongst
the rebels. Wlien his gunpowder was almost exhausted,
and the assault continued with undiminished vigour, his
men tried to persuade him to surrender. The old General
angrily replied: *MVhy such cowards? If you win the
day you will gain gi-eat glory, as brave and loyal men.
When you find you can hold out no longer, all you have
to do is to bind me and hand me over to the rebels. You
can blame me for holding out so long." His troops were
ashamed and proL-eeded to lay an ambush for tlje rebels
by posting a few men at certain gates and then opening
them to the enemy. In marched the rebels, whereupon
the defenders closed the barriere at the end of certain
streets, caught them in a trap, and slaughtered them in
thousands. But Li Tzu-ch'eng continued to bombard
the city walls with cannon ; as one portion collapsed, the
breach was hurriedly repaired by the defenders. Four
of Li Tzu-ch'eng*s bravest lieutenants were slain, and Li
had almost made up his mind to retreat, when his aide-
de-camp protested, saying : ** We outnumber them by a
95
iSiSALS AND MEMOIRS OF
hundred to one ; if we persist, in spite of our losses, victory
is certain. It would be so even if the odds were only ten
to one."
Li Tzu-ch'eng was only too willing, and urged his men
on. As one company was wiped out another pressed
forward to take its place. When the corpses were piled
ten feet high the garrison was exhausted and the city
fell. General Chou Yii-chi refused to yield; he directed
the street fighting until his horse was killed, whereupon
he rushed headlong among the rebels, killing several
before they captured him, pierced through and through
with arrows as numerous as the quills on the porcupine.
Still he resisted them, so Li TzG-ch'eng had him tied to
a lofty beam and shot at with arrows until he died, after
which his corpse was decapitated. His wife and hand-
maidens fled to a small guard house on the Great Wall
and from there shot arrows at the rebels, who set fire to
the building. All of them perished in the flames. No
one in the city surrendered : all were put to death.
When Li appeared before the gates of Ta T'ung-fu,
General Chiang Hsiung and the treacherous eunuch
Commander-in-chief, Tu Hsun, agreed to siurender, though
the Governor, Wei Ching-yuan, and his army had taken
a soleimi oatli, consecrated, in accordance with ancient
custom, by the blood of a sheep smeared on the lips,
that they would hold out to the death. Wien the rebels
arrived, Chiang Hsiung's men, some of whom were posted
at each gate, treacherously surrendered the city. Governor
Wei on horseback rushed forward, but seeing that he had
been betrayed allowed himself to be taken. They led
him to Li Tzu-ch'eng, who offered him official rank. Wei
sat down instead of kneeling in his presence, and called
out : " May the Emperor live for ever ! " Then he wept.
Li praised his loyalty, saying : *' I will never slay so brave
a man." Governor Wei then rose and dashed his head
against the stone balustrade. The blood poured forth,
96
THE COURT OF PEKING
and the rebels took him away. Meeting the traitor,'
General Chiang, he reviled him, saying : ** Accursed rebel,
you have violated the solemn oath which yon took before
the Almighty; God will reward you according to your
crime." Then the rebels brouglit in his mother, who was
over eighty years of age, to induce him to yield. He said :
" Mother, you are very old and must do as you think
best, I, your son, am a Minister of State, and death is
the only way for me." His mother was led away, and
he said to the bystanders : *' I will curse tlie rebels no
more, in the hope that they will spare my mother's hfe."
He hanged himself in a Buddhist shrine, and the rebels
praised his loyal courage. They provided shelter for his
wife and family and bade his mother join them. Then
they put to death all of the Imperial family who were in
the city.
When the news reached Peking, Li Chien-t'ai (who had
returned from his inglorious expedition) advised the
Emperor to flee to Nanking. Ch*ung Chen called his
Ministers to an audience on the Palace terrace, and after
telUng them of this advice said ; *' The Sovereign must
die for the Altars of the Tutelary Deities ; whither should
I flee?"
One of the most loyal and upright of his Ministers was
the Grand Secretary Chiang Te-ying. In the early stages
of the rebellion he had advised an active policy against
Li, and had remonstrated with the Emperor for taxing
the people so heavily to provide funds for a non-existent
army.
At the audience on the terrace, Chiang again advised
that the Heir Apparent should be sent to Nanking, and
reconunendcd that a decree be issued, beginning as follows :
" Of late, evil-minded persons have been collecting unjust
taxes on the pretext of providing army funds, so that
our subjects have been cruelly oppressed and the interests
of our State have been placed in jeopardy." When the
u 97
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
Emperor heard this preamble, he became very angry and
said : " I have only raised these taxes in order to pay
my troops and not for my own benefit." Chiang replied :
" I am aware of this, Your Majesty, but the taxation is
very heavy, and I venture to ask you, is the proportionate
number of men and horses fortheoming? The Viceroy
of Chichou should have 45,000 troops; he has only
25,000. The Viceroy of Pao Ting-fu should have 30,000;
he has 2,000. And so it is with the garrisons around
the capital; the money has all been wasted and misap-
propriated."
The Emperor was very wrath, and accused Chiang of
conspiring against him, so the Minister tendered his
resignation. Ch'ung chen intended to punish him, but
he escaped when the city fell. Hoping against hope, the
Emperor now conferred an earldom on Wu San-kuei and
bade him hurry to the defence of the capital. The eunuch
Wang Ch'eng-en was made Commander-in-chief of Peking
and placed in charge of its defences.
The Governor of Hsiian-hua, Chu Cliih-feng, an Imperial
clansman, had prepared to defend the city ; but the
eunuch Tu Hsiin and General Wang Ch'eng-yun sent liim
word to surrender. Tu went in person to call on Chu
Chih-feng and advised liim to submit, but Chu refused
to listen to him. When the rebels appeared, Tu Hsiin
donned his Court robes and dragon jacket and went out
to meet Li Tzu-ch'cng ten miles beyond the city. The
garrison dispersed, whereupon Chu mounted the city wall,
accompanied only by a few retainers. The rebels entered
the gates, which had been opened by the eunuchs. Li
had issued notices that no one was to be massacred, and
promised remission of taxation and corv^es, so the people
were in high spirits. The streets were decked with bxmting
and festooned arches had been erected to welcome the
conquerors. Incense was burnt as Li TzQ-ch'eng entered.
General Chu's servants endeavoured to persuade him
98
THE COURT OF PEKING
to seek a place of safety, but lie upbraided them and
prostrated himself in the direction of Peking in obeisance
to the Emperor. Then he hastily wrote out a valedictory
memorial, in which he implored His Majesty to stimulate
his subjects to patriotism and loyalty; after which he
hanged himself on a beam. The rebels flung his corpse
into a ditch, but though the dogs devoured the other
dead bodies, they left his untouched.
Six days later Chii Yen-kuan was taken by the rebels,
and that long-guarded frontier was successfully passed,
Li TzQ-ch'eng liad now entered the plain north of Peking,
and was only tliirty miles from the capital. He proceeded
to the sacred enclosure containing the ancestral mausolea,
plundered their contents, and set many of the stately halls
on fire. His spies were all over Peking, and many mer-
cliants and officials in his pay sent him daily word of the
Ming preparations. Some of Iiis confidential agents were
actually serving on the Board of War, and every decision
of the Throne was at once communicated to him by
special courier. On the other hand, the spies sent out
by the Board of War Avere captured by Li*s patrols and
none returned to Peking. Thus Li's advance guard
reached the central West Gate of the capital before his
approach was even suspected.
The Emperor summoned his Coimcil; all were silent
and some wept. The bombardment began. Three regi-
ments which had been placed outside the gate fled at the
rebels' approach, only a few guards remained to man the
walls. Li Tzii-ch'eng moved to the Chang-yi Gate, about
a mile and a half further South, and established his
quarters just outside the enceinte. Here he was attended
by the eunuch traitor Tu Hsiin ; tiie latter shot a message
in a quill on to the city wall, where it was picked up by
the guard. It was a letter to the Emperor, stating that
the rebels must win, and advising His Majesty to commit
suicide. This was handed to Ch'ung Chen, who tliereupon
99
n
J]
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
issued a penitential decree and again decreed that all
extra taxation should cease forthwith. He then ordered
his son-in-law, Kung Yung-ku, to send a body of retainers
with the Heir Apparent to Nanking. Kung kotowed
and said : " It is the rule that relations of the Emperor
should keep no arms in their residence ; alas ! I have
no retainers for the mission." The two men wept together.
The rebels scaled the wall of the Southern city with
ladders, and took possession of the quarter inside the
Chang-yi Gate. Other detachments bombarded the three
gates of the Tartar city. The guard fled, and the eunuchs
in command cravenly surrendered to the rebels. At this
critical moment the folly of trusting to these myrmidons
was fully proved, and the Avisdom justified of the founder
of the dynasty who forbade that they should be allowed
to meddle in affairs of State. There were between three
and four thousand of them in the Forbidden City, osten-
sibly charged with the duty of defending it and the
Emperor, but of these one only, the eunuch Wang Ch'eng-
en, was faithful even unto death. The rest spent the last
days before the coming of the rebels either in rioting and
feasting or in burying their treasiu'es and making ready
for flight. On the very day that Li Tzu-ch'eng captured
the first gate of the outer city, one of the Chief Eunuchs
was giving a theatrical entertainment at his residence
just outside the Ch*ien Men. As for tlie officials, the
loyal and the good were, for the most part, so indignant
at the eimuchs* supremacy in the counsels of the Emperor,
and so certain of disaster, that they prepared to perish
with the dynasty, as the Confucian traditions prescribe.
The licentious and ignoble continued their feastings as
before.
On the 4th day of the 3rd Moon, the Court of As-
tronomers had handed in a memorial, saying that the
Emperor's star was being displaced, and His Majesty
issued one of his futile decrees, calling upon liis officials
100
THE COURT OF PEKING
to repent them of evil. Yet he took not the brave and
loyal into his favour and confidence, the men who later
died for him at the post of duty. The spirit of his degen-
erate Court was fittingly displayed in the words of a
couplet which some one wrote upon the Palace wall. " If
this dynasty's star has waned, let us hitch our fortunes
on to its successor."
The Emperor now realised that the position was hope-
less, and that it was too late to strengthen the city's
defences. On the 17th of the 8rd Moon, the rebels at-
tacked the North-West Gate. The Palace officials came
to report to His Majesty, who summoned all the Grand
Council to a secret audience at the Terrace Pavilion.
The Emperor asked the advice of Wu Tsao-te, who could
make no reply, but hung his head in forlorn silence. See-
ing them all helpless, the Emperor, in a rage, flimg his
dragon chair to the ground and left the Pavilion. He
went from the Palace on to the Coal Hill. It was now
evening, and the smoke of the rebels* beacon fires was
visible on all sides of the city. For a long while the
wretched Monarch stood there, lamenting his peoples'
sufferings and his own.
Next morning, long before dawn, the rebels attacked the
Western Gate of the Southern city, and the eunuch Tsao,
who was in charge, surrendered it to the enemy. The
rebels poured in, speedily captured the Ch'ien Men, and
advanced upon the Forbidden City.
The Emperor ordered that the Heir Apparent and his
younger brotiier be removed to a place of safety. When
they came to take leave of their father they were dressed
in their usual Court attire. Sorrowfully the Emperor
regarded them : " How is it that at a time like this you
are arrayed in robes of luxury ? " Then he commanded
a eunucli to bring two suits of old and shabby clothes,
and with his own hands assisted his sons to tie their
girdles. '* To-day," said he to the elder. ** you are Heir
101
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
to the Throne; to-morrow you will be one of the people,
homeless, and a wanderer on the face of the earth. Reveal
not your names and dissemble as best you may. Address
your elders with respect as " good sir," and call strangers
" uncle " or " kind cousin." If. perchance, your hves
should be spared, remember in time to come to
avenge the wrongs whicli your parents have suffered.
Forget not these my words." He ended, and the lads
were led away.
He then commanded them to bring wine, of which he
drank a considerable quantity. Summoning his Empress
Consort (who was of the Chou family) and the concubines,
he addressed them, saying : '' All is over. It is time for
you to die." The senior concubine, Lady Yuan, on
hearing these words, rose in terror from Iier knees and
tried to escape, but His Majesty pursued her with a
sword. Shouting : " You too must die," he wounded
her in the slioidder. She continued to run , but the
Emperor thrust at her a second time, whereat she fell,
weltering in blood. The Empress Consort fled to her
Palace of Feminine Tranquillity, and there hanged herself.
Next, the Emperor summoned the Princess Imperial
from the Palace of Peaceful Old Age. She was only just
fifteen years of age. Wildly he glared at her, saying :
" By what evil fortune were you born into our ill-starred
house?" Seizing his sword, he hacked off her right
arm, and she sank dying to the floor. He then went to
the pavilion of Charity Made Manifest and there killed
his second daugliter, the Princess of Feminine Propriety.
Finally, he sent eunuchs to greet in his name the Empress
Consort, and to the senior concubines of his late brother,
Hsi Tsung, strongly advising both to commit suicide.^
Entering the Palace of Feminine Tranquillity, he saw his
Consort hanging dead from the rafters, whereat he cried
aloud : " Death is best, the only way for us all."
' Fide suprOt p. 82.
102
THE COURT OF PEKING
It was now nearly 5 a.m, and the dawn was breaking.
The Emperor changed his apparel and removed his long
Imperial robe. The bell rang in the Palace for the
morning audience, but none attended. The Emperor
donned a short dragon-embroidered tunic and a robe of
purple and yellow, and his left foot was bare. Accom-
panied by the faithful eunuch Wang Ch'eng-en, he left
the Palace by the Gate of Divine Military Prowess, and
entered the Coal Hill enclosure. Gazing sorrowfully
upon the city, he wrote, on the lapel of his robe, a
valedictory decree : " I, feeble and of small virtue, have
offended against Heaven; the rebels have seized my
capital because my Ministers deceived me. Ashametl
to face my ancestors, I die. Removing my Imperial cap
and with my hair dishevelled about my face, I leave to
the rebels the dismemberment of my body. Let them
not harm my people ! " Then he strangled himself in
the pavilion known as the " Imperial Hat and Girdle
Department," and the faithful eunuch did likewise.'
Before the Emperor had committed suicide, most of
the concubines had fled from out the Palace. One of
them, the Lady Wei, on reaching the Imperial Canal,
cried out : "All who are not cowards will follow my
example," and jumped in. Some two hundred women
of the Palace committed suicide. A certain handmaiden,
named Fei, jumped into a disused well which was dry.
The rebels pulled her out, and seeing that she was fair
to look upon tried to take her. Haughtily she said :
" I am the Princess Imperial." Awed by her words they
desisted, and led her to Li Tzu-ch*eng, The latter ordered
the eunuchs to identify her. As they all said that she
was not the Princess, Li presented her to one of his
captains, named Lo. Fei had the whip hand of him
^ The usual account that he hanged himself to a tree is certainly
incorrect, though until quite recently the chain which he is supposed
to have used was liuspenacd there.
108
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
also, saying : *' Really and truly I am of Imperial lineage,
and too high in rank to enter into an illegal or temporary
nnion with you. Your Excellency must espouse me in
lawful wedlock. I beg you to select an auspicious date
for the ceremony." Lo was only too delighted, and set
wine before her, of which he himself drank heartily. Fei
waited until he was completely intoxicated, then took a
stiletto and stabbed him fatally in the throat. As he
lay dying, she cried out : " I, a weak woman, have slain
a rebel leader. I am content." With that she cut her
throat, and when Li heard of the deed he ordered that
she should have honourable burial.
Meanwhile, Li TzQ-ch'eng had entered the Palace. By
his order two door panels were brought, and the Emperor's
body, with that of liis attendant, was carried to a shop
inside the Tung-hua Gate. Here the remains were laid
for three days, after which eunuchs were ordered to
array the Emperor in Imperial robes and to dress his
hair, before laying him in his coffin. The people were
allowed to pay their respects, and many did so, but few
of the official class ventured to do obeisance to their old
master, for fear of attracting Li Tzii-ch'eng's suspicions.
In fact, many made a long detour on their way to the
Palace in order to avoid passing the coffin.
On the Srd of the 4th Moon, the Emperor and his
Consort were temporarily buried in the grave of the T'ien
concubine, but only eunuchs and peasants witnessed the
burial. Later, when Li Tzu-ch'eng had been defeated
and the Manchus had entered Peking, their Regent, the
Prince Jui, ordered the building of an Imperial mausoleum
and prescribed three days of general mourning. But, for
the present, the last of the Ming Emperors went to his
eternal rest unlionoured. An account of the burial
ceremony was subsequently made to the Manchu Regent
by the minor official who carried it out under orders from
the rebel Prefect of Peking, as follows :
104
THE COURT OF PEKING
e 25th of the 3rd Moon ^ I received orders
Li Hsi-chang, styling himself Prefect of the city, that we
were to inter their late Majesties in the grave chamber
of the late concubine, the Lady T'ien, and that I was to
engage labourers to open up the passage leading thereto,
whose wages would be paid out of public funds. On the
1st day of the 4th Moon I therefore engaged thirty
bearers for the Imperial coffin and sixteen for that of
the Empress, and arranged for their conveyance to
Ch*ang P'ing-chou. The preliminaiy obsequies were
fixed for three days later, and the actual interment took
place on the 5th. The departmental treasury was quite
empty, and as the Secretary of Li Tzu-cli'eng*s Board of
Ceremonies (responsible for the due performance of the
ceremony) refused to provide any funds, I was obliged
to collect subscriptions from charitable persons. Thanks
to the generosity of two worthies, I obtained the sum of
840 tiao.^ So I set to work to open up the grave-tunnel,
which was 185 feet long by 20 feet wide and 35 feet liigh.
We worked for three days and nights, and early on the
morning of the fourth day we came upon the stone gate
opening into a grave ante-chamber. The workmen were
obliged to force the lock before we could enter. Inside
we found a lofty hall containing sacrificial vessels and
many ornaments , In the centre was a stone vessel ,
whereon stood enormous candles of walrus fat.^
" Next, we opened the central tunnel gate, and found
ourselves within a much larger hall, in the centre of which
stood a stone couch 1 foot 5 inches high and 10 feet
broad. On it lay the coffin of the Lady T*ien, covered
witli silk drapery.
•' At 3 p.m., the coffins of their Majesties arrived at the
entrance to the mausoleum, and were sheltered for the
' That is, seven days after the capture of Pckiim.
^ At that time about £6.
* The so-called " everlasting lamps.'*
105
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
night in a temporary mat-shed which I had erected.
We offered sacrifice of a bullock, gold and silver paper,
grain and fruits. At the head of the few officials present
I proceeded to pay homage to our departed Sovereign,
and we wept bitterly at the foot of the Imperial biers.
" Next day, the two coffins were borne through the tunnel
and into the grave chamber. We placed them on the
stone couch, from which we had first removed the coffin
of Lady T*ien. We then deposited the coffin of the
Empress on the left of the couch, the Lady T'ien's remains
were replaced on the right, and lastly, His Majesty's coffin
was lifted into the central place. The Lady T'ien's death
had occurred at a time of peace, and her coffin had con-
sequently been provided with the customary outer shell,
but there had been no means of preparing one in the
present case for His Majesty. So I had the shell of the
Lady T'ien's coffin removed and used to cover that of
the Emperor.
"The obsequies having ended, we refilled the tunnel,
banking up the earth so as to conceal the approach to
the door leading into the grave chamber. On the following
morning, the 6th. we offered libations of ivine, and I had
a mound erected over the grave by the peasants from
neighbouring hamlets, besides building a clay wall five
feet high round the enclosure."
Thus passed the last >Iing Sovereign from the Dragon
Throne. On the morning of hh death (the 19th), just
before noon, Li Tzii-ch*eng, mounted on a piebald horse,
rode in through the Gate of Obedience to Heaven, attended
by his Grand Secretary, the rebel Niu Chin-hsing, and
Sung Ch'i-chiao, President of the Ministry of Civil Offices.
The Chief Eunuchs with a large following had met him
outside the city gate and escorted him into the Palace.
He took his seat on the Throne in the Hall of Imperial
Supremacy, and bade search be made for their Majesties,
the news of their death not having yet reached him.
106
THE COURT OF PEKING
Some of the eunuchs brought forward the Heir Apparent
and his two brothers, the Princes Yung and Ting, who
had been found concealed with the family of the Lady
T'ien. Li announced that on the 21st he would hold a
Court reception, at which all the highest Ming officials
must attend; on the 20th he busied himself in super-
intending the provision of quarters for his troops.
At daybreak on the 21st, the Imperial Duke Chu
Shun-ch'en (in whom the late Emperor had placed his
trust) and the Grand Secretaries Wei Tsao-te and Ch'en
Yen led a melancholy procession of officials to the space
in front of the Throne Hall. All were wearing their
civilian clothes, not daring to don Court dress. Li
TzQ-ch'eng did not condescend even to notice their
congratulations. The rebels crowded round them and
jeered, some prodding them playfully in the back with
swords, while others made them kneel, and kicked them
in the neck or pulled off their hats. The wretched
officials dared not protest or resist, and tamely submitted
to these insults in silence. The Grand Secretary Ch'en
Yen then sought to curry favour by inviting Li Tzfi-ch'eng
to ascend the Imperial Throne'
Li proceeded without delay to establish his authority
and reorganise the Government. He gave to the Heir
Apparent the title of Prince Sung, released all officials
who had been imprisoned by the Mings, and promulgated
a new official system. He changed tlie six Boards into
Ministries, altered the constitution of the Censorate, and
converted the Hanlin Academy into the " Institution of
Elegant Literature." The old name for a Govenior of
Province was restored, and the division of the provincial
administration into prefectures, departments and coun-
ties was simplified. All the changes which he made
revealed practical wisdom.
* He had assumed the Imperial title at Hsi-an. but could not con-
sider him&olf Emperor de jure until he had been enthroned at Peking.
107
ANNAI.S AND MEMOIRS OF
Thei'eafter he condescended to receive the Ming officials.
Sitting with his face to the South, and attended by his two
Chief Lieutenants, he bade each advance in answer to the
roll call. He divided them into three classes; all the
lower officials gladly accepted their new ranks. In the
higher ranks, only IIou Ilsun was permitted to retain
liis former position of Vice-president; all the rest were
degraded one or more steps. All alike knelt in anxious
expectation, eager to receive employment from their new
master. He was now to show them something of his
quality.
First, lie promulgated a code of regulations ordering
that every family in Peking should board and lodge one
rebel. There was nottiing said against looting and rape,
so that for the next few days the rebels indulged in a
carnival of slaughter, and thousands of the defenceless
citizens committed suicide.
Next, he appointed ninety-two of the renegade Ming
officials to serve under his henchman Sung Ch*i-chiao, in
the Ministry of Civil Offices. But scarcely had they
placed themselves at Sung's disposition than they were
compelled to give effect to a decree ordering the arrest
and imprisonment of eight hundred officials, including
members of the late Imperial family and many who had
tendered their submission. These unfortunate wretches
were sent in batches to the camp of Li's Commander-in-
chief, Liu Tsung-niin, to undergo torture by the squeezing
board and to be severely beaten, until they disclosed the
hiding-places of their wealth. One of the proscribed, a
libationer of the Confucian Academy, was lying on a bed
of sickness, but he was bound in chains and beaten till
he died. The squeezing apparatus was then appUed to
liis wife \mtil her fingers were broken. She confessed
where their money had been buried; 7000 taels were dug
up and handed to Li Tzu-cli'eng. He was much irapresse<l
by the largeness of the amount and exclaimed ; " Fancy
108
THE COURT OF PEKING
a hurable literary man being so well-to-do ! " The
result of the torturing in this case caused him to issue
a decree ordering that all these oHicials should be
tortured. The ransoms, which he extracted from the
proscribed, were fixed at Tls. 100,000 for a Grand Secre-
tary; TIs. 70.000 for high officers of the Household;
Tls. 50,000 from Supervising Censors; Tls. 20,000 for
Hanlin Doctors, and so on down the scale to the lowest
mandarins. Members of the Imperial family were
squeezed of the uttermost farthing and then put to death.
But not all the Ministers and courtiers of the wretched
Ch'ung-Chen were cowards and renegades; helpless though
they were to serve or to save him, there were many
officials and scholars, even in those degenerate times,
who loyally upheld the stoic tradition of the Confucian
philosophy, and preferred deatli to dishonour. Many
instances might be cited of their splendid courage and
dignity in misfortune, but we must content ourselves
with selecting two or three of those which chiefly appeal
to the admiration of their countrymen.^
On hearing of the death of the Emperor, the Board
President Yi Yuan-lu, a native of Chekiang, hastened to
the Palace in full Court dress and wrote on a desk the
following : '* The capital should be removed to Nanking;
my duty is to die. Do not wrap me in grave clothes;
let my corpse be exposed. Those who understand will
pity," Then, sitting with liis face to the South, he strangled
himself with his girdle. Thirteen members of his family
committed suicide on tliat day.
The President of the Censoratc, Li Pang-hua, ascended
the city wall with some other Censoi-s, but the eunuchs
^ It is interesting to reflect that the Japanese samurai's hara-kiri,
with oil its noble traditions of chivalry, foyalty, high courage, and
M>Ienin ceremonial, owes its origin to the canons of the Chinese Sages,
in whose philosophy lies the very soul of the Kast, and which can still
iofipire moral heroism in a race generally nnwurlike and devoid of
loyBlty.
101)
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
drove them back. Hearing that the outer city had
fallen he repaired to the shrine of the Patriots of the
Dynasty, and when tlie rebels had entered the inner city
he bowed before the tablets of those enshrined in the
temple, saying : " In the liour of my country's disaster
I here conmtit suicide, asking permission to attend to
you, worthy gentlemen, at the Nine Springs." Then he
wrote out some valedictory verses and hanged himself.
Ling Yi-ch*u, a Director of the Court of Revision,
hearing that the Emperor was dead, burst into loud
lamentation and dashed his head against a pillar. The
blood poured from his wounded face, and a disciple
came to urge him tliat liis duty was to live. Ling reproved
the young man : *' You ought to give me the kind of
advice that an honest man might follow. How can you
wish me to prolong existence? " He motioned to him
to depart; then, gathering round him his favourite books,
he burnt them all, saying : *' You at least shall not
be defiled by the rebels." He dressed himself in his
Court robes, put on his badge of office, wrote a last letter
to his father, and committed suicide.
The Director of the Court of Sacrificial Worship, Wu
Len-clieng, was on duty at the Ilsi-chih Gate; a party
of rebels advanced and sought admittance, pretending
that they were loyal troops. The eunuch commander
was for opening the gate, but Wu refused to allow it.
He barricaded the enceinte with stones and earth, and
at night descended from the wall with a party of volun-
teers, dealing destruction in the rebel ranks. ^Vhen the
city fell he entered a shrine and wrote to his family,
bidding them use a common black cloth to cover his
remains, and hanged liimself. Wu had always advised
the Emperor to recall AVu San-kuei from Ning Yiian,
as the danger from tlie rebels was more pressing than
from the Manchus. When too late, Ch'ung Chen regretted
that he had not followed this good advice.
110
THE COURT OF PEKING
The Censor, Ch'en Liang-mi, a Ningpo man, was
childless, but a concubine whom he had bought only
six months before was enceinte. He called her to him
and said : " I am about to die, but you will soon give
birth to a child; get you to your parents' house." The
concubine, weeping, made answer : " If you mean to die,
is it not my bounden duty to join you in death ? At a
time like this it were better that my child should not be
boi-n." Her husband rejoined : " Must it be so? " The
concubine, aged eighteen, then hanged herself, and he
followed her.
The Marquis Liu Wen-ping, a nephew of the Empress
Dowager, had had a last audience of the Emperor on the
evening of the 11th day of the 4th Moon, and he promised
the Emperor that he would die. On leaving the Presence,
he went with a party of retainers to the Hata Gate and
slew several rebels. Thence he returned home and found
that his mother, wife and sisters were already dead. They
had hanged themselves after setting fire to the house;
the fire was still raging, so that he could not enter the
chamber. His ui^cle. second in command at the Palace,
returned at this moment from his duties there, and met
Liu Wen-ping in his garden. He proposed that both
should throw themselves down the well, but his nephew
stopped him, saying : " It is not respectful to the Emperor,
whom you will shortly meet in Hades, that you should
wear a military uniform. Put on your civilian dress."
His uncle did so, and then, shouting : " Long live His
Majesty," they died together.
Wu Su, President of the Board of Ceremonies, was a
renegade. He accepted office under the rebels, and bade
his old servant prepare robes of ceremony that he might
proceed to pay his congratulations to Li Tzu-ch'eng.
The man replied : " The Son of Heaven is dead, and
instead of hurrying to do obeisance before his bier you
would actually kneel before the usurper ! Death is a
111
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
small thing, but loss of honour is a great thing. Please,
sir, reconsider this matter.*' With tliese words he kotowed
until blood flowed from his temples. Wu Su angrily bade
him begone; but again the old servant answered and
said : " Your Excellency hankers now after wealth and
position. You may disregard my words to-day, but the
time is at hand when you will regret it. This rebel Li
Tzu-ch'eng is treacherous and greedy. Your conduct
will displease Heaven, and you will be reviled of men.
Surely you have not long to live. As for me, I cannot
bear to see one whom I have served all these years
losing both life and reputation." So he killed himself;
and liis words came true, for Li made Wu Su hand over
all liis treasure, which was very large, and then had him
beheaded.
To return to Li Tzu-ch'eng, now undisputed ruler of
Peking. On the 28th day of the 3rd Moon the President
of the Ministry of Rites issued a circular notice, calling
on hU the officials and elders of the people to memoralise
Li Tzii-ch'eng and invite him formally to ascend the
Imperial Throne. This was done, and Li, graciously
assenting, decreed that an auspicious day be appointed for
the great ceremony. He intended that the occasion should
be celebrated with all possible pomp and circumstance.
But the auguries of evil were not to be gainsaid; the
rebel Emperor's star had begun to decline from the
moment he assumed the Imperial title at Peking. The
magnificent ceremonies wluch he had planned for his
formal installation on the Dragon Throne were never to
take place, and in a little while he, the pursuer and
plunderer, was to be pursued and plundered.
It will be remembered that a few days before the fall
of Peking the Emperor had sent an urgent summons to
General Wu San-kuei (who was then holding Ning Yuan,
the last of the Ming strongholds, against the Manchus),
bidding him come with all speed to Peking. Wu San-
112
THE COURT OF PEKING
kuei started at once, but he had scarcely got beyond the
Great Wall when word was brought to him of the fall of
Peking and the death of the Emperor. His army of
seasoned veterans was evidently a weighty factor in the
situation, especially as his evacuation of Ning Yiian had
left the road open for the Manchus to march upon Peking.
Wu San-kuei's father, General Wu Hsiang, had gone over
to the rebels, and for his own safety's sake was most
anxious that his son should tender his allegiance to Li
Tzu-ch'eng. Wu San-kuei would undoubtedly have done
so but for the matter of a certain singing-girl, which
will be dealt with hereafter. For the present, suffice it
to say that Li's overtures to him proved fruitless. He
halted his army at Feng-Yun, near the Great "Wall, and
while keeping up pourparlers with Li, began negotiations
with Prince Jui (Dorgun), suggesting a combination of
forces against the rebel Emperor.
On the 29th of the 3rd Moon, eleven days after the
fall of Peking, Li Tzu-ch*eng, fully aware that, with the
Manchus behind him, Wu San-kuei would be a formidable
foe, sent him a present of Tls. 40,000 for his troops, and
addressed to him the following somewhat tactless letter :
*' You have been indeed favoured by fortime in rising to
so high a position, since you have never rendered any
pre-eminent military service to your Sovereign. But as
the country was threatened by powerful enemies, the
only way to keep you from going over to the other side
was to shower rewards upon you. The principle is a
sound one, and was originally enunciated by the philo-
sopher Kuan Tzii as a reason for bestowing honours on
doubtful loyalty ; it was also exemplified by the founder
of the Han dynasty, in his employment of Han Hsin.
" At present you have a large army under you, but it
has only a spectacular value. If my troops swoop down
upon you, you have neither the will to repel their onset
nor the available force to defeat them. This is your last
I lis
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
opportunity to join me. Your Emperor is dead and may
soon be followed to the grave by your own sire. My
advice, therefore, to you, if you wish to combine loyalty
with filial duty, is to surrender to me and gain the honours
which I promise you. If, however, you persist in over-
weening self-confidence, your army is not strong enough
for victory, and will be destroyed in a single morning.
Your innocent father will be decapitated, and you will
have lost both Sovereign and father. The proverb says :
' It*s only the father who knows his own son.' A pressing
message."
To this Wu, still temporising and with an eye to the
future, rephed by requesting that Li Tzu-ch'eng should
send him the Heir Apparent, the son of the late Ming Em-
peror. Instead of so doing, Li sent two renegade Ming
Generals with a force of 20,000 men to attack him; but
Wu, too wise to waste his forces in this way, beat a
hurried retreat, and laid siege to the stronghold of Shan
Hai-kuan, then held by a rebel garrison of 8,000 men.
He took the city after a fierce assault, whereupon Li Tzu-
ch'eng, realising that his Throne could never be secure with
this enemy on his borders, left Peking with a force of over
100,000 men to attack him. How Wu San-kuei, aided by
the Manchus, defeated Li, will be told in a later chapter.
After his defeat, Li T2u-ch*eng entered into a treaty
of alliance with Wu San-kuei for the division of the
Empire, and handed over to him the person of the Heir
Apparent. By this Treaty, Li was to be Emperor and
ruler of Shansi, Shensi and all to the West of those provinces.
He then hastened back with the remnant of his army to
Peking, He re-entered the capital on the 26th day of
the 4th Moon, and two days later solemnly assumed the
Imperial title in the Wu Yung Palace Hall. He pro-
claimed his Consort Kao as Empress, and conferred upon
his ancestors for seven generations the posthumous title
of Emperor. The ceremony of his enthronement was
114
THK COURT OF PEKING
shorn of the magnificence which he had intended; the
gold Imperial seal was not ready and the coinage bearing
his reign title had not been struck. Nevertheless, he had
his hour of triumph — he wore the Dragon robe, and the
whole Court made obeisance before him, while his accession
was reverently announced at the altars of the Temples
of Heaven and Earth. The chroniclers aver that, while
he was receiving the congratulations of the Court, the
dragon woven on the carpet of the Imperial da'is " seemed
to glare at him angrily." No doubt but that Li himself
felt that the auguries were unfavourable. Having been
acclaimed Emperor and left his name on that high roll
of fame, he returned, with undiminished vigour, to the
congenial role of plunderer. No sooner were the cere-
monies at an end, than he set fire to the main halls of
the Palace and to the towers on the city wall. Then he
took all the gold vessels of the Palace and melted them
down into flat " cakes," each weighing about a thousand
ounces, suitable for transport. He loaded some ten
thousand of these " cakes " on to his transport mules,
and prepared to take the long trail towards his new
Empire in the South.
Before leaving, however, he proceeded to administer
retributive justice to the Palace eunuchs, to the traitors
who had betrayed their Sovereign and the Empire to
save their purses and their skins. Collecting them all
together, he first compelled them to give up all their pearls
and valuables; they were then driven out of the Palace
with cudgels. Not one was spared; even the eunuch Tu
Hsiin, who had advised the surrender of the city, reaped
the just reward of his treachery, and was forced to dis-
gorge all his ill-gotten gains. After having been stripped
of all portable valuables, they were led outside the Gate
of Perpetual Peace and bidden to disclose where their
other treasure was hidden. Those who refused either
had their legs cut off below the knee or underwent the
115
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
roasting torture. In some cases those who had given
up all their worldly goods were made to endure the
finger-squeezing torture, and after that were beheaded.
The Earl Li Kuo-chcn, who had been amongst the first
to surrender, had not haitded over enough plunder to
satisfy Li Tzu-ch'cng, so he was tortured until both his
ankles were broken, after which he was allowed to hang
himself. His wife was stripped stark naked by the
rebels and placed on a horse, amidst much ribaldry.
The Grand Secretary Chen Yen had also surrendered, and
had made his peace by paying a toll of Tls. 40,000, but
Li thought he might possibly give trouble later on, so
put him to death before leaving Peking, as well as Lo
Yang-tsing, a Minister of the Household who had paid
Tls. 30,000.
With the subsequent fortunes of Li Tzu-ch'eng, Emperor
of a day, we are not here concerned ; they are recorded in
many volumes of history. But the time and manner of his
death are still invested with the romantic quality which
distinguished his eventful life. According to the official
Manchu historians, he met an ignoble end at the hands
of peasants at T'ung Ch'eng in Hupei, but this story
would seem to have originated in the natural desire of
the country's new rulers to have it believed that he was
dead, if only because, so long as he remained alive, he
must continue to be a cause of vmrest. It is recorded that
a corpse, supposed to be his, was officially exhumed and de-
capitated, but the truth seems to be that, after the fitful
fever of his adventurous career, he ended his days in
peaceful seclusion, not without dignity, as a Buddhist
priest. There are, at least, good grounds for this belief.
After the capture of Wu ch'ang by the Manchus (1646),
wliich Li had held against them for some time, he appears
to have fled into Hunan, accompanied by a remnant of
alK>ut thirty followers, and sought refuge at a place called
Ching Hua. Thence he retreated to Buffalo Mountain
116
THE COURT OF PEKING
in the An fii district, and there, bidding his retinue leave
him, he proceeded alone to Mount Chia. Near the town
of Shih men (Stony Gate) he found a temple, in which
he took refuge, shaving his head and donning the robes
of a priest. In the priests' burial ground of that temple
there still stands the dagoba in which Li is said to be
buried. Its inscription runs : " The Buddhist priest
whose religious designation was the ' Jewel ^ of Heaven's
Grace.' " In front of the tomb is a tablet, on which is
written : " None can tell the family name or origin of
the priest who lies buried here." When Li first became a
■rebel he had styled himself, " By Heaven's grace leader
of righteousness and supreme commander." Subsequently
.he assumed the title, " Emperor of the Great Obedient
[Dynasty."
In the reign of K'ang Hsi (about 1695) an old priest
of this temple told a scholar of Ch'angsha that he remem-
bered Li's arrival in 1646; he had refused to say from
whence he came, but his accent was that of a Shensi
man. He seemed to be well read in the Buddhist Works
on Ecclesiastical Discipline. Some years later he was
joined by another priest, named Yeh Fu, who had formerly
been his disciple, and who attended him with the greatest
devotion for the rest of his life. He died in the Chia Yin
year of K'ang Hsi (1674), when about seventy years of
age, after dehvering a valedictory message to his disciple
Yeh Fu, in which he described himself as an Emperor
rVfho had renounced the pomps and vanities of this world.
His picture was preserved in the temple, and the priest
who told the story produced it for the scholar's inspection.
There could be no doubt that it was the portrait of Li
TzG-ch'eng : apart from the loss of one eye, his high
forehead and simken jaw were unmistakable. His re-
maining eye was large and lustrous (so that he was often
called " Owl-eyed "), and his nose was strongly aquiline.
' In reference to the Imperial putriinony.
117
Chinese historians, as a rule, are given to describing
the characters and deeds of their great men with a some-
what crude and uncompromising finality ; they are either
good or bad, strong or weak, and every succeeding genera-
tion of scholars accepts and confirms verdicts which were
often rendered in the first instance upon insuftlcient
or false evidence. Classical Chinese history, on the
whole, is strangely indifferent to the changing moods and
motives of men; it contents itself with recortling results,
painting the picture of the past without the light and
shade of humanity's mutable purposes and irresponsible
impulses. And Chinese historians, being generally scholars
anxious for official employment or preferment, are wont
to describe men and events in a manner conforming either
to constituted authority and the political opinions of
the day or to their own preconceived prejudices.
Thus it is, no doubt, that Wu San-kuei, the Chinese
General who first broke the power of Li Tzu-ch'eng, and
finally drove him back, repeatedly defeated, beyond the
Yangtsze, stands in history to-day as a great soldier, a
statesman and a scholar. Great soldier he certainly
was : for several years his military genius had held in
check the Manchus, and his brilliant defence of Ning
Yiian had earned for him the admiration of those good
fighting men. But of his principles and patriotism, the
less said the better.
118
THE COURT OF PEKING
After the fall of Peking and the death of the Emperor
his army,^ standing between the forces of the rebel
Monarch and those of the Manchu invaders, was in a
position to command the situation and to determine the
destinies of China, in so far as these depended upon the
occupancy of the Throne. It is certain that if he had
obeyed his father's wishes and given his adherence to
Li Tzu-ch'eng, the Manchus would not have been able to
establish their rule upon the ruins of the Ming dvmasty.
If \Vu had observed the terms of the treaty of alliance
against the Manchus, which Li Tzii-ch*eng made with
him after the latter*s first great defeat near Shan Hai-
kuan, the Mings might have continued to rule at Peking,
His final decision, to throw in his lot with the Manchus
against the rebels and violate his avowed allegiance to
the Ming Heir Apparent, was due, not to love of his
country, but to his passion for a certain singing-girl, of
whom, after the fall of Peking, Li Tzu-ch*eng had deprived
him.
The following facts of Wu San-kuei*s career at this
juncture, critical in determining the subsequent history
of China, are taken from a diary written at Peking by
one of the Palace eunuchs named Wang Yung-chang,
who was an eye-witness of the fall of Peking and a close
observer of subsequent events. In this diary are tran-
scribed several letters written by Wu San-kuci to his
father, General Wu Hsiang, who had sworn allegiance to
the usurping Emperor. They prove beyond all doubt that
Wu San-kuei's policy was originally influenced by personal
ambition, for he was quite ready to serve under either
banner; but that, at the critical moment, his actions
were determined solely by liis desire to regain possession
of his favourite concubine. The Manchus owed their
dynasty, under Heaven, to the little singing-girl known
* The Manchu records state that Wu San-kuci*s army at Xing- Yuan
consisted of 180,000 infantry and 40,000 cavalry.
119
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
to contemporary chroniclers as Lady Ch'en, the Round-
faced Beauty.^
Four days after the fall of Peking, that is to say on
the 22nd of the 3rd Moon (1644), Wu San-kuei wrote from
his camp at Feng-Yiin to his father in the Palace a letter
which the latter handed over to Li Tzu-ch*eng. In it he
said : *' It is rumoured here that Peking has fallen, but of
this we have no definite news. No doubt the city is being
besieged. If you can manage to escape, do not bring much
money with you, but bury your treasure as best you can.
Please tell my favourite mistress, the Lady Ch'en, that
I am in good health, and bid her keep up her courage."
Another letter followed, saying : " I have now received
definite news of the fall of Peking, and propose to move
with my forces to a position outside Shan Hai-kuan.
If you cannot possibly escape from Peking, try to send
me a hne by special courier. If all our women have been
seized by Li Tzu-ch*eng you will be acting wisely in
surrendering to him. I am most anxious about the
Lady Ch'en."
A third letter is dated the 25th day of the 8rd Moon :
" I have your letter of the 20th and note that you have
surrendered to the new Emperor (Li Tzu-ch'cng). Under
the circumstances, it was the only tiling to do, so as to
save our women from the hands of the rebels. The truly
great man will always frame his actions \vith careful
regard for the exigencies of the moment, and trim liis
sail to the favouring breeze. But your letter goes on
to say that the Lady Ch'en has left Peking on horseback
on her way to my camp. I have seen and heard nothing
of her. Oh, father ! how could you thus recklessly allow
a delicate girl of her age to start out on so perilous an
adventure ? I had moved my troops to Shan Hai-kuan,
* TliJB romantic personage had originally been a slavc-girl in the
hou&ehold of E^l Chou K'lici. Wu San-kiici met her there at a wine-
party, and loved her at first sight.
120
/
THE COURT OF PEKING
and was seriously thinking of submitting to Li Tzu-ch*eng,
But this news has greatly upset me."
A fourth letter is dated the 27th day of the 3rd Moon :
" Yesterday I heard definitely that the rebel General
Liu Tsung-min has seized the Lady Ch*en. Woe is me !
I shall never see her again in this life. I could never
have believed that you, father, would have been guilty
of such folly. Yesterday I bombarded Shan Hai-kuan
and caught the rebels unawares. I had planned to make
use of some of the Manchu forces and to march straight
on Peking, but hesitated to do so because of the possible
consequences to the Lady Ch'en. If she is back again in
Peking, and the rebels ascertain that she is my concubine,
they will probably spare her life, hoping thereby to induce
me to surrender. But if once I move my troops they
will certainly kill her. Hence, I send you this by special
courier, in order that I may learn how matters stand."
The fifth, and last, letter reads : " I have your letter,
in which you tell me that the Lady Ch'en has been
appointed a concubine in the Palace, and am glad to
hear that she is being kindly treated. But you write as
if you were not very positive of your facts; who is your
informant? You also say that the Ming Heir Apparent,
son of the late Emperor, is in the Palace; have you seen
him or not? Now that you have submitted to the Shun
dynasty ^ you should memoriaUse the new Emperor in
audience and tell him what I say. All I ask is that he
hand over to me the Heir Apparent and Lady Ch'en.
Let him do this and I will loyally submit to his dynasty
at once."
This correspondence proves the absurdity of the gene-
rally accepted version of the story, which describes Wu's
loyal indignation at Li Tzu-ch'eng's capture of Peking
as " making his hair to stand on end, so that his hat was
lifted from his head."
P
* The title chosen by Li Tzu-ch*cng for his new line.
121
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
In demanding the person of the Heir Apparent, Wu
San-kuei's first intention, as subsequent events proved,
was to proclaim him Emperor— a puppet Monarch—
for his own purposes. He went so far as to adopt for him
a reign title, and dated his official proclamations and
despatches " the first year of Yi-IIsing," or " Manifesta-
tion of Righteousness." But he abandoned the plan
when, to his intense wrath, he heard that his concubine,
the " Round-faced Beauty," had been given to the
Heir Apparent. This all-important fact is not
mentioned either in the official records or in private
memoirs, but the statements in Wang Yung-chang's
diary, the account of an eye-witness, are fully confirmed
by circumstantial evidence, and fit in with all the other
known facts of the situation. They may, therefore, be
accepted as true. Witness the following extract : ** On
the day after the fall of Peking the rebels discovered
the Heir Apparent concealed in the house of the father
of T'ien, the Imperial Concubine. He and his brother,
Prince Ting, were handed over to the rebel Emperor,
who conferred upon the Heir Apparent the title of Prince
Sung and on his brother that of '* Duke of Peaceful
Abode." On the 6th of the 4th Moon, Li Tzu-ch'eng,
in truculent mood, WTote to Wu San-kuei as follows :
" The Heir Apparent is safely ensconced in the Palace,
so you may abandon all hope of using him for the further-
ance of yoiu" schemes. We have given him a princedom,
and WE have made over to him your wife and women
for him to dally with as he pleases."
Three days later, Li Tzu-ch'cng issued a decree proclaim-
ing a punitive expedition against Wu San-kuei; he left
Peking on the 12th of the 4th Moon with an advance
force of over 100,000 men. In his suite were the Heir
Apparent, his brother, three other Jling Princes, Wu
San-kuei's wife and two sisters, and a number of Palace
concubines, amongst whom was the ** Round-faced
122
THE COURT OF PEKING
Beauty." A fortnight later the armies met at a spot
known as the " Stony Valley." Li was utterly defeated»
and fled into Shan Hai-kuan. Thence, hoping to come to
terms with Wu San-kuei, he sent to his camp the Heir
Apparent and the " Round-faced Beauty." Wu, still
uncertain as to the future, and wavering in his allegiance
to the Mings, agreed next day with Li Tzu-ch'eng, and
signed with him an offensive and defensive alliance against
the Manchus. It read : " The Emj>eror Yi-Hsing,^ of
the great Ming dynasty, hereby deputes Wu San-kuei,
his Regent and Grand Secretary, Prince Pacificator of
the West, and the General commanding. Earl Tang
T*ung; and the Emperor Yung ch'ang,^ of the Great
Obedient Dynasty, deputes the President of his War
Department, Wang Tse-yao, acting with Chang Jo-ch'i, to
enter upon a sworn treaty of alliance at Shan Hai-kuan —
on this 22nd day of the 4th Moon of the Chia Shen year.
" From the date of this agreement each party shall
keep its respective territories, and neither shall invade
the other. The Great Obedient Dynasty is now in pos-
session of Peking, but hereby agrees to evacuate and
restore it to the Great Ming Dynasty on the 1st day
of the 5th Moon, to belong to the Mings for ever. The
treasure and valuables seized at the sack of Peking are
recognised as the property of the Great Obedient Dynasty.
It shall be optional for its inhabitants to become subjects
of the Great Obedient Dynasty or to remain under the
Ming Dynasty. To the Great Obedient Dynasty shall
belong the provinces of Shansi and Shensi and all to the
West thereof. If the Manchu troops invade China, both
parties to this alliance shall unite against them; their
mutual relations shall be those of sympathetic allies,
for weal or woe. A\Tioso breaks this treaty, may Heaven
and earth combine to destroy him."
' The reign title given to the Heir Apparent by Wu San-kiiel.
• Li Tzti-ch*eng*s reign title.
128
p
p
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
After signing this treaty, Li Tzu-ch'eng marched back
to Peking, where he arrived on the 29th. He was not
left long in doubt as to the loyalty of his new ally, for
even before he reached the capital, couriers brought him
two proclamations which Wu San-kuei had issued ; one
in his capacity of the " Regent and Grand Secretary,
Prince Pacificator of the West," dated the 1st year,
4th Moon, 24th day of the Ming Emperor Yi-Hsing,
the other as " Prince of the first rank, Pacificator of the
West," headed with the Manchu date of the reign of
Shun Chih. After reading the latter proclamation, Li
exclaimed : " If I am victorious, this double-faced villain
will be on my side; if the Manchus win, he will join them.
Having got the Heir Apparent and the women Ch'en
into his hands, he breaks without compunction our
solemn treaty. Such a creature is more brute than man."
AVith that he decapitated Wu's father and sixteen
female members of his family.
On the 1st day of the 5th Moon a decree was received
in the Palace from the Ming Heir Apparent, that he
would enter the city within three days and proceed to
perform the funeral rites of the late Emperor and his
Consort. At the end of tliis decree he affixed the date
of his own year title, '* Yi Hsing," proving that he regarded
himself as Emperor and trusted to the loyalty of Wu
San-kuei. Memorials of welcome were accordingly pre-
pared, and in due course the news reached the Palace
that His Majesty had arrived at the Western Gate, so
Wang Te-hua made ready the Imperial sedan-chair and
the insignia prescribed for an Imperial progress and
went forth to meet him at the head of a large body of
officials. The eunuchs were very busy with preparations
inside the Palace.
The foregoing details of Wu San-kuei*s career are taken
from the diary of the eunuch W^ang Yung-chang. At this
point it ends. There are certain discrepancies in matters
124
THE COURT OF PEKING
of detail between the narrative and other accounts of
the period, notably in regard to the time and place at
which was signed the treaty of alliance for the division
of the Empire and the date at which Wu's father was put
to death by the vindictive Li. But the main facts and
the documents quoted may be taken as reliable.
Wu San-kuei's lack of filial piety, in putting his " Round-
faced Beauty " before his father, has been condoned by
historians, who quote with approval his own sa>ing : ** A
disloyal Minister must expect to have an unfiiial son.*'
Wu San-kuei himself, evidently with an eye to the verdict
of posterity, justified liis action in the last letter which
he addressed to his undutiful parent. The following
extract from this document is interesting : " Your unfiiial
son, San-kuei, weeps tears of blood and offers his duty
at your knee, father mine. Since childhood I have bene-
fited by your teacliing, and have striven night and day
to perform my duty on the field, in the hope of repaying
something of my Emperor's favours. After the loss of
Ning Yiian, the key to Peking, I was determined to recover
it at all costs, when to my dismay I learned that the
capital itself had fallen, owing to the lack of courage
displayed by its defenders. You, father mine, were one
of the military commanders and had a large force at your
disposal. How comes it that you surrendered so quickly
and failed to make the stout resistance which duty
required? A mighty city like Peking should not have
fallen after a single day's siege. I have learned with
shame of His Majesty's death and of the massacre of
his subjects. You, my father, have enjoyed a reputation
for loyalty; if you could not repel the invader, surely it
behoved you to cut your throat at the Palace gates and
thus to die for your country ? Then I should have
hastened, in garb of mourning, to avenge your fate or
to perish in the attempt. How now can you bear to pro-
long your disgraceful existence in the rebel ranks ? Wang
125
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
Ling's mother committed suicide rather than allow her
son to surrender to Hsiang Chi. Chao Pao was the
cause of his mother's death, because the barbarians
placed her in front of their battle line when he attacked
them. You used to tell me of these ancient heroines,
but your own behaviour suffers sadly in comparison with
that of these noble women. You have failed to act as
a loyal Minister; why should I be a filial son? Hence-
forward I disown you. Even though the rebels place you
on the sacrificial altar, so as to make me submit, I shall
ignore your fate. Respectful greetings from your son."
From all the evidences of contemporary documents
and tradition there is reason to believe that, for a time
at least, Wu San-kuei meant to support the Heir Apparent
in his claims to the Throne at Peking and, possibly, to
allow Li Tzu-ch'eng to retain dominion over Shansi and
the West. According to the generally accepted records,
it was from Yung P*ing-fu, after the rout at Shan Hai-
kuan, that Li made overtures to treat with Wu for the
division of the Empire and sent him the person of the
Heir Apparent. It is certain that at tliis point Wu
desisted from pursuing Li's beaten army, and issued
proclamations announcing his intention to enter Peking
for the restoration of the Ming dynasty at an early date.
One of these proclamations, dated the 30th of the 4th
Moon, reached Peking on the morning that Li Tzfi-
ch'eng and his loot-laden army left the city. It announced
the approach of the Heir Apparent, and directed the
people to wear mourning for His late Majesty.
It was at this juncture that the Manchus showed their
hand clearly and gave Wu San-kuei no option but to
throw in his lot with them, abandoning the Mings, or
to fight against hopeless odds. Wu had iioped to be
able to keep the Manchus busy with pourparlers while
he carried out his plans and took stock of the situation
at Peking, but Prince Jui, the Manchu Regent, suspicious
126
THE COURT OF PEKING
of his intentions, hurried on from Shan Hai-kuan to Chin-
chou. There, hearing of VVu's proclamations, he sent
him an urgent message forbidding him to enter Peking
in state and saying that no Ming Sovereign would be
acknowledged. Wu made his choice, and the Ming
dynasty's chances of restoration went with it.
On the morning of the 3rd day of the 5th Moon, the
Peking officials assembled outside the Western Gate to
meet, as they expected, their new Ming Emperor. But
when the palanquin arrived, its occupant was seen to be the
Manchu Kegent. and Wu San-kuei was with him. Their
entry was received in dead silence. At the Tung Hua
Gate of the Palace some eunuchs came forward with the
Imperial sedan and invited the Regent to enter it. For
some time he demurred, but yielding at length proceeded
in it to the Palace. As the Court knelt, he said : " I
wish to follow the precedent of Duke Chou in acting as
Regent for the infant Emperor. I ought not to ride in
the Imperial chair." He then entered the Wu-ying Hall
and received the Ming ollicials, bidding them all remain
at their former posts. A memorial was handed to him
inviting him to ascend the Throne, but his Grand Secre-
tary, Fan Wen-ch'eng, rebuked the memorialists, saying :
" We have a young Emperor already who succeeded to
the Throne last year at Moukden; the Prince Regent
cannot possibly accede to your proposal."
The politic Regent, rightly judging that the atmo-
sphere of Peking at this juncture might have a bad effect
upon Wu San-kuei and his army, sent him in pursuit of
Li Tzu-ch*eng. Wu, well knowing that Li's forces were
staggering under the weight of their accumulated plunder,
accepted the mission, which he carried out with his usual
vigour and success. The treaty of alliance cast to the
winds, he routed Li in several fierce engagements, relieved
him of his ill-gotten booty, and finally drove him into
Sliansi. From the date of his entry into Peking by the
127
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
Regent*s side, until in 1674 he rebelled in his turn, he was
the Manchus' man and a sulid pillar of their State. They
rewarded his services with a Princedom, giving him
command over the provinces of Kuei chou and Yunnan,
The correspondence which passed between Wu and
the Manchu Regent, before their combined forces defeated
Li Tzij-ch'eng, is not without historical importance, and
may fittingly be referred to here. It was when Li Tzii-
ch*eng*s " punitive expedition " had started from Peking,
on the 12th of the 3rd Moon, that AVu made up his mind
at Ning Yiian to seek an alliance with the Manchus.
Accordingly, he wrote to the Regent, who had made
overtures to him some time before. After referring to
the invasion of Peking by the rebel host of " pilfering
dogs," he invoked the assistance of the Manchus to
chastise the rebels, in the following terms :
" The accumulated virtues of our dynastic line have
inspired feelings of loyal love and devotion in our people;
volunteers arc flocking to our standard against the foul
invaders, and I, who have received such favours from the
Throne, have endeavoured to raise an avenging host which
shall attain the decisive victory that all men desire. But
I regret to say that my forces are insuHicient, and there-
fore, weeping tears of blood, I implore your assistance.
For two centuries our States have been alhes, and now
that we have met with this catastrophe surely it behoves
your dynasty to pity us. Surely you will never suffer
these bandit traitors to work their evil will ? Your duty
to Heaven requires you to exterminate these evil-doers;
charity to your fellow men must impel you to rescue the
distressed and to save them from utter ruin; generosity
and justice call upon you to rescue the people from this
scourge of fire and flood; you will gain real glory by
restoring a fallen State and renewing an extinct lineage;
thus shall you display the prestige of your arms and gain
new territories.
128
" Your Highness is endowed with heroic qualities,
and the present offers a splendid opportunity to strike
home. I beseech you to pay heed to tiiis loyal entreaty
of the orphaned servant of a ruined dynasty, and to send
your picked troops to invade China, placing thera in the
centre and right wing, whilst I march with my forces
on the left wing. You should move at once on the capital,
expel the rebels from the Palace which they profane,
and thus prove your magnanimity to the Middle Empire.
What limit can there be to the gratitude which it will
be our bounden duty to display ? By rights I should
address His Majesty directly, but being ignorant of the
correct etiquette I have not ventured lightly to intrude
upon his sacred intelligence with my entreaties. Will
Your Higluiess graciously memoriaUse him in my stead? '*
On receipt of the above letter, the Regent Dorgun
(Prince Jui) at once sent Balaikun to Chin-chou to bring
up more cannon. He moved his camp on to Tin Valley,
and from there sent the following reply to Wu San-kuei ;
" We have repeatedly wished to make peace with the
Mings and have sent letters offering to negotiate, but
the Ming Sovereign and Ministers did not condescend to
reply, being blind to the ruin which threatened their
dynasty. For this reason we have twice approached
their capital with our armies, so as to read a useful lesson
to the Ming Emperor, to induce him to make peace with
our nation, and to prove our good intentions to his people.
To-day the position has completely changed, and our
present purpose is to establish the fortunes of your State
and to take your people under our protection. The
tidings of the capture of Peking and the lamentable
death of the Ming Sovereign have caused my hair to stand
on end with horror. Therefore, I am now leading an
avenging army, which is resolved to succeed or perish
in achieving the dehverance of your people. We shall
never desist from our task imtil the rebels are vanquished.
K 129
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
Your letter has greatly gratified me, and I am advancing
to the attack forthwith. In refusing to hve under the
same sky with the usurper you are fulfilling the duty of
a loyal Minister; let not any thoughts of past hostility
between us cloud your mind with doubt or suspicion.
Did not the ruler of the Ch*i State, Duke Ilsian, confer
high olfice on his former enemy, Kuan Chung, and thus
attained to supremacy over the feudal states? If you
will join our army with your troops I will bestow upon
you the rank of a feudal Prince, so that on the one hand
you will avenge your master's disgrace, and on the other
hand you will assure your own fortunes and those of
your posterity for all time. Honours and fortunes will
he lavished upon you, and your house will stand for ever,
immutable as the hills and the Yellow River."
Dorgun moved on to Lien Shan, and there received a
further letter from \Vu San-kuei : " I am in receipt of
your letter and note that your troops are advancing.
Your righteous action will bring you eternal fame. My
reason for assisting you is solely due to my veneration
for His late Majesty Ch'ung Chen, and considerations of
personal aggrandisement move me not at all. In obedi-
ence to your behests I am occupying all strategic points
W^st of Shan Hai-kuan with my picked men, hoping to
decoy the rebels to advance. At present they are in
full force around Yung-t'ing, as numerous as ants. Of
a surety Heaven intends that they shall dig a pit for their
own destruction. I am arranging that a large portion
of my army shall co-operate with yours. Let Your High-
ness dispatch your tiger-like levies towards Shan Hai-kuan,
that we may attack the rebels in front and rear. They
will fall into our hands, so that Peking and all the region
round about will soon know the blessings of peace. One
word more : an army such as yours, inspired with the
loftiest of motives, must desire above all things to win
the confidence of the people. You sliould, therefore, issue
130
THE COURT OF PEKING
stringent orders against looting, and by so doing both
territory and all which it contains will be yours. The
Empire is won I "
Next day the Regent was within three miles of Shan
Hai-kuan. Li Tzu-ch'eng*s force had been reinforced
and now numbered 200,000 men. With him were the
Heir Apparent of the Mings, his two brothers and many
Ming Princes of the Imperial family, as well as Wu
San-kuei's father. He sent a final summons to Wu to
surrender, but the message was ignored, so Li advanced
to bombard Shan Hai-kuan. Wu sent despatch riders
to inform the Manchus, and Prince Jui, the Regent,
dispatched a force which met and defeated the rebel
General at Yi-pien-shih. On the following morning, Wu
and his men came out of Shan Hai-kuan to welcome the
Manchus. The Regent warmly welcomed him, gave him
a ceremonial reception, and proceeded with him to per-
form joint obeisance to Heaven. Wu then introduced
his officers, and the Regent bade him return and order
his troops to fasten white badges on their shoulders,
so as to avoid confusion between them and the rebels.
Li Tzu-ch'eng's forces were dra>\Ti up in line between
the mountains and the sea, awaiting the order to attack.
A furious dust storm was raging; they could hardly see
a yard in front of their position. The Manchu troops
were drawn up some distance away, and received instruc-
tions from the Regent to bide their time and await order,
as any premature movement might mean disaster. " If
every man does his best," said he, " the Empire is
ours."
Wu San-kuei threw his right wing against Li Tzii-
ch'eng. With a mighty shout they rushed at the rebel
lines, but their first onslaught was repulsed. The wind
dropped and both sides engaged in a furious melee.
The Manchus supported the attack with an irresistible
charge. The rebel ranks broke, and the day ended in
181
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
their complete rout, a scene of hopeless confusion and
great slaughter.
On the following day the inhabitants of Shan llai-kuan
shaved their heads, in obedience to a proclamation by
the Regent. The Manehu Princes had hesitated to
believe in Wu San-kuei's assurances, but they were
reassured when he appeared in their camp with shaven
head. The Regent thereupon conferred upon him a
Princedom of the first class, togetiier with the robes and
emoluments of his rank. His father received the " happy
despatcii " at the hands of Li Tzu-ch'eng on the same day.
With the next thirty years of Wu San-kuei's successful
career, spent first in breaking up the forces of Li Tzii-
ch'eng and later in hunting down the last fugitive claimants
to the Throne of the Mings, we are not at present con-
cerned. When the Manchus' dominion had been definitely
established over the whole Empire, Wu was rewarded
with a satrapy, giving him command over the provinces
of Kuei-chou and Yunnan. At his palace in Yiinnan-fu
he maintained Imperial state. It was built and furnished
in regal style, decorated with splendid halls and pavilions.
He spent large revenues in beautifying the city, erecting
a pleasure house on an island of the lake which he called
" Beside the Crystal Wave," and planted a garden in the
western suburb known as the *' Park of Peaceful Pros-
perity," in which he kept his large library. But his
prosperity was not destined to be pennanently peaceful.
In 1674, incensed at the Emperor K'ang Hsi's decision
to reduce his semi-independent authority, he, the qucllcr
of rebellions, raised the standard of revolt against the
Manchus, proclaimed the establishment of a new (Chou)
djmasty, and fought with all his pristine vigour and success,
imtil, in October 1678, a stroke of paralysis ended his
tumultuous career. His proud spirit, accustomed to
command, Avould not brook the thought of exchanging
his vassal state for the position of a subject.
132
THE COURT OF PEKING
Long before his open declaration of revolt, he had been
planning to throw off liis allegiance on this far-flung
frontier of the Empire, and would sit for hours brooding
over his grievances and plotting his revenge. He made
his preparations carefully, as was his wont, and laid in
large stores of provisions and munitions of war. Wliilst
he was thus engaged, trouble occurred in his mhiage. A
younger brother of his favourite concubine had given him
offence, and Wu threatened to behead him. The offender
fled from Yiinnan, made his way to Peking, and informed
tlie Emperor of Wu*s treasonable designs. K'ang Hsi,
who had but recently taken over the Government from
his Regent (1667) refused to believe the story. Never-
theless, he dispatched a secret messenger to Yiinnan-fu
to ascertain the truth. Wu had spies of his own in all
the inns of the city, who reported to him at once the
arrival of any strangers from Peking, He soon heard of
K'ang Hsi's agent and realised that the Emperor suspected
him. Desiring to ease the Monarch's mind, and thus to
prevent the arrival of Imperialist troops before his plans
were completed, he hastily restored on official documents
the year title K'ang Hsi (for which he had substitute<l
a new dynastic appellation of iiis own), and hung outside
the gate of his Palace a new pair of scrolls, proclaiming
his allegiance to the Manchus :
" How much mightier is the Emperor than I ! "
** The Minister dreads lest his loyalty be doubted."
The envoy remained a month in the city, but could find
no proofs of Wu's intention to rebel. He copied the
scrolls above quoted and on returning to Peking handed
them to the Emperor. The latter laughed heartily,
saying : " My old servant is innocent of rebellious plottings
and has been the victim of calumny."
When eventually news reached him that Wu had
actually rebelled, K'ang Hsi, who was at his ablutions
l8d
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
at the time, was greatly enraged, and threw the ewer
he was using to the ground, shouting : " How that scurvy
rogue has fooled me ! "
When the decree reached Yiinnan by which K*ang Hsi
abohshcd the three semi-independent vassaldoms and re-
placed them by provincial administration, Wu invited his
officials and secretaries to discuss the situation. They
proposed various schemes, all of which Wu rejected. He
had already made up his mind to rebeU and would hear of
no compromise. One of his staff, however, a Chftkiang
man, named IIu, sat in a corner, silently smUing with a
contemptuous expression, as if he guessed what was in
Wu's mind. Next day, Wu invited all the staff to a
banquet and selected Hu for special honour by handing
him a cup of wine, in which was a large dose of poison.
Hu died in great agony.
Wu San-kuei had the physical traits which the
Chinese associate with intellectual greatness^onspicu-
ously large and long ears and a fierce aquiline nose. He
went clean-shaven, and the expression of his face was
stem and forbidding. Himself a hard worker, he exacted
industry from others, and was a strict disciplinarian.
Men feared his wrath; luckily for tliose who served him
there was a danger signal on his face that never failed,
for on the bridge of his nose (which was misshapen)
there was a black birthmark which would swell and turn
piuple when an outburst of rage was impending. Also,
just before the explosion, he was wont to give out ominous
snorts, which served to remind those about him that
they had engagements elsewhere.
As we have shown in his correspondence with Prince
Jui, Wu had a neat and effective literary style, but scholars
admire him chiefly for his proclamations and addresses
to his troops, in which he displayed much originality
and power of invective. His exhortation to the army
to extermmate Li Tzu-ch'eng is one of his masterpieces
184
THE COURT OF PEKING
in this style of composition. " That puny hobgoblin,"
it runs, " that petty traitor, Li Tzu-ch'eng, has befouled
our sacred capital. The light of the sun is obscured, and
his poisonous miasma reeks to Heaven. Wolves and
jackals infest our citadel, dogs and swine squat in our
Palace halls. They have been guilty of the death of
their Majesties; they have put to the sword our scholars
and our principal men. They have massacred our people
and sacked our chief city. High Heaven resoimds with
the bitter plaint of our dynasty's illustrious ancestors.
The Halls of Hades bear witness to the tears of blood
shed by our bravest and our best. But Heaven's man-
date to the dynasty is not exhausted; the memory of its
virtue still lives in every heart. Patriotic sincerity
requires its restoration, this traitor must flee before
our loyal resolution. Let volunteers arise and smite
him, so shall ten thousand be put to flight by one. Yet
a Uttle while and we shall see China faithful to her old
rulers and the house of Chu ^ restored to power."
Like most of his contemporaries, Wu displayed a
tendency (which the Emperor K'ang Hsi was wont to
deplore in his elder statesmen) to allow his everyday
actions and his decisions at moments of crisis to be guided
by the advice of fortune-tellers and astrologers—" by
dreams and by Urim and by prophets." This power
of seers and soothsayers has ever been a very vital factor
in shaping the destinies of the Chinese, as it has been
with all the peoples of the Orient, whose instincts and
traditions fit them to hear the voices that Europe has
silenced with materialism.
Just before raising liis standard of rebellion against the
Manehus in 1674, Wu San-kuei decided to consult a
certain Taoist priest, famous throughout the province
for his uncanny skill in foretelling destiny by the study
of physiognomy. Wu invited him to attend at the Palace,
* CIm Yiian-cliang, founder of the Ming dynasty.
185
AKNALS and: memoirs: OF
"but the priest refused. Then Wu went, incognito, to
visit him and asked to be shown the future. After
gazing at him for a long time, the priest said : *' Your face
is that of a man who will attain to great power, but there
are lines on your chin which tell me that your posterity
will be overtaken by disaster and your family become
extinct."
Wu said nothing; but after returning to the Palace
and brooding over this prophecy of evil he decided to
send one of his trusty servants and put the priest to death.
The priest, however, had recognised his visitor, and, being
a judge of physiognomy, had left the neighbourhood
and was not to be found.
In early manhood, as a relief from the monotony of a
military life, which consisted largely of long sieges, Wu
San-kuei became an excellent amateur actor, and at
one time trained a company of players and singers known
as " The Swallows," who brought him no little kudos.
Chroniclers relate the following story, which throws a
pleasing Kaiser-light on this versatile genius. He was
travelling incognito in Kiangsu and had reached the town
of Huai-an. Happening upon the residence of a wealthy
nierchant, where theatricals were in progress, he sent in
a card under an assumed name, and was invited to come
in. The performance was extremely poor ; nevertheless,
both host and guests applauded it loudly. Wu sadly
and silently shook his head. Thereat the host indignantly
jeered at him : " How should a rustic boor like yourself
appreciate such acting as this? " Wu repUed : ** I don't
profess to be an expert, but I have been a lover of the
play for over a generation." This reply only incensed
the merchant the more, but one of the guests, seeking an
opportunity to insult the stranger, invited Wu to give
them a taste of his own quality. Wu, delighted at such
an opportunity of displaying his skill, wasted no time
in polite refusals, and sang the whole of a well-known
186
THE COURT OF PEKING
piece called " A Journey Eastward." The audience were
struck speechless with wonder and admiration. When he
had finished, Wu waited until the musicians had ceased
playing and quietly withdrew. His identity was never
suspected, but he himself always spoke of this adventure
as the greatest triumph of his career,
Wu San-kuei was no incorruptible patriot, but he was
undoubtedly one of the bravest men of those stirring
days, and an extremely picturesque figure. We shall
have occasion to refer to him again in narrating the
final scene in the history of the last of the Mings, whom
Wu San-kuei pursued into Burmah.
187
THE MANCHU DYNASTY ESTABLISHED
It is not within the scope of the present work to trace
the origins and ramifications of the Manchu clans back
to the prehistoric period when they made love and war in
their ancestral homes, which lay between the Long White
Mountain and the Amur River. Their eariy history en-
gaged the scholarly attention of the Emperor Ch'ien Lung,
who dealt with it in several of his voluminous works; it
goes back to the time of the Sushen tribe which, according
to the annals, brought tribute to the Court of the Emperor
Shun (2230 B.C.) in the form of bows and arrows.
For the purposes of the present narrative, which describes
the establishment of the Manchu dynasty in China after
the decline and fall of the Mings, it is unnecessary to go
further back than the days of Nurhachi (known in Ixistory
as Tai-tsu, the exalted founder), born in 1559, of the
Sukosuhu Clan of the Manchu branch of the Nuchens,
At an early period in his career Nurhachi*s father and
grandfather had been treacherously put to death by the
Chinese (Ming) noble wlio was warden of the marches.
Nurhachi, enraged at tliis outrage, collected his forces
and demanded reparation from the Mings and the return
of the bodies for burial. The Mings, already in difficulties,
agreed with their adversary quickly, apologised, and sent
presents of horses and silk, besides conferring on Nurhachi
the title nf " Dragon and Tiger General " and Warden of
the Marches of Chien Chou. But Nurhachi's wrath was
not appeased. He demanded the surrender of the tribes-
188
THE COURT OF PEKING
men who had done the deed. This was refused, and from
that time forward all his energies were concentrated on
revenge. For years he worked, consoHdating his forces
and organising the tribes to a pitch of military efficiency
liitherto unknown, so that he became a constant and
serious menace on Oiina's northern frontiers. In 1580
he had become the recognised ruler of the five Manchu
tribes, and the Court of China had agreed to pay him an
annual " subsidy " of 800 ounces of silver and fifteen
dragon robes, besides allowing him freedom of trade at
Fushim and other marts.
From 1593 to 1597 Nurhachi's energies were ftilly
engaged in extending his dominion over the Yeho tribe *
and their allies from Mongolia and the Long White Moun-
tain territory. This inter-tribal warfare, complicated by
breaches of neutrality by the Mings, continued until 1618,
when Nurhachi finally invaded the Yeho territory, took
over twenty of their strongholds by assault, and subjugated
the entire country between the mouth of the Amur and the
Tumen River. After this campaign he organised the
united tribes under four banners, yellow, red, blue and
whitc.2 His armies were drilled and maintained under a
system of rigid discipline. In the front of each banner
corps (7500 men) were the armour-clad spearmen; the
bowmen were in the rear. Each company, of 300 men,
carried two scaling ladders and twenty siege catapults.
In storming a city each company was required to advance
as a compact unit; individual initiative was discouraged
and personal bravery unrewarded. The company which
entered the city first received rewards and promotion.
In judging between the claims of the several companies
the Princes of the Blood were constituted a Court of
Appeal, with Nurhachi as final arbiter.
* Afterwards famous as the yehoimlaManchu Clan,
another tribe, conquered by the Yehos.
* The four striped banners were created later.
189
The Nalas were
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
In 1616 Nurhaclii assumed the reign title of T'ien Ming,
or " Heaven appointed,*' and the djTiastic name of Manchu.
Being then about to deliver his last combined assault on
the Yeho tribe, which alone continued to deny his supre-
macy, he sent an envoy to the Mings, demanding that
China should maintain strict neutrality. This the Mings
refused. Accordingly, in 1618, having dealt with the
Yehos, Nurhachi declared war upon China, taking a solemn
oath in the presence of his army tliat he would exact full
reparation for the wrongs and indignities put upon him.
These he stated categorically, as follows :
1. The wanton murder of his father and grandfather;
2. Violations of treaty in crossing the frontier and
assisting the Yeho tribe;
8. Illegal acts by Chinese subjects, who had crossed the
frontier to steal ginseng and timber;
and several other grievances of a similar nature.
In 1619 the Mings made a determined attempt to crush
the power growing on their northern frontiers, and sent
a large army, with orders to concentrate at Moukden, and
thence advance from both sides on Using Ching, Nurhachi*s
capital. The story of that splendid campaign is well told
in the annals of the dynasty, but cannot be given here;
nor have we space to recount the desultory frontier
warfare of the next seventeen years. It was during these
years that Nurhachi perfected his famous left wing as an
invincible fighting force, certainly the finest the East had
seen for many centuries, hardy veterans, war-seasoned, and
moving as one man. Nurhachi himself displayed all the
qualities of a great leader and of a strategist, and became
the idol of his troops. In the campaign of 1619, with
forces numbering less than 50,000 men, he defeated and
scattered in rapid succession the four armies of the Mings,
which, with their Korean levies, numbered over 400,000.
He took 80,000 prisoners and much booty, and finally
140
THE COURT OF PEKING
established his supremacy, not only over the Yeho tribe,
but throughout the frontier lands previously held by
China. Here, then, were laid the firm foundations of the
Manchu power.
Such fluctuatinj^^ successes as fell to the Mings during
the next few years were ascribed by Nurhachi himself
partly to the superior artillery (foreign cannon which
the Mings had received from the Portuguese by the aid
of the Jesuits at their Court) and partly to the principles
which the best amongst the Chinese Generals had imbibed
from the teaching of the Sages. But most of all he attri-
buted liis own triumphs and the impending doom of the
Chinese dynasty to the eunuch-ridden Court and the
pernicious interference of its intriguing officials with its
Generals in the field. The best of these were under no
illusions as to the cause of their repeated defeats and
persistent disorganisation; witness the following pathetic
defence offered before the Throne by General Hsiung, one
of the ablest and bravest commanders of the Ming forces.
" None of the officials who surround Your Majesty,"
he said, " has any knowledge of the art of war. If they
hear that the enemy is retreating or even delaying his
attack they all proceed to clamour against me for not
advancing, whether I am ready to do so or not. If, then,
in obedience to the Throne, I reluctantly engage the
enemy and am defeated, not one of them recalls the fact
that the disaster is principally due to his o\vn advice.
When, again, after a time, I have rallied and reorganised
my forces, the cry goes up at Court for drastic measures,
and they blame me for procrastination. I am quite strong
enough to hold for Your Majesty the whole of the Liao
Timg peninsula, but I am not able to silence the foolish
and envious tongues of my detractors. No sooner do I
leave Your Majesty's presence and the capital, than the
voice of calumny is raised against me. If you do not
actually clog and hamper my movements by appointing
Ul
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
some incompetent person to watch and advise me, you
permit my plans to be ruined by the interference of arm-
chair critics."
Another brave and successful commander of the Ming
armies, General Sim, was even more outspoken. " Your
Majesty's forces," he observed, " have lately been de-
prived of their necessary training and often of their pay.
Instead of leaving the command in the hands of competent
miUtary officers, you dispatch ignorant civilians to train
the troops. In battle the supreme command devolves
upon some high civil functionary, supported by a large
and quite useless staff of Uterary men. The tactics which
your armies are to adopt in the field are discussed at
supper by your courtiers, or decided by a party of eunuchs
in the intervals of their debauches."
Many were the heart-sick patriots and valiant soldiers
on the Chinese side who perished, like General Yuan at the
fall of Liao Yang,^ cursing the besotted folly of their
Sovereign and the name of the infamous Chief Eunuch,
Wei Chung-hsien. A Commander-in-chief like General
Hsiung, who refused to placate this notorious favourite,
was foredoomed to failure and defeat.
In April 1625, Niirhachi, steadily advancing in strength,
established his capital at Moukden, choosing that city
because, as he said, " it is a position from which the Liao
river may speedily be crossed in the event of trouble
arising on the Chinese frontier; the road to Korea lies
conveniently near, and if we wish to invade Mongolia, it
is within two days' march." At tliis period General Sun
(above referred to) had been given a fairly free hand for
two or three years, and had succeeded in recovering from
Nurhachi's forces practically all China's territory west of
' This brave nian, seeing that the city was lost, hanged himself in
the city tower, from which he had directed the defence, with his sword
buckled on and in his hand the seal of his office. TTie Censor Chang
Ch'Qan and many other officers followed his example.
142
THE COURT OF PEKING
the Liao. But Wei^Chung-hsien, failing to secure largesse
from Sun, persuaded the Emperor to supersede him.
His successor, l^o Ti, evacuated all the important
strategic points which Sun had held beyond the Great
Wall, and fell back on Shan Hai-kuan.
In 1626, Nurhachi, rightly despising Kao Ti, decided to
cross the Liao and invade China and attack the stronghold
of Ning Yuan. Kao Ti was for abandoning the place,
but General Yuan, in command of the garrison, wrote
with his own blood an oath, to which his officers sub-
scribed, tliat they would defend it to the end. Yuan did
deadly execution with his European artillery, and for the
first time in his forty years of warfare Nurhachi was
repulsed. He returned to Moukden, much chagrined
and shaken by this reverse ; and on the 30th of September
this warrior-monarch died, in the sixty-eighth year of his
age, and Huang Taiki, his fourth son, reigned in his stead.
Huang Taiki reigned under the title of T'ien Tsung
("Heaven-obeying") and was posthumously canonised as
T'ai Tsung, " the Illustrious Ancestor." A great soldier
and an empire builder like his father, he was also a far-
seeing statesman. Looking forward with certainty to the
day when Ms forces would be able to seize tlie Throne of
the degenerate Mings, he perceived the pobtical and strategic
necessity of establishing his dominion over Korea on his
eastern, and Mongolia on his north-western, borders, since
the rulers of both countries were feudatories of China.
Therefore, after the death of his father, he welcomed the
overtures made by General Yiian, who sent priests to
Moukden to present condolences and incidentally to dis-
cuss the preliminaries for a treaty of peace. Neither side
desired peace, but both wished to gain time ; T'ai Tsung
for his conquest of Korea, and the Chinese General for the
rebuilding of the fortresses at Chin-chou, Ta Ling-ho and
other points west of the Liao. The treaty negotiations
were interesting but abortive.
148
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
The Manchu expedition to Korea, under Prince Amin,
was completely successful, but the final conquest of the
country was not undertaken at this period, because,
after the conclusion of a treaty wliich fixed the frontier
at the Yalu river, Tai Tsung ordered the army to return.
Hearing that General Yiian was making rapid progress
with the rebuilding of his fortresses, he desired to take the
field against him in force. The army from Korea returned
in triumph in May 1627, and a month later T'ai Tsung
once more crossed the Liao river; but again the garrison
of Ning Yiian, making good use of their cannon, repelled
the invaders. Once more, for several years, the tide of
war ebbed and flowed over a region which seems destined
ever to be the cockpit of furthest Asia. Despairing of
taking the city so long as General Yuan was in command
of its defences, the Manchus planned and executed a
successful raid through Mongolia into Chihli, when the
future conquerors of China first set eyes upon the yellow
roofs of the Forbidden City. T'ai Tsung led his raiders
in force from the North- West Gate of the capital round
to the Hunting Park on the South, where he encamped.
Here, coming up by forced marches in response to the
Court's urgent summons. General Yiian found him; at
this juncture the Mings might have recovered their
territory and their prestige had the wretched Ch'ung Chen
but trusted the ablest and bravest defender of his Empire.
T'ai Tsung saw himself caught in a tight place, and, while
avoiding a decisive battle, bethought him of a stratagem
which he had learned from Chinese history, a ruse which
seems to have been applied frequently with success to the
undoing of a Court infested with cowardly traitors. He
arranged that two of the Palace eunuchs, who were
captives in his camp, should overhear a conversation
between his (Jenerals and himself in which they spoke of
Yiian as a traitor about to come over to the Manchu
side. Next day the eunuchs were allowed to escape, and
144
THE COURT OF PEKING
hastened to Court with their evil tidings. The scheme
worked. Yiian was arrested and thrown into prison, and
the General appointed to his command was routed by T*ai
Tsung after a battle fought outside the Yung-Ting Gate
of the city. After this victory, as Peking lay paralysed
with terror before the invaders, T'ai Tsung's brothers and
liis son, Prince Su, begged him to finish his work then and
there by seizing the capital and the Throne of the Mings.
But T'ai Tsung was a far-seeing and prudent ruler. " To
take the city would be easy enough," he rephed, " but the
time is not yet. Their outlying defences are still untaken,
we have established no terror in the heart of China proper.
If we took Peking to-day we should not be strong enough
to hold it. It will take some years to dissipate the
remaining forces of the Mings. No; let us return to our
own place and prepare for the hour of destiny, wlien God
shall deliver the whole Empire into our hands." So the
Manchu army withdrew, fighting several rearguard actions
on their homeward way, and returned to Moukden. There
the Emperor gave serious attention to the manufacture
of cannon of the European type, and engaged the services
of several experts to manufacture guns of the kind which
the Red Barbarians (Portuguese) had supplied in large
numbers to the Mings. The first of these, known as the
" Great General," was cast at Moukden in 1631.
In 1633 T'ai Tsung took Port Arthur and the islands
off the Liao-tung coast. In the same year he decided on
opening up a new path of invasion into China by the
subjugation of the Chahar Mongols. This he did, and
henceforward the road to Peking lay open through the
pass of Kalgan. By this road his cavalry made fre-
quent raids into Shansi and Chihli, until the name and
fame of the Manchus were known beyond the Yellow
River.
The subjugation of the Chahar Mongols was followed
in 1685 by the submission of all the remaining tribes
I. 145
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
south of the Gobi, whose chief Eje,* handed over to
T'ai Tsung the great State-seal of China, which had
formerly been that of the Mongol (Yiian) dynasty
(1206-1333). In commemoration of this gi-eat event,
the Prince of the Khorchin Mongols came, at the head
of all the tribes which inhabit the region South of the
Gobi desert, and begged T'ai Tsung to assume the Imperial
title. From this time forward the dynasty was established
imder the title of Ta CHing (" Great Pure "). In return
for their allegiance, the Manchu Emperor conferred upon
the leading Mongol Khans princely rank and dignities
in the Manchu hierarchy. Also, he appointed chieftains
over their banners and guaranteed them annual sub-
sidies for war service. Thenceforward the Kliorchin and
other tribes intermarried freely with the Manchus.
Meanwhile, Korea, believing T'ai Tsung*s hands to be
full with the Mongols and the Mings, refused to recognise
the new Empire, and treated its envoys with truculent
rudeness. Desiring to consolidate his Empire on its
eastern borders before proceeding to the conquest of
China, T'ai Tsung determined to chastise the ruler of the
hermit kingdom. But first, in order to keep the attention
of the Mings engaged within their own borders, he organ-
ised a raiding expedition into China, which started in the
winter of 1635. It revealed the utter defencelessness of the
Chinese provinces, and created a thirst for loot amongst
the Manchus and their Mongol levies which was to bear
bitter fruit in days to come. Thirteen cities in Chihli
were taken and sacked before the raiders, staggering under
their booty, returned to Manchuria.
In January 1687, the Mongol Princes with their levies
assembled at Moukden to follow T'ai Tsung in the in-
vasion of Korea. The Emperor led his main force in
person ; commanding the famous left wing was his brother
^ Eje was a direct descendant of Dayert, whose ancestor was the last
Mongol Emperor.
146
THE COURT OF PEKING
Dorgun (Prince Jui), while to another brother, Prince Yii,
he gave command of a picked body of cavaby whose orders
were to make straight for Seoul. When tins force drew
rein at the gates of his capital and demanded its surrender,
the Korean King, an arrant coward, forgot his truculence,
and sent a herald expressing his hope that the invaders
were not tired after their long journey. Thereafter he
fled to a refuge in the neighbouring hills, whence he sent
abject apologies to T'ai Tsung, without avail. By the end
of February T'ai Tsung and his army were encamped
close to Seoul. The Emperor declined to discuss con-
ditions, and sternly bade the wretched King come down
and present himself for audience at the camp. Even-
tually, his followers having dispersed, he came in, made
obeisance, and handed over to T'ai Tsung the patent of
kingship, which he had received from the Mings. His
two sons were taken as hostages to Moukden, and he was
permitted to retain the Throne as a vassal of the Manchu
Empire, in which condition the Kings of Korea remained,
more or less loyally, until 1894, when the Manchu power
was challenged and upset by Japan.
After his return from Korea in 1638, T'ai Tsimg sent
an army under Dorgun to make another raid upon China.
The Ming Tlu'one was visibly tottering; but its forces
were gathered to resist the invasion and might have
succeeded had it not been for the intrigues of the Court
against General Lu, the Commander-in-chief. The
Manchus, marching southwards and east, took city after
city, from the neighboiuhood of Peking to Chi-Nan fu,
the capital of Shantung, where they got much plunder
and captured Prince Te, a cousin of the Ming Emperor,
who was taken in triumph to Moukden.
But none of these militarj-^ operations were intended to
effect a permanent occupation of Chinese territory, nor
could Peking itself be safely held so long as the Chinese
armies continued to hold the various fortresses and walled
147
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
cities along tlie Liao River. The operations against
Chinchou, Sungshan, Slian Hai-kuan, and Ning Yiian
had been dragging on, amidst more or less desultory war-
fare, for several years, and still three of China*s most
capable soldiers (of whom one was \Vu San-kuei) con-
tinued to hold their own. Early in 1641, Prince Cheng,
T'ai Tsung*s fu-st cousin, took command of the Manchu
forces in this region and put heart into their attacks.
By the spring of 1642 only Ning Yuan, defended by Wu
San-kuei, remained untaken.
The Ming dynasty was now nearing the end of its
resources. The military operations against the Manchus
were draining the impoverished treasury of more than
17,000,000 taels a year, more than half the military
purposes* taxation of the Empire. Nevertheless, despite
the increasing urgency of the danger created by Li Tzu-
ch'eng's rebellion, the eunuchs and household officials
were all for an aggressive policy against the Manchus
and half-hearted operations against the rebels. The war
party at Peking had induced the vacillating Emperor to put
to death two higli officials who had advised him to make
peace with T'ai Tsung, and the latter's despatch to Ch'ung
Chen, suggesting friendly negotiations, had been suppressed.
Nevertheless, when the situation at Shan Hai-kuan was
becoming desperate, the President of the Board of War
in Peking succeeded in persuading Ch'ung Chen to sanction
the sending of emissaries to Moukden with a letter asking
for a cessation of hostilities. But even now the arrogant
folly of the intractable mandarins ruined a wise policy.
The Emperor's letter was written in the form of a decree,
and couched accordingly in haughty terms. " A Decree
to Our Minister of War, Ch'cn Hsin-chia. You inform Us
that a wish prevails in Moukden to put an end to the
calamities of war. We have hesitated to believe this
report, inasmuch as Our provincial authorities have said
nothing on the subject to Us, but since you assure Us of
148
THE COURT OF PEKING
its absolute accuracy, and guarantee that the Manchus
are acting in good faith, We feel that, so far as We are
concerned, there need be no difficulty in agreeing thereto,
animated as We are by feeUngs of indulgence towards all
strangers from afar. AVe shall thus be acting in respectful
accordance with the merciful principles of the Almighty,
and shall restore the immemorial relations of generous
condescension shown by Our ancestors towards the
Manchu tribes. We empower you to dispatch duly
qualified persons to notify Our wishes in the matter, and
you are to report to Us on receipt of definite information
in regard thereto."
On receipt of this communication the Emperor T'ai
Tsung issued the following decree in reply : " The letter
brought me by your envoys is not satisfactory in form.
If it is meant to be a communication to Us, why does your
Sovereign call it a Decree to Ch'en Hsin-chia? If it is
a decree from your Sovereign to Ch'en Hsin-chia, why
does he seal it with the Imperial seal ? Besides, the shape
of the seal is oblong and not, as custom requires, square.
In a matter of this kind it is impossible to sanction any
deviation from usage. It is clear to me from the shape of
the seal that the letter is not genuine or, if genuine, that
it is sealed in this way for purposes of subsequent repudia-
tion. The letter fails to suggest to my mind any sincere
desire for peace. The sentence, * Animated as we are by
feelings of indulgence towards strangers from afar,' and
that which ends with the words ' generous condescen-
sion . . . towards the Manchu tribes,* betray a spirit
of haughty contempt for my nation which contradicts
the idea of a desire for peace on the part of the Mings,
Disregarding these cunning evasions, I will now set forth
the plain facts of the case : Hostilities were originally
commenced by my people with extreme reluctance, caused
solely by the unbearable insults heaped upon us by you
Mings, and by your flagrant disregard of right and wrong.
149
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
Whenever I have made overtures of peace you have
flouted them. To-day, it would seem, you Mings are
anxious for peace, but it is impossible to be sure of your
bona fides. In any case, desirous as I am for peace, I am
not to be coerced into making it. By the abundant favour
of the Almighty, I now possess ail the territory which
formerly belonged to the Chin Tartars; the descendants
of the Yiian dynasty and Korea have accepted my
suzerainty. Several millions of Ming subjects have sub-
mitted to me; every%vhere my arms have triumphed.
In the interests of the people of both nations I desire
peace, but only on a footing of absolute equality between
the contracting parties. There must be no question of
' central ' and ' outside ' nations, nor of great and small
kingdoms. Trade shall be conducted on equal terms
between our respective subjects, and each nation shall
make annual gifts to the other. In this way great happi-
ness may accrue both to rulers and ruled, and we shall
enjoy the blessings of peace. My dynasty, in spite of its
martial prowess and the prosperity which it enjoys, longs
ardently for peace, but you Mings ignore my communica-
tions, and your Sovereign, in the fond belief that he is the
Son of Heaven, displays contemptuous arrogance towards
his equals, and indulges in vain boasting; surely his desire
for peace can only be skin-deep. Know you that Heaven
has no favourites; the Almighty givcth dominion to the
just and overwhelmeth the evil-doer. Look you now :
has China been governed by one and the same dynasty
from time immemorial? Are you not aware that none
has ever enjoyed a perpetual mandate from on high?
But you Mings, Emperor and Ministers together, reck not
of these things. You, Emperor and Ministers, are guilty
of the deaths of millions of your subjects ; at your hands
have they perished, because you have persisted in warring
against me. \Vliat I now tell you is the truth, and I desire
that it be transmitted to your Emperor."
150
THE COURT OF PEKING
At this juncture a Censor,^ Tsu Ko-fa, advised T'ai Tsung
to make a proposal to the Mings for the partition of the
Empire, with the Yellow River (which at that time
entered the sea in Kiangsu) as boundary, on condition
that the Mings shoiJd send annual tribute to the Manchus.
T'ai Tsung declined the suggestion, and gave a final audience
to the Ming representatives, at which he presented them
with sables and silver ingots, and ordered that a banquet
be given in their honour. He commanded that they
should be safely escorted over the frontier, and handed to
them the following autograph letter for their Sovereign,
which shows that he was sincerely desirous of peace with
honour.
" The first cause of my war against your nation lay in
the unprovoked murder of my two ancestors by you
Mings, but my Imperial father, while always ready to
defend his frontiers, was ever desirous of keeping the
peace. He would have kept it, but that you Mings com-
mitted acts of wanton violence and interfered in our
country's affairs. You demanded that we should restore
the territory which we had wrested from the Hata tribe
in battle, and you sent troops to garrison against us strong
places in the Yeho region. You have violated our terri-
tory, interfered with our business of husbandry, burned
our villages, and scattered their inhabitants. For these
reasons my father found it necessary to establish supre-
macy over the various tribes, and solenmly declared to
Heaven and earth his purpose to make war upon you
Mings.
" Frequently he attempted to negotiate with you, but
you ignored his letters. Thanks to the mistakes com-
mitted by your predecessor and his Ministers, matters
have now dragged on for years without hope of settle-
* One. of the niimprous Chinese who already then had gone over to
the winning side, and who, after the conquest became "tribute-eating"
bannurmcu.
151
n
ANNALS and; MEMOIRS OF
ment. I do not blame Your Majesty for these things; I
am merely stating the plain rights of the case.
" If now I am prepared to make peace, it is of my own
free will, no man coercing me. Since my accession to
the Throne Heaven has plentifully blessed my endeavours,
and all the territory of the coast has been won by my
arms. The population of the northern regions is nomadic,
and not addicted to husbandry. Their domestic animals
are the dog and the deer ; their occupations, hunting and
fishing. All North Manchuria has submitted to me ; nay,
even the descendants of the Mongol Emperors and Korea
have owned my supremacy,
" In response to the request of my Mongol vassals and
of the Princes of my family I have announced to Heaven
and earth that We have assumed the dynastic title of
Ta Ching, ' Great Pure,' and changed my reign title to
that of * Consummate Virtue.'
" We have vanquished your troops on every occasion
that we have invaded your territory. There would not
be the slightest difficulty in advancing still further and
in making our occupation permanent. At our approach
your cities fall; your battle line breaks in disarray.
" But, in the interests of our subjects, my mind is still
set on peace. Sooner or later, retribution is visited by
Heaven on him who lusts after conquest, while the
humane receive their just reward. If our two States can
only realise where true happiness lies, and establish
relations of cordial and confident friendship, all the ill-
feeling of the past may easily be buried in oblivion.
What cause is there for either party to arrogate to itself
superiority over the other? The adage says : ' To under-
stand everything is to forgive, but a lack of comprehension
breeds hatred.'
" I am ready to receive your embassies in audience, and
it behoves you to grant equal favours to mine. In this
way peace between us may be perpetual. But should
152
THE COURT OF PEKING
you persist in asserting these exaggerated ideas of your
own importance, and refuse to meet my envoys face to
face, as if they were unworthy to enter your sacred
presence, it is useless to hope for any good understanding
between us, and nothing but disaster will accrue to your
State.
" Do you imagine, forsooth, that your majestic dignity
is in any way enhanced by a discourteous refusal to
receive my envoys ? Have not our peoples always been
wont to exchange ambassadorial visits on occasions of
ceremony or Court mourning, to convey congratulations
or condolences, and has it not been your custom to send
us annual gifts, 10,000 taels of gold, 100,000 of silver, in
exchange for which we have presented to you 1000 lbs.
of ginseng and 1000 sable skins ? In future, should any
fugitives from our justice, Manchu, Mongol, Chinese or
Korean, escape into your territor>', it shall be your duty
to hand them over to us ; we for our part will do the same
with your fugitives. Your boundary shall be the range
of mountains between Ning Yiian and Shuang-shu p'i,
while our frontier shall be Pagoda Mountain. Lien Shan
Bay shall be neutral territory, and subjects of both nations
shall be permitted to trade there. Any one violating
these respective boimdaries shall be punished with death.
Coastal fishing shall be similarly confined within certain
boimdaries to Manchus and Chinese respectively. If you
approve of the above conditions and are ready to make
peace, we can either proceed ourselves in person to an-
nounce the solemn compact to the Most High or depute
officials to represent us and exchange the respective
treaties. If you refuse peace on these terms, pray send us
no more envoys, and hereafter whatsoever misfortunes
may befall your people will be no fault of mine. I now
hand this letter to your emissaries, and have arranged
for their safe convoy through my territory, past my out-
posts at Chinchou, as far as Lien Shan."
I5d
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
The Ming envoys knelt once and kotowed thrice on
entering and leaving the Presence; they handed in a
further decree from the Ming Emperor addressed, like the
last, to his Board of War, in which the Monarch asked for
news of the negotiations, and gave the mission full powers
to enter into a treaty at Moukden, but there was still no
direct communication from Ch'ung Chen to his brother
Sovereign.
Unfortunately for the possible success of this mission,
the Ming Emperor's instructions to keep its results strictly
secret were disregarded. When the envoys returned to
Peking they handed in T'ai Tsung*s letter and the other
documents to Ch'en Hsin-chia, the President of the Board
of War, who was proceeding to draft a favourable report
to the Throne when, through the error (possibly inten-
tional) of a servant, copies of the Ming Emperor's decrees
and a full account of the negotiations were published in
the official Peking Gazette. Ch'ung Chen had specially
enjoined Ch'en to maintain rigid secrecy, and was, there-
fore, exceedingly wrath at these disclosures. As he had
expected, the Censors poured in violent memorials of
im|>eachment, denouncing Ch'en as a traitor for endeavour-
ing to make peace with the Manchus. Ch'ung Chen issued
a decree ordering Ch'en to explain his action; but the
Minister declined to accept any blame for his conduct,
and sent in a memorial asserting boldly that by these
negotiations he had rendered a great service to the
Throne. Ch'ung Chen felt that he had lost much face,
and as usual recovered it by ordering the luckless
Minister's public decapitation. So the mission was a
failure, and the war went on. Quos Deus vult perdere
prius dementat.
An interesting memorial by one of the Manchu Court's
Censors at this date observed, " AVu San-kuci is still
holding out at Ning Yuan, but the garrison arc in piteous
straits and the city must soon fall. Wu is exceedingly
154
THE COURT OF PEKING
suspicious of our intentions, it therefore behoves Your
Majesty to capture him by strategy. Once Ning Yiian
and Shan Hai-kuan have fallen, Peking is ours. The
Court will flee to Nanking, and the Manchus will be masters
of China."
Another Chinese adherent of the Manchus memorialised,
advising T'ai Tsung to march on Peking through Mongolia,
leaving Shan Hai-kuan isolated. To tliis he replied :
** The capture of Peking may be likened to the cutting
down of a great tree. First dig up all the wide-spreading
roots and the trunk will fall of itself. Each day lessens
the power of the Mings and increases ours. Before long
Peking will fall like a ripe apple into our lap."
The apple was ripening fast. T'ai Tsung, to hasten the
inevitable end, now dispatched a large army into China
under his elder brother, Prince Abtai. In an address to
this force he said : " We are no lovers of prolonged war,
but our attempts to secure peace have been brought to
nought by the purblind obstinacy of the Mings. We
now, therefore, command you to invade China and smite
them hip and thigh. Take no innocent hfe, carry off no
man's wife and family, nor any wearing apparel. Loot
not to excess. Plunder no stores of grain except when it
is needed for your use. During the last expedition to
Shantung there were instances of i>eople being beaten to
death in order to make them give up treasure. Such
atrocities are a violation of the Immane principles by
which we are inspired. Bring back all your captives
uninjured, that they may join our ranks," The Emperor
accompanied the army as far as the suburbs of Moukden
and then bade it farewell. In a few parting words he
warned them against the pride wliich precedes a fall, and
advised that if they should fall in with any of the forces
of the rebels, then approaching Peking, they should en-
deavour by soft words to win them over to the Manchu
side.
155
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
He handed to Ahtai his seal of office. Three salvoes
of artillery were fired, and the army, in three divisions,
set forth. This was in November 1642. The expedition
proved a brilliant success. The invaders broke through
the Great Wall near the spot where now stand the Manchu
dynasty's Eastern Tombs,^ and from Chichou marched
southwards. In South Chihli and Shantung they cap-
tured eighty-eight walled cities, and advanced as far as
Yenchou-fu in Southern Shantung. In March of the
following year they re-entered Chihli. T'ai Tsung's orders
about looting had not been taken too literally, for their
train of camels and baggage wagons extended over a
length of near a hundred miles. To cut them off from
Manchuria a large body of Ming troops had collected at
Tien-chen under the Grand Secretary Chou Yen-ju, but
he feared to give battle, contenting himself with dispatching
to Peking bombastic reports of a glorious victory. The
only engagement which took place was at Shell Mountain,
some thirty miles north of Peking, where the Mings, under
the Viceroy of Chihli and Liaotung, were badly defeated.
At this time the Mings had no fewer than four Viceroys
in command of their territory surroimding the Great Wall,
six Governors, eigiit Generals-in-chief, not to mention a
eunuch Commander-in-chief, who tried to concentrate all
authority in his own hands and tyrannised over his
colleagues. There was thus no attempt at co-ordination,
and Li Tzu-ch'eng's rebels were daily advancing nearer
to Peking.
In July 1643, the Manchu armies returned to Moukden,
where they were cordially welcomed by T'ai Tsung, who
went to meet them beyond the walls. The expedition
had put to death the Ming Prince Lu and five other Princes
of the Imperial family, as well as a thousand of the
Imperial clan. They had taken possession of three
prefectures, eighteen departments and sixty-seven district
1 Where K'anghsi, Ch'ien Lung and Tzu Hsi lie buried.
156
THE COURT OF PEKING
cities, and routed the enemy in thirty-seven engagements.
They had secured booty to the amount of 12,250 ounces
of gold, 12,250,277 ounces of silver, 4,440 ounces of pearls,
52,284 rolls of satin and silks, 33,720 suits of raiment, 111
fur coats, 500 sable skins, 1,600 deer horns, and had taken
369,000 captives, besides 551,312 beasts of burden, camels
and oxen. One-third of this booty was divided among the
officers and men; immense quantities of private loot
were also secreted by individuals.
The Emperor T'ai Tsung sacrificed at his father*s tomb
on the Buddhist All Souls' Day (the 15th of the 7th Moon),
when the Mongol Tushetu Khan came to present his
congratulations at the head of his tribe. He then went
on a hunting trip, on returning from which he had to
undergo a long and fatiguing day of audiences in tiie
Moukden Palace. At 11 p.m. on the 9th of the 8th Moon
(Sept. 21, 1643) he repaired to his bed-chamber, and
there, sitting bolt upright in his chair of state, expired
without a word, doubtless from heart failure. He was
then in his fifty-first year. He had prepared no vale-
dictory decree nor any instructions regarding the succes-
sion. By the laws of the dynasty his eldest son, Meng Ko,
Prince Su, then in Iiis twenty-ninth year, should have
succeeded him, but this would have thwarted the ambi-
tions of the surviving sons of Nurhachi, especially those
of his fourteenth son Dorgun (Prince Jui), who had
designs on the Regency, since he could not legally aspire
to the Throne. T'ai Tsung's eldest surviving brother,
Taishan (Prince Li), was crippled with rheumatism, and
was, therefore, incapable of advancing his claims. So T'ai
Tsung's ninth son, Fu Lin, a child of five and a half years,
was placed on the Throne by his ambitious uncle. Prince
Jui, who, secure in the Regency, could look for^vard to
many years of power.
Although T'ai Tsung's other brothers were jealous of
Dorgun's assumption of the Regency, his claims as a
157
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
military leader were indisputable, and their assertion was
justified by the approval of the bannermen. The young
Emperor was a child of splendid physique; he had de-
Hghted liis father by his promise of athletic prowess, and
had accompanied liiin on the hunting expedition of the
previous spring. His mother, a Mongol Princess of the
Khorchin tribe, was a very remarkable woman, and
exercised great influence over her son, and later in life
over her grandson, K*ang Hsi. It was thought strange
at the time that she acquiesced so readily in Dorgun's
usurpation of power during the Emperor's minority, but
she decided, no doubt, that the consolidation and ex-
tension of the Empire were more important than any
internal or domestic questions.
The new reign opened auspiciously : the King of Korea
sent a mission with tribute, and received in reply a graci-
ously condescending message. Prince Cheng, Co-Regent
with Dorgun, was dispatched from Moukden to attack
the Ming stronghold at Chung Hou-so. He took with
him a large number of European guns which had been
captured from the Mings. The city was bombarded
and taken by assault, some -t,000 men being killed
and as many captured. The Manciius now held every
important point, except Ning Yuan, outside the Great
Wall. The expedition returned into winter quarters at
Moukden, and spent that season in casting a number of
guns for the next campaign in China.
By the spring of 1644 all was ready for the final over-
throw of the Mings ; Prince Jui appointed himself General-
issimo of the army, and no doubt cherished ambitions of
eventually securing the Throne after the fall of Peking.
Suddenly news reached Moukden that Wu San-kuei had
evacuated Ning Yiian, which had so long defied all
attacks, and that his force was retreating towards the
capital. Tiie Manchus were unaware that Li Tzu-ch'eng
and his rebel hordes were already at Peking, and that the
158
THE COURT OF PEKING
dynasty had collapsed. The Regent was urged to march
without delay upon the capital and to effect its pernxanent
occupation. His Grand Secretary, Fan Wen-ch'eng,
pointed out that the Manchus had frequently overrun
Chihli; thrice already they had put to the sword the
inhabitants of Yung-ping, and had evacuated Tsun-hua
after holding it for several months. Such tactics created
an impression that they were merely raiders and marauders
of the marches. They should now cstabhsh strict discip-
line and forbid all looting; the Ming officials should be
retained in their posts, so as to mark clearly the difference
between Manchu rule and the brigandage of Li Tzti-ch*eng.
The rebels would assuredly consolidate their power unless
the Manchus struck promptly. If they could but secure
the region north of the Yellow River, all China must be
theirs, sooner or later. Before the army left, a solemn
sacrifice was offered to the manes of Nurhachi and his son ;
thereafter the boy Emperor himself presented Dorgun
with the seal and patent of his office. The edict issued
on this occasion declared, in the best classical manner,
that while Korea and Mongolia had acknowledged his
dynasty's sovereignty, the Chinese still remained stubborn.
His Majesty, unfortunately, was too young to lead his
armies in person and had, thei'efore, entrusted this duty to
his uncle, on whom he now bestowed a canopy of Imperial
yellow, two dragon banners, a cap of fox-skin, sable robes,
a sable rug and dragon robes. The Throne — which meant
the power of the pens behind it— retained its prerogatives
as regards directing the conduct of the campaign. The
edict concluded : " L#et there be complete harmony
among you, so that success may be achieved, and the
august Shades of the mighty dead be comforted. Be
reverent."
Prince Jui bowed the knee thrice and kotowed nine
times. His army, which was to establish the Manchu
rulers upon the Dragon Throne, comprised two-thirds of
159
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
the Manchu and Mongol banners; ^ and all the Chinese
(Hanchiin) levies. The other third of the Mauchus and
Mongols remained to guard the young Emperor and his
capital.
The rest of the story has already been told. As soon
as \Vu San-kuei had been dispatched by the Regent to
occupy and exhaust his formidable army in the congenial]
task of pursuing the booty- laden rebels, the Regent settled
down to consolidate the Manchu power against all possible]
attacks, and to re-organise the Government upon just and
liberal principles. With the courage of a great soldier
and the skill of a great statesman he laid the foundations
of the dynastic rule, which the young Emperor Shun
Chih and his immediate descendants w^ere destined to
carry to an eminence of fame rarely equalled in the history
of China.
We have thought it advisable to narrate thus fully the
origin and history of the warlike clansmen who replaced
the Mings, and thereafter ruled over the world's largest
Empire for 270 years, because some knowledge of the
antecedents and traditions of the Imperial Clans is neces-
sary to a proper appreciation of many later events in the
' The Manchu d>'nasty instituted three superior and five inferior
banners, to one of which every Manchu belonged, as well as all the
Mongols and Chinese who had assisted in the conquest of China. The
three superior banners are : Bordert'd yellow, plain yellow, and plain
white, 'I'he five inferior : Bordered white, plain red, bordered red,
plain blue and bordered bine. After the conquest, the inner city of
Peking was assigned to the several banners by districts, starting from
the North. The colours were supposed to represent the five elements :
earth, metal, wood, fire and water. The yellow banners, which were
quartered in the North of the city, represented earth, siipposed by the
Chinese to subdue the clement of water. The white banners held the
North-East and North-West of the city, immetUately to the South of
the yellow bannens; they represented metal, which is suppostrd to
subdue the element of wood. The red banners occupied the quarter
in the centre, from the Ch'i hua Gate to the " P'ing tse " Gate; they
represented the element fire, which subdues metal. Lastly, the blue
bcmners were stationed at the extreme South of the Tartar City ; they
represented water, which subdues fire.
160
THE COURT OF PEKING
[history of the dynasty, and of the causes of its subsequent
falling away from the grace that distinguished Nurhachi
and his immediate posterity. For the same reason the
following genealogical tree should be of interest, even
though to-day that interest has become chiefly historical
and academic.
GENEALOGY OF THE HOUSE OF GIOHO
(Founder of the Manchu Dynasty in Cliiiia)
Takoshi : killc-d by officers of the Ming Emperor Wanii in 158S.
His issue :
1. Mtirhachi,
2. Shurhachi : whose son Chirhalang (Prince Cheng) was Co-
Kcg<nt with Prince Jui at Peking in 1648. Founder of the
hereditary princedom of Cheng.
8. Nurliachi : whose mother was Sitala; bom 1559, died 1626.
Known in history as Taitsu, *' Exalted Foimder.*' Nurhachi
married a daughter of Prince Yangkiinii, Yehonala, who was
the mother of "Fai Tsung, his successor. She died in 1608.
Nurhachi had issue :
1. Arhhaluiumen : sentenced to death in 1615; his son, Prince
Chingehin, wa.s a distinguished soldier, who died about 1050.
2. Taishan : Prince Li, founder of the senior princely house of
Li; died in 1648. (The title of Sun was taken by the
successors of Prince Li for five generations, after which the
present title of Li was resumed.)
8. Abai : ennobled as Duke.
4. Tangkittai.
5. Mangkurtai : allowed to commit suiddc in 1633.
6. Tapai.
7. Ahtai : Prince Jaoyii, who died in 1646.
8. Huan^aiki : who succeeded his fatlier as Empcror»
9. Baviai.
10. Denlei : ca&hicred and removed from the Imperial Clan,
11. Babufiai,
12. Achiko : Prince Yin^f, who was privileged to commit suicide
by Imperial order in 1651.
18. Laimpu,
14. Dor^n : Prince Jui, the Regent; foimder of the House of
Jui . Di ed in 1 650, a ged 89, Posthu mously accused of
rebellion against the State, and name removed from the
" 161
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
Imperial Clan. In 1778 his honours were restored to him,
when he was given Ihc posthumous name of " Loyal," and his
descendants were allowed to resume their former title,
15. Toto : Prince YQ, own brother of Dorgim, and fcumder of the
House of YU. Died in 1649. His son, Toni, succeeded as
Prince Hsin.
Huangtaiki .* known in history as Tai Tsung or the Xlhistrious Ancestor,
Bom in 1592. Married Bochito, daughter of the Khorchin
Prince Scsang, mother of Shunchih, Kang Hsi's Empress
Grand Dowager, who died in 1688. Succeeded in 1626,
In 1636 adopted the title of Ta Ch'ing, " Great Pure," for his
dynasty. Died in 1043.
His issue were :
4^. Mengko : Prince Su, ancestor of the princely family of Su.
Imprisoned on a charge of treason in 1648 by the Regent.
Posthumously canonised with restoration of all his honours
and titles.
2. SJicsai : Prince Ch'cnc Tsc ; liis son Bokoto was the founder
of the princely family of Chuang, and ancestor of the Boxer
Prince of that name who committed suicide,
8, Kaosai.
4. Fuiin : reigned as Shtmchih.
5. Bomttbokorh : Prince Hsiang; died in 1656.
Emperor Shunchih : born 1638; succeeded 1643; assumed government
in 1651, and died in 1661. Married (1) Borchichin of the
IChorchin Mongol tribe in 1651. She disagreed with her
sovereign lord, and wiis reduced to the position of concubine
of the third rank by the Empress Dowager. (2) A daughter
of Prince Chorji of the Khorcliins, K'ang Hsi's Empress
Dowager, died in 1718.
Shun Chih had issue :
1. Fuchuan : Prince Yu; died 1708. Referred to by the first
Russian ambassador to the Court of Peking as the most
prominent subject of K'ang Ilsi.
2. H.ntanyeh : who became Emperor with reign title of K'ang Hsi.
8. Changning: Prince Kung; died 1708. His son, Mautuhu,
joined the rebellious brothers of Yung Cheng,
K'ang Hsi: born 1654; assumed the government in 1667; died 1722.
His first Empress was a daughter of Gobia of the Hashli
Clan, who died in 1674. His second was of the Niuhulu
Clan, a daughter of Duke ObiUmg-^died 1678. His third
was of the Tungchia Clan — died in 1689. His fourth was
of the Wuya Clan ; she was the mother of Yung Cheng and
by him exalted to the rank of Empress on his accession
to the Throne.*
' K'ang Hsi's aons are enumerated elMwhere : vtdt pp. 245-247.
162
THE COURT OF PEKING
Yung Cheng: bom 1078; died 1783; married the Lndy Niuhulu. who
became the mother of Ch'icn Lung and Empress Dowager
during his reign. A woman of great strength of character;
she accompanied her son in many of his journeys all over
China. Died in 1777, aged 88, the possessor of eighteen
honorific characters in her title.
Yung Cheng had issue :
1. Hutigli : who succeeded his father as Ch'ien Lung. During
his father's lifetime known as Prince Jewel.
2. Hung-chou: or Prince Ho; died 1770,
8. llungckan : Prince Kiio. As a lad he was called Yuanming-
ynan or Round Bright Garden (the name of the Summer
Palace). Was reduwd to the rank of Beileh, or Prince of
the third order, but Ch'ien Lung visited him on his death-bed,
restored his original princedom, and had him canonised.
Died in 1765.
Ch^ien Lung : born in 1711; abdicated in 1796; died February 7,
1799. His first Empress was of the Fueha Clan ; the second
of the Yehonala Clan. The latter accompanied her husband
and mother-in-law on an excursion to the South in 1765.
She misbehaved herself during this joiu-ney, treating her
mother-in-law with flagrant disrespect and flinpancv, and
was sent back in disgrace to Peking from Hangcnou, shut up
in the " Cold Palace," and subsequently deposed.
Ch*ien Lung had issue :
1. Yunghuangt Prince Ting, son of a concubine, and ancestor
of Prince Jtt Lang, one of Tzti Hsi's Grand Councillors. This
Prince Ting was debarred from the succession, owing to his
being the son of a subordinate concubine.
2. Yung Lien ; created Ilf ir Apparent, but died in 1788, aged IS.
8. Yung Chang: Prince Hsun. died 1700.
4. Yung CKeng : Prince Li, who became heir to his uncle, Yun
Tao, one of Yung Chcngs rebellious brothers. Died in 1777.
5. Yung Ch'i : Prince Jung. The Emperor intended him to be
Heir Apparent on the death of the seventh son. Prince Che,
He died in 1766, aged 25.
6. Yung Jun^ : Prince Ciiih, made heir to his uncle. Prince Yun
Hsi. Died in 1790, aged 46.
7. Yung Tsung : Prince Che. Died 1748, aged 8.
8. Yung Hsuan : Prince Yi ; held many Government posts as
adviser to his brother, the Emperor Chia Ch'ing. Died in
( ?) 1882, aged 86. His son, Mien Chih, succce<I( d to the Prince-
dom of Yi wliich was, however, reduced by one grade. Yi
Tsai, son of Mien Chih, was declared heir to Prince Ching,
but was after^vards deprived of the title when the succession
to the house of Ch'in^ went to Mien Ti, adopted father of
the present Prince Ch'mg.
108
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
9. Yung Hsing : Prince Ch'eng, a great scholar, and one of thff
most famous caligraphists of the dynasty. Was adviser to
lus brother Chia Ch*ing. Died in 1828, aged 71. Great
grandfather of Prince T&ai Hsiao.
10. Yung Ch'i : died in 1776, aged 25.
11. Yung Yen : succeecied his father as the Emperor Chia Ch'ing.
12. Yung Lin : Prince Ch'ing, died 1820, aged 58. Grandfather
(by adoption) of Yi Kuang, the present Prince Ch*ing, who
was originally an impoverished Imperial clansman, adopted
into the nearer branch of the Imperial family.
Emperor Chia Ch'ing: bom 1760; created Prince Chia (Admirable);
took over the reins of government in February 1796; killed
by lightning near Jehol, September 1820. Married Hsitala.
daughter of Horchingo, the mother of Taokuang, who died
in 1797, and, en aecondes noces, the I-adv NiuhuTn, who was
promoted to be Empress shortly after Cli'icn Lung's death.
She was Taokuang's Empress Dowager, and died in 1850,
pre-deceasing Taokuang by one month.
Chia Ch*ing had issue :
1. Mienning : succeeded his father as Emperor Taokuang.
2. Xfienkai : Prince Tun, died 1889.
8. Mi€n Ilitin : Prince Hiiai, died 1828; sucoecded by Yi Yo, or
Yichih, as he was subsequently named. Yichih (fied in 1850,
and Prince Tuan, the Boxer Prince, was adopted as his heir.
4. MicnYu: I*rince Ilui, died in 18C5. His sous were : Yihsiang,
Yihslin and Yimo. Yilisiin was father of the Duke Tsai Tse,
Finance Minister towards the end of Tzii Hsi's reign.
Taokuang : bom 1782, succeeded 1820 and died 1850. Married (1) the
Lady Nluiiulu, who died before his accession but was posthu-
mously made Empress; (2) Lady Tungchia, who died in
1883. and (8) Lady Niuhulii, daughter of Yiling, mother of
the Emperor Hsien Feng; created Empress in 1884, died in
1840; (4) Lady Borjikit, who was instrumental in selecting
TzU Hsi for the Palace. She was elevated to be Emprcsi)
Dowager a week before she died, in 1855.
Taokuang had issue :
1. Yiwei : son of the concubine Ychonala; born 1808, died 1881.
Tasichung (or Tsai Chih, a.s he was afterwards called), son of
an Imperial clansman, was adopted as his heir. Tsai Chih's
son is P'ulun, who very nearly became Emperor in 1875,
2. Yikang : died in infancy.
8. Yichi : died in infancy.
4 Yicku : who reigned as Hsien Feng.
6 Yitsung : Prince Tun. was adopted as heir to Mienkai (sec
above). His sons were : (a) Tsai Lien, bom 1856, one of
the Boxer Princes, {b) Tsai Yi, Prince Tuan, bom December
164
THE COURT OF PEKING
1856. His son. P'uchQn, was the Boxer HHr Apparent (whom
TzU Hsi spanked). He married a daughter of the Mongol
Prince Lo. (c) Tsailan, the Boxer Prince, exiled to Unimchi ;
bom in 1857. (d) Tsaiying. {e) Tsaiching. (/) Tsaihao.
6. Yihsin: Prince Kung, born 1888, died in 1898, His eldest
son (a) Tsaich'eng, born in 18fi7, predeceased his father;
(6) Tsai Yiug, born in 1861» adopted as heir to his uncle.
Prince Chung, the eighth Prince. F'uwei, the present Prince
Ktmg, is his son. P'uwoi considers he was wrongfully
ouat«i from the Throne on the death of Kuang Hsii,
7. Yihuan : Prince Ch*un, boni 1840, died 1891. Married
Yehonala, sister of TzQ Hsi, by whom he had issue : (1) Tsai
Han. (2) Tsai Tien, Emperor Kuang Hsii (some Chinese
assert that TzQ Hsi was really the mother of Kuang HsQ).
By another wife of low oricm, named Tsui (she was the
danghtcT of a groom), he aTso had issue; Tsai Feng, the
Ex-Rcgent, born 1882, married a daughter of Jung Lu;
father of the Emperor HsQan Tung (Pu'vi), bom 1906, and
Pukimng. By the same concubine Tsai I'ao wtus bom; his
elder brother, Tsai IlsUn, is by another concubine.
8. Yiho: Prince Chung, bom 1844, died 1868.
9. Yihut : Prince Fu, married a niece of Tzti Ilsi, and was dismissed
by her from office in 1898 because of his sympathy towards
KuanghsU. lie was pardoned in January 1900, on the day
of Yuan Shih'k*ai*s dismissal.
Hsien Feng : bom in 1831, died in 1861. Married (1) Sakota, daughter
of Muyoiiga, in 1848, who died in 1850, one month before
his accession. She was posthumously raised to the rank of
Empress, and was the ** centre" of the three Empresses,
Tzu An being the " eastern " and TziX Hsi the " western."
(2) Niuhulu, also daughter of Mtiyanga, who was made
concubine in 1852; afterwards Empress Dowager; die<I
April 1881. (8) Yehonala, afterwards TzQ Hsi.
Hsicn Feng had issue :
1. Taai Ch'un, bom 1856, died 1875, reigned as Tung Chih.
2. An infant son, who died a few days after birth.
Tung Chih : married Ahitc, daughter of Chungchi, who died in 1875.
Kuang lixu : bom August 1871 ; married Yehonala 1899, died
November 22, 1908. Was practically deposed by TzU Hsi,
after the cmip d'etat of September is"98.
Hsikin Tung : (P'uyi) son of Tsai Feng, succeeded November 1908,
abdicated 'Febmary 12, 1912.
165
p
THE ^nXGS AT NANKING
Debauched and cowardly as they were, the Princes
and courtiers of the Mings were not disposed to relinquish
without a struggle their rights to the Dragon Throne, or
their claims to the long-suffering allegiance of the Chinese
people. After the fall of Peking and the desecration of
its high places by the rebel hordes of Li Tzu-ch*eng, for
a time there was nothing but a sauve qui petUy without
purpose or direction; but when they saw their fierce
harrier ^ himself driven forth by new conquerors and
pursued by one who, until then, had been their dynasty's
mainstay against the Manchus, small wonder that the
more energetic members of the Imperial family took heart
of grace and endeavoured to rally their scattered forces
upon a new centre,' The sybarite retains to the end his
' Li Tzu-chVng's nickname was '* Prince Harrier.*'
* An inJtial cau&c of their disorganisation iay in the fact that the
Heir Apparent had disappeared after the fall of the city, and that none
knew if he were alive or dead. Several months after the Manchu
Emperor had been proclaimed in Peking this Prince's whereabouts
were imknown, but eventually he was brought secretly by a eunuch
to the house of one who had had liigh oRlcc under the Mings, and with
whom the Ming Princess Imperial was residing. The meetmg between
brother and sister was most affecting; he had been in hiding at a
Buddhist monastery since his escape from the city, but was weary
of the suspense and ^ef of his existence, and came to seek his relatives.
The Princess and his host begged him to change his name and adopt
a disguise, but he refused. Portly afterwards he was recognised by
several renegade officials and cunucns and thrown into prison by order
of the Regent. The merchants and gentry of Peking petitioned that
his young Ufe might be spared, but the Regent had no desire to leave
a rallying point for the conspiracies of legitimists, and the unfortunate
youtH was put to death by poison in the Board of Punishments.
166
THE COURT OF PEKING
habits and ambitions of luxury, and with the degenerate
Mings the lust of perquisites and power, of pomp and
circumstance, was not killed by their cataclysmic disasters.
For eighteen years, harried from one short-Hved capital
to another, four successive claimants to the Throne of
their dynasty retained some semblance of their regal
state and a place in tlie minds, if not tlie hearts, of their
people. During these years there were times when, had
there been a strong man amongst them, their dominion
might well have been restored and the Manchus driven
back, for the Confucian virtues of faithfulness and loyal
devotion (which have generally characterised the relations
between the litei'ati and their Sovereign in Chinese history)
were not lacking at this period ; many a brave soldier,
many a stoic philosopher of the mandarins, upheld the
proud traditions of their caste, and died rather than
submit to the rule of the alien, and many millions of the
" stupid people " went bravely to their graves because
of that loyalty to the central idea of the Confucian doctrine.
But the Mings were all unworthy, even in adversity. As
they had been before the threatening storm, so they re-
mained Avhen its passing had left their dynasty a tempest-
driven wreck — invertebrate, irresolute to the end. Four
years after the flight from Peking, when the adherents of
Kuei Wang, the last of the Mings, were making a successful
stand in the Kuang provinces, when Coxinja was begin-
ning to organise new forces of resistance to the Manchus,
and when several rebel forces had taken the field on their
own account, a little statesmanship, a little courage, might
have won the day. But it was not to be. The httle Court
in exile kept up its tinsel state, grateful to its loyal
adherents only so long as they replenished the Privy
purse which paid for its revels; leaving its armies un-
victualled whilst it rehearsed some new play,^ or sent the
* It is recorded of Hung Kuang, the first of the fugitive Emperors
of the Mings, that on a certain occ£ision, while the Regent's forces
167
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
eunuchs through the country in search of new favourites
for the harem of the " Palace," that was now a moving
tent.
Under these circumstances, the wretched end of the
Ming claimants, pursued and slain each in his turn, does
not excite our sympathies so much as the calamities which
the miserable people were doomed to bear because of the
Mings' last struggle for the Throne, History, as usual, says
but little of the widespread and awful devastation created
by that struggle, of the pitiful sufferings of the masses;
that tale was told (as it is being told again in China to-day)
by cities of the dead, by roofless villages and homeless
wanderers throughout all the land. In the next chapter,
which narrates the sack of Yang Chou-fu, the reader will
find a plain, dispassionate account by an eye-witness of
the fate which overtook one city because a gallant soldier
refused to renounce his principles and his allegiance.
That soldier was General Shih K'o-fa, a staunch loyalist,
a distinguished scholar, and a man of bravery so rare
that it won for him the sincere respect and goodwill of
the Manchu Regent. When the Mings had gathered at
Nanking and established there, under a grandson of Wan
Li, the semblance of a Government and a Court, it was to
Shih K'o-fa that the eyes of all men were turned to prevent
the Manchu invasion from coming South.
Had he not been handicapped by the jealous intrigues
of his rivals at Court, led by one Ma Shih-ying (who had
been one of the faction of the notorious eunuch Wei
Chung-hsien), Shih K'o-fa might have been able to hold
the Manchus in check at the Huai River. Before the
Regent's forces began their advance towards the Yangtsze
he had collected and organised an effective army of 60,000
I
were advancing to the siege of Yang Chou-fu, his euiiuchs, seeing him
greatly depressed, inquired the cause of his grief. " WTiat distresses
me," he replied, " is tnat there is not in all ray Court an actor worthy
of the name."
168
THE COURT OF PEKING
Shensi troops. Besides these, the Mings had four divisions,
of about 10,000 men each, encamped at strategic points
in the provinces of Anhui and Kiangsu. Shih asked only
to be given a free hand and independent control over
these forces, to be relieved of all vexatious interference
by the courtiers and civil officials at Nanking; but the
new Emperor, foredoomed to vacillation and folly, gave
ear to the counsels of Ma Shih-ying, and ordered that the
Commander-in-chief should act only upon orders from
Nanking. Meanwhile, he continued to squander money on
revels and banquets, while the troops in the field were
left insufficiently fed and clad.
In the spring of 1645, the dissensions between the rival
parties at Court prevented the Commander-in-chief from
carrying out any definite plan of . campaign. In an
eloquent and plain-spoken memorial he placed the facts
before the Emperor. " Whilst Your Majesty is banqueting
on choice viands," he wrote, *' and quaffing wine from
beakers of jade, it behoves you to remember your starving
servants in the North. If, in spite of all his efforts, the late
Emperor was unable to ward off disaster, how much more
should you, inferior to hira in ability, tremble as one who
stands on the brink of a precipice. If you perform your
duties with zeal and vigilance, it may be that your an-
cestors' spirits in Heaven will intercede with the Almighty
on your behalf, and that your heritage may be regained.
But if you remain in idle dalliance in Nanking, lavishing
favours on sycophants and forgetful of the welfare of your
troops, if you proclaim our secret plans from the housetops
and fail to distinguish between loyal devotion and treason,
if you show yourself so lacking in dignity that the worthy
men about you are constrained to retire from official life,
and the brave hesitate to serve you, then assuredly your
ancestors will regard you as unworthy of their aid, and
destruction, inevitable and final, will come upon you."
Just at this critical juncture the Court received word
169
i
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
that the people of Honan and Shantung had risen against
the officials placed over them by Li Tzu-ch*cng, and were
sending deputies to beg the Mings to restore their authority.
Once more Shih pleaded with the Emperor : " Send now
a message of sympathy to your subjects," he said, '* that
they may know that there is still a ruler in China. The
people will then turn to you, and in time you will recover
the lost North." The Emperor was pleased to follow this
advice, and as a result General Yi, at the head of the Shensi
troops, marched into Honan and recovered K'ai Feng-fu
and Kuei Te-fu for the Mings. But the cabal against
Shih, fearing to see him attain to power through such
successes, were able, by their evil intrigues, to cut off his
supplies. His supporters at Nanking were actively per-
secuted by Ma Shih-ying's party, and many were beheaded
or banished, while the General's memorials were sup-
pressed. Meanwhile, the Manchus were pressing down
through Shantung, under the command of Prince Yu,
a yoimger brother of the Regent and uncle of the boy
Emperor Shun-chih.
Anxiously Shih K'o-fa waited, on the banks of theHuai,
for the provisions and munitions of war which never came.
At last, in despair, he sent a final memorial : ** Since the
catastrophe of last spring (16^4) your ancestors' graves
have been left untended, and chaos reigns throughout your
Empire. Not a blow has Your Majesty struck in its
defence. You forget that Nanking is but a temporary
capital, and that it should be regarded only as a base
from which to direct far-reaching operations against the
Manchus. It is absurd to suppose that unless you take
the offensive you will be suffered to remain there in peace.
When you came to the Throne your troops were filled
with martial spirit, but to-day all is changed. The army
is starved, while your Court revels in luxury. Of a surety
doom awaits you. My spies report that the flower of the
Manchu army is advancing and that their fleets are
170
THE COURT OF PEKING
speeding down the Grand Canal. All North of the Yellow
River has been irrevocably lost, and here I sit by the Huai,
disabled for want of provisions. Is our avenging army
not to move a step ? Will you leave the chastisement of
the rebels to the Manchus ? The Manchu Prince has
dared to insult you, branding you with the name of
usurper. He has treated your envoys with contumely.
Between these invaders and us there can be no peace;
we must meet them on the field of battle. I doubt
whether we should be certain of victory even if we were to
sink our ships in the stream and destroy our camps, deter-
mined to crush the foe or die in the attempt. How much
more, then, is our case hopeless when those who should
lead us stand idly by ? A Sovereign must show resolution
if the army is to show spirit. Let the Sovereign be lacking
in decision and the army must needs be lacking in
courage. Let not the flatterers who surround Your Majesty
delude you further with fair words. It behoves you to
issue orders that the troops shall be properly equipped
for a long campaign, and that for bravery high rewards
will be bestowed. Is this a time for lavishing honours
on unworthy favourites, who should count themselves
lucky that they have escaped execution ? Fawning
eunuchs intrigue to secure high office for themselves and
for their protdgds, while good men and true are forced out
into obscurity.
" How can w^e march without food ? You cannot stimu-
late men to brave deeds by words alone. Let the money
in your treasury be now devoted to your array, and let
your Palace festivities cease. Refuse all gifts of tribute
and exercise thrift, even in your sacrificial rites. Until
you have regained your capital, dalliance in the seraglio
and at the banquet will bring no contentment to your
jaded appetite. Our Manchu foes are watching your
every action ; if you amend not your ways the allegiance
of your subjects will surely be forfeited. You should
in
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
rise early and not till late seek rest, mindful ever of your
forbears' achievements, and eager to avenge your pre-
decessor's death. Only summon good men around you,
and Heaven, relenting, may yet aid your cause. I, as
a soldier, have no right to meddle in Court affairs, but
where the Court is not pure, the army will surely fail in
its duty."
This protest proved as unavailing as the rest; Ma Shih-
ying's party was too busy persecuting and slaying its
opponents to give heed to the dangers of the military
situation. Feasts and theatricals were still the order of
the day at Court; the Emperor abandoned himself to
drinking and profligacy. The Manchu armies advanced
in four divisions, and in April 1645 only the Yellow River
separated their advance guard from Shih K'o-fa's out-
posts. Hisablest lieutenant, General Yi, was treacherously
murdered by a brother officer who deserted to the enemy;
on all sides the Manchus were harrying the country.
When at last the Throne gave Shih a free hand, it was too
late. Then, as a rising broke out in Nanking itself, Shih
was hurriedly summoned to come back to the rescue.
He obeyed, leaving the road open to the Manchus to enter
Eliangsu and Anhui.
So swiftly moved the Manchu cavalry that Shih had
only just time to return from Nanking and Sochow and
prepare Yang Chou-fu (the key to Nanking) against a
siege. No sooner were his dispositions complete than
Prince Yii^s forces appeared upon the scene. A herald
from the Prince came to demand his surrender. Shih
cursed the messenger from the city wall. The envoy
replied : " The fame of Your Excellency's loyal and
eminent services is spread throughout China, yet the Ming
Emperor does not give you his confidence. Why, then,
not gain a name and a reward by joining the Manchus? "
Shih angrily drew a bow upon him, but the shot missed
its aim. Prince Yii was most sincerely anxious that so
172
THE COURT OF PEKING
jrave a man should not die in so bad a cause; he there-
fore delayed the bombardment of the city and made
ref>eatcd efforts to get him to parley. All liis efforts having
proved futile, he ordered the assault.
Shih, foreseeing the inevitable end, gave orders that his
body should be buried near to the mausoleum of the founder
of the dynasty at Nanking. For eight days he maintained
a splendid defence, doing great execution amongst the
Manchus with his superior artillery of Jesuit manufacture.
Finally the Manchus effected a breach in the north-west
Avall of the city and all was over. Sliih called one of his
officers and said : " The city is lost. Take, I pray you,
your sword and kill me.*' This officer (named Chuang)
obeyed, but his heart failed him, and the blow miscarried,
so Shih seized the weapon and wounded himself with it
in the throat. Here some of his men forcibly intervened,
and, putting him on a horse, tried to escape with him by
the South Gate of the city. On reaching it they met a
party of Manchus. Shih K'o-fa shouted : " I am the
Grand Secretary Shih. Lead me to your Commander-
in-chief.'* He was brought before Prince Yii, who said :
** You have made a gallant defence. Before the siege
I sent several letters to Your Excellency and you refused
to negotiate. Now that you have done all that duty
could dictate I would be glad to give you a high post.
You shall be our Imperial Commissioner for the pacifica-
tion of Nanking Province," Shih replied : " I ask of you
no favour except death." The Prince persevered : '* Do
not you see,*' he said, " your former colleague, the Grand
Secretary Hung Ch'cng-chou? He made his peace with
us and now stands high in our councils." Shih answered
with a smile : " Howsoever well you may treat Hung
Ch*eng-chou, your kindness cannot outweigh the favours
which he received from his late Emperor and mine. In
failing to die with his master and in serving a new one
he has proved himself disloyal. Such a man will never
173
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
be loyal to any cause he serves. How can you expect me
to imitate his behaviour ? Sooner or later he will betray
you."
Sadly the Prince bade them lead him away, to hold in
custody. Repeated efforts were made to induce him to
give in, but as he firmly refused, Prince Yii ordered liis
decapitation on the third day. He was hurriedly coffined
by General Yi, but to this day no one knows the place of
his burial. The story was current for many years amongst
the dwindhng remnants of the Mings that Shih was not
beheaded, and that another was put to death in his place.
Many years afterwards it was rumoured that he had
taken the field against the Manchus in Anhui, but there
was no truth in this.
Thus, faithful to the traditions of his caste, died a great
soldier and an honest man. How strong were the tempta-
tions held out to him to betray his unworthy Sovereign,
how many the arguments, which must even have appealed
to him, against continuance of the struggle, may be
gathered from the correspondence which took place
between tlic Manchu Regent and General Shih in the
autumn of the previous year, four months after the fall
of Peking.
The Regent's first letter was as follows : " Long ago,
at Moukden, I had heard of your high reputation in Peking
as a scholar,^ and since our victories over the rebels I
have taken occasion to find out all about you in the
hterary circles of the metropolis. Some little time ago I
sent you a letter of kindly inquiry and sympathy by the
hand of your brother, but I kjiow not if you received it.
Reports have now reached us that the Ming dynasty has
re-established itself at Nanking, and that a new Emperor
has been chosen. Now, we are taught that a man may
not live under the same sky with the murderer of his father
or Sovereign. Furthermore, the " Spring and Autumn
' Shih was a native of Puking.
174
THE COURT OF PEKING
Lnnals " state that a Sovereign's obsequies may not be
recorded so long as his murderer remains unpunished,
neither can the new ruler's accession be considered to have
taken place. The principle involved is vital, since its
object is to minimise the frequency of rebellions.
"That traitor, Li Tzu-ch'eng, the * Prince Harrier,'
captured Peking and caused the death of your Emperor
and of his kinsmen, whilst scarcely one of his Chinese
subjects ventured to draw bow in his defence. One man
alone, Wu San-kuei, on your eastern boundary, came in
loyal indignation to entreat our succour. In recognition
of long-subsisting friendship between our States, and
regardless of outstanding differences, wc arrayed a host
of gallant warriors, and the rebel horde of dogs and rats
was swept before us in a panic-stricken rout.
" After capturing Peking we proceeded forthwith to
canonise your late Sovereigns, and arranged for their
burial in due accordance with the rites of ceremonial
observance. We left to your surviving Princes and high
officials their original ranks, treating them tdl with the
utmost commiseration and generosity. Our troops were
not allowed to loot ; the markets remained open as usual,
and the husbandman continued to till his fields in peace.
" We had planned, now that the cool weather of autumn
has come upon us, to send a punitive expedition, composed
of levies from all parts, to pursue Li Tzu-ch'eng into his
western retreat, and to pay off your accumulated grudges
against him— thus displaying our dynasty's magnanimity.
Who could have dreamed that you, worthy gentleman,
should be so short-sighted as to seek the temporary con-
tinuance of your dynasty in Nanking? I greatly deplore
that you should be thus blind to visible dangers, and permit
yourself to cherish vain and deceptive illusions.
" WTien our dynasty captured Peking it was not the
Ming dynasty which was defeated by our armies, but the
rebel Prince Li Tzu-ch'eng, who had violated your ances-
175
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
tral temple and desecrated your Emperor's remains. To
avenge your disgrace we spared no expense, and even
imposed heavy taxes on our own subjects. Surely it'
behoves all good men and true to be grateful and repay
this our benevolence ! Nevertheless, you have taken
advantage of the respite which we have granted to oiu"
war- weary hosts, before continuing the pursuit of the rebels,
to establish your forces at Nanking. No doubt you hope
to follow the example of the fisherman in the fable, who^j
seeing the oyster-catcher with the oyster fastened on its
beak, rushed forward, hoping to seize both bird and oyster.
Can such conduct be deemed reasonable or just? Per-
chance, forsooth, you fondly imagine that the Yangtsze
is a natural barrier wliich will prove insuperable to our
forces ; you hope that we shall not succeed in * stemming
its current, even though we block it with our whips.' *
The rebel ' Prince Harrier * had given no offence to our
dynasty ; it was the Ming dynasty which he had scourged
and overthrown. When we smote him it was because of
our sense of humanity and our natural longing to avenge
a tmiversal wrong.
"But if to-day a rival Emperor enthrones himself at
Nanking, there will be two suns in the firmament. This
must not be. Do you not see, moreover, that you are
playing into ' Prince Harrier's ' hands ? Is it not clear
that we shall have to recall our levies from their expedition
against him and dispatch them instead against yourselves ?
In this way he will escape his well-deserved chastisement,
while you will become the victims of our wrath.
** It needs no diviner's skill in augury to foretell that the
destruction of your poor remnant by the hands of our
victorious armies is sure and inevitable, seeing that, whilst
still masters of China, you were forced to bow the knee
before a rebel horde. You should face the situation and
^ A clas-sical reference to Fu Chicn, who in the fourth century a.d.
uttered a bombastic boast to this effect.
176
THE COURT OF PEKING
yield to the fortune of war. Your best way of showing
loyalty to your late master and devotion to the Prince
his successor is to advise the latter to renounce his
Imperial title, and, as Prince of the Ming blood royal,
continue to enjoy our perpetual favour. Otur dynasty
proposes to assign to him suitable revenues and residence,
and will treat him as an honoured descendant of the dis-
possessed dynasty. I undertake that the highest honours
shall be lavished u|>on him by our Imperial bounty, that
precedence shall be accorded to him over all Princes at
our Court,, and that his posterity shall be accorded similar
hereditary privileges until the Yellow River shrinks to
the width of a girdle and Mount T'ai to the size of a
whetstone. Our dynasty desires to be faithful to the
motive which inspired us in subduing the rebels, and to act
in harmony with the spirit which saves the fallen from
destruction and renews a lineage extinct.
" As for yourself and other distinguished worthies of the
South, if you will repair to our Court and do obeisance
before the Manchu Throne you will be rewarded with
the highest hereditary ranks and rich fiefs. Is not our
treatment of AVu San-kuei an earnest of our good inten-
tions towards you ?
'* Only let Your Excellency consider wherein lies the way
of advantage. Now-a-days, many scholars and statesmen
arc apt to forget their duty to the people in tlieir desire
to win for themselves fame as men of unwavering prin-
ciples. When a catastrophe occurs they are jiaralysed,
and resemble the man who sought to build a house by
asking the casual advice of unknown passers-by. Re-
member the example of the Sung dynasty, whose rulers
were busy arguing academic points even when the Mongol
invaders had crossed the Yangtsze and were knocking
at the gates of their capital. You, Sir, are the wisest of
your contemporaries and must know full well in what
direction the dictates of prudence should lead you.
N 177
ANNALS AND iHEMOIRS OF
f Rather than allow yourself to be carried away by the
current, or influenced by those who trim their sails to the
j passing breeze, surely you will determine on a consistent
land statesmanlike course, and then stick to it without
swerving a hair's breadth.
" Our troops are ready to march against you if needs
must be; everything now depends on your decision. I
hope that you will share my desire to complete the
destruction of Li Tzu-ch'eng, and that you will not cling
stubbornly to the fleeting emoluments which you now
enjoy, so as to involve your old dynasty in irretrievable
disaster. I beseech you to avoid becoming the laughing-
stock of rebels and traitors. This is my earnest prayer.
In the Book of Rites it is written : * Only the superior
man can fully appreciate good advice.* Therefore I lay
bare my inmost heart and respectfully await your decision.
Across the Yangtsze's flood I turn in spirit to Your
Excellency and entreat your early reply. There is still
much which remains imsaid."
To this dignified appeal Shih K'o-fa replied, in words no
less eloquent, as follows : " Shih K'o-fa, Commander-in-
chief of the great Ming dynasty, President of the Board
of ^Var and a Grand Secretary of the Eastern Throne-hall,
prostrating himself respectfully before Your Highness, the
Regent of the great Manchu dynasty, has the honour to
reply as follows : On receipt of your valued favour, I sent
it at once to General Wu in order that I might take his
opinion. I hesitated to indite an inunediate reply, not
because I failed to appreciate your kindness in writing
to me, but out of regard for the principle enunciated in
the * Spring and Autumn ' classic, that a Minister of one
State ought not to carry on secret correspondence with
the representative of another.
" Ata time of urgent military preparation like the present,
your elegantly worded composition is indeed a godsend,
and I have perused it again and again, full of admiration
178
THE COURT OF PEKING
lor the sentiments which it conveys. It fills me with
gratitude and at the same time with shame that your
great nation sliould have occasion to deplore the delays
which have occurred in destroying that parricide and rebel,
Li Tzft-ch'eng. But I desire to make a few remarks
regarding your Ughtly-uttered statement that we, otRcials
and people of the great Ming dynasty, are forgetful of
the outrages inflicted on the late Emperor, and have sinned
against his memory in proclaiming His present Majesty at
our * temporary retreat,' south of the Yangtsze.
** His departed Majesty was a wise and just ruler who
obeyed Heaven and followed the behests of his ancestors,
in constant affection for his subjects and in the faithful
performance of his duty. The disaster of the 19th day
of the 3rd Moon, when Peking fell, was due to the infatuate
errors of his Ministers, and I was too far away at my post
in the south to bring up reinforcements to his succour.
The sorrowful tidings of his death reached me at my camp
on the Huai, whilst I was hurrying north. Heaven was
rent and the earth shaken by this monstrous catastrophe ;
the waves of the sea wept in imison, and the trees withered
on the hills. Breatiies there the man who does not love
his Sovereign ? Though my body were hacked to pieces
in the market place, still, because of this disaster, my soul
must bear its heavy burden of guilt, and never can I dare
to look His late Majesty in the face in the realms below.
" The grief of his officials and people in the South was like
that of orphans mourning for their parents, and we burned
to avenge our Emperor by drawing sword against the
traitor who had caused his death. But it seemed good
to our eldest and wisest statesman to place a new Emperor
on the Throne, not only for the sake of the ancestral
shrines and the tutelary deities, but to satisfy the desire
of the nation. His present Majesty is the grandson of
Wan Li, the nephew of that Monarch's successor, and cousin
to His late Majesty. He is of the direct line, his accession
179
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
is meet and proper, and he has found favour with Heaven
and with his people. When he entered Nanking, on the
1st of the oth Moon, his subjects lined the roads and
welcomed the Imperial chariot with thunderous acclaim.
His Ministers besought him to mount the Imperial Throne,
but he hesitated at fu'st to comply, and assumed the title
of Regent. It was only in response to repeated petitions
from his subjects that at last he declared himself Emperor.
On that eventful day nature wore a garb of joy, and
prestiges were not wanting of an auspicious reign. As the
smoke of the incense ascended to Heaven at the ancestral
sacrifice the worshippers felt that the Almighty had
vouchsafed His approval.
" A few days after His Majesty's accession he bade me
take up my command North of the Yangtsze and prepare
to march against Li Tzu-ch'eng. It was then that the
tidings reached us that our Generalissimo, AVu San-kuei,
had borrowed aid from your great nation, and that the
rebel host had been completely routed. We learned that
you had given fitting burial to the remains of Their
Majesties, and that you had purged the Palace of the
polluting presence of the usurper. By pacifying the
people's alarms and by cancelhng the edict which had
enjoined the shaving of the head ^ you showed a respect
for our dynastic usages, and your generosity will be en-
shrined for all time in our history. Not a subject of the
great Ming dynasty but kneels in gratitude, rendering
willing obeisance from a full heart for this kind deed.
Surely your letter errs grievously when you remind us of
our duty * to cherish gratitude, and thus to repay your
benevolence.'
** So little do we need this reminder that on the 8th Moon
of this year I dispatched an envoy bearing a number of
trifling gifts to be distributed as largesse to your victorious
forces, and I directed him to submit to you proposals for
' This cancL'llBtion was only temporary*.
180
THE COURT OF PEKING
a joint expedition westward against the rebels, I waited
witli my troops on the banks of the River Huai, solely
because I wished to learn your intentions in the
matter.
"The letter which I have had the honour to receive
takes me to task for violating the principles laid down by
Confucius concerning succession to the Throne. I admire
the aptness of your allusion, but Confucius was only
referring to the deaths of feudal Princes who had perished
by assassination. In such cases it was deemed unseemly
for the son and successor to announce his accession, either
to his suzerain or to his fellow Princes, until his father's
murder had been avenged. But the Sage never meant
this to apply to a case in which the Sovereign Lord of the
whole Empire had committed suicide for the sake of the
altars of his gods, his family having already come to a
cruel end. In such a case, slavish adherence to the letter
of the principle in question would show callous indifference
to the interests of the Empire as a whole, and would
assuredly plunge our ancient State in the horrors of anarchy
and civil war. For a supreme niler is needed to inspire
the nation with courage and patriotism ; without one
no national spirit could exist, nor could the army be
rallied to fresh efforts. Historical instances of the truth
of this will readily occur to Your Highness ; I need scarcely
quote them here. Wlicn the Sung Emperor Ch'en Tsung
(a.d. 1126) was carried into captivity by the Chen Tartars,
together with his father, the ex-Emperor, his brother was
at once elected to the Throne, because it was felt that it
could not safely stand empty for a single day. History
has approved of this principle, and has recognised
that in no other way can the fortunes of the State be
preserved.
" The sixteen Emperors of our Ming dynasty have,
each in his turn, exercised a civilising influence, and have
enabled the remotest nations to benefit by their self-
181
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
sacrificing magnanimity. They have restored princedoms
and treated their vassals with unfailing generosity. You
Manchus* who have for generations figured on the roll of
our feudatories, can scarcely fail to be aware of tliese facts*
since you, too, have been nurtured by our Throne's wide-
embracing and enfolding protection. The fact that our
two nations had been at enmity for a generation was
brought about by wicked plotters, whom His late Majesty
visited with condign punishment.
** You may well be proud of your action in hastening so
loyally to suppress the rebel invasion, and in coming to the
rescue of our dynasty. It has been worthy of the prin-
ciples of Confucius, and deserves to be remembered for all
time.
** In olden days, when the Ketans made peace with the
Sungs, annual gifts of gold and silks were sent by the
latter, but that did not mean that the Ketans acquired
any territorial advantages from the Sungs. How much
more, then, should this be the case with your great nation,
which has loudly proclaimed its altruistic intentions, and
which has moved with troops to our succour simply and
solely (for so you have assured us) out of regard for the
friendly feeling existing between our States from time
immemorial.
" If now, taking advantage of our misfortunes, you covet
our territory and hope to benefit yourselves by annexing
portions of our dominions, you will be open to the reproach
that your good intentions were but transient, and that
your actions, which began in good feeling, have ended in
unrighteous cupidity. Then may the rebels even despise
you, as being no better than themselves I I am reluctant
to believe this of you Manchus.
" His late Majesty was far too tender-hearted in dealing
with the rebellion; he could not bear to employ drastic
methods in suppressing it. It is because of his adoption
of this lenient policy that the Mings have been brought
182
THE COURT OF PEKING
to their present evil pass. The present Emperor's one
thought is to avenge tlie wrongs of his predecessor, and all
our statesmen are of the same mind, while thousands of
volunteers have ralhed to the flag, burning to wipe out
this national disgrace.
** It is my confident hope that ' Prince Harrier's ' tether
is a short one. The proverb says : * Let your good
actions breed successors, but pull up evil by the root.*
At this moment, however, the traitor lias escaped to his
Shensi lair and still awaits Heaven-sent retribution. Nay,
my spies tell me that he still hopes to regain the territory
he has lost, and is even now preparing to strike a fresh blow.
This is not only a disgrace to our dynasty, but is scarcely
calculated to give your nation satisfaction, since your
effoits have only met with partial success.
" I beg, therefore, that you will now complete what you
have so well begim, and arrange with us plans for a joint
punitive campaign into Shensi, where we may have the
joy of seeing the traitor's head roll in the dust. In this
way you IVIanchus will have set the crowning achieve-
ment on your glorious work, and we shall do what in us
lies to reward you. Hereafter, our two nations shall
dwell together as neighbours, in perpetual amity. How
splendid to think that peace can never again be broken
between Chinese and Manchu 1
** Our d>Tiasty*s ambassador is now on his way, and should
soon reach Peking, where the terms of a treaty may be
negotiated at leisure. Looking northward towards the
mausolea of our mighty ancestors my eyes can weep no
more, for lack of tears, and I feel that I deserve to die the
death. My only reason for not following my late master
to the other world was that I still hoped to render some
service to the State. It is written : ' Strain every energy
for your country whilst Ufe lasts; be loyal and fear not.'
My one desire is to be privileged to lose my life in the
performance of my duty. May this aspiration be fTilfilled.
188
THE COURT OF PEKING
I would beg Your Highness to be pleased to peruse the
above. Hung Kuang,^ 9th Moon, 15th day.
" Postscriptum.—li 1 do not hear from you, I intend to
cross the Huai with my whole force and expel the rebel
horde of dogs and rats from their lairs, that the glories
of old may be restored to our Empire, and that the benefits
bestowed upon me by His late Majesty, now in Heaven,
may in some measure be requited. Finally, I would
observe that it is unseemly for the Minister of one State
to have private intercourse with the ruler of another, and
I treat with the contempt of silence your ignoble endeavour
to lure mc with promises of rewards and dignities."
Tliis correspondence between the Manchu Regent and
the loyalist General is cited to this day by Chinese scholars
as a model of the best classical traditions ; even for those
who read it in another language it carries conviction and
an irresistible appeal, teUing its own story of the dignity
and wisdom which underUe the weather-beaten but un-
conquered philosophy of China^s Sages.
But for the humanitarian, admiration of this stoic
philosophy halts before its consequences, as we see them
reflected in the unspeakable misery of the masses. The
Regent's shrewd indictment of Shih K'o-fa's attitude was
justified by every humane instinct, when he said that
" scholars and statesmen were apt to forget their duty
to the people in their desire to win for themselves fame
as men of unswerving principles." Both he and Shih
K*o-fa were sincerely anxious for peace, anxious to avert
from the innocent community of toilers the awful calam-
ities of war; but neither was prepared to buy immunity
for the people by the surrender of his own rigid principles.
Let us turn now from the arguments of the leaders to
contemplate the consequences of their differences as
reflected in the lives and deaths of the '' stupid people."
^ The Ming dynastic title of the new Emperor,
Glory."
184
Distinguished
CHAPTER VII
THE SACK OF YAXG CHOU-FU
The liistory of China, ancient and modern, is a series
of paroxysms; its keynote is bloodshed and famine^
periods of peace and prosperity purchased by the slaughter
of countless innocents. Its splendid civilisation, based
on an unassailable moral philosophy and the canons of
the Sages, has ever proved powerless against the inexorable
laws of nature, against the pitiless cruelty of the struggle
for life, intensified by a social system which inculcates
procreative recklessness and passive fatalism. Under
Mongols, Mings and Manchus the stern retributive law
and its fulfilment liave ever been the same, history always
repeating itself, at the passing of dynasties, with fearful
monotony of wholesale massacres.
The following narrative of the sack of Yang Chou-fu
by the Manchus in 1645 was written by one (his name is
miknown) who was himself a victim and an eye-witness
of those fearful days of slaughter, and of events which may
be taken as normal at times of conquest and civil strife
in Far Eastern lands. The blood lust of tlie victorious
Manchus was no more fierce than that of the Mongols
before them, or, for that matter, of the Chinese of to-day.
Throughout all the recorded history of the Empire, these
ruthless massacres of non-combatants have been an
accepted feature of the sorry scheme of things ; a deliber-
ate, cold-blooded, almost instinctive fulfilment of the
law which prescribes the survival of the fittest, amongst
a people with whom the problem of daily bread is ever
insistently insoluble. Compared with the most merciless
185
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
butcheries of ancient and modem tinges in Exirope, with
the worst excesses of " Kirke's lambs '* or Alva's butchers,
the slaughter of Orientals by Orientals lacks the factors
of religious and political hatred which often explain
the extermination of whole communities. Yet another
feature, common to these pitiful records of Chinese cities
left desolate, is the complete lack of resistance on the part
of their inhabitants — a few thousands of savage soldiery
let loose, without discipline or military cohesion, upon a
walled city of a million iniiabitants, will convert it almost
methodically into a shambles, their terror-stricken victims
awaiting death with abject helplessness.
Yang Chou-fu, on the Grand Canal in Kiangsu, has
always been an important city. Strategically, before the
days of railways, it was the gate of the southern capital,
Nanking, for invaders from the north. ^ Its ancient walls
are some four miles in circumference, and in olden days,
when the Grand Canal was the great artery of trade
between the Yangtsze and North China, it boasted great
wealth and a large population. Before the Manchu
invasion, it had suffered, as all Central Cliina had suffered,
from the disorders of Li Tzu-ch*eng's rebellion and the
general unrest brought about by the chaotic condition
of affairs in Peking ; but until 1644 the tide of civil war
had flowed northwards, and thougli the cities of the plain
had paid for it in silver, there had been but httle bloodshed
in their streets. After the fall of Peking and the collapse
of the Mings before the rebel forces of Li Tzu-ch'eng,
came the swift turning of the tide; Li's great army,
routed by Wu San-kuei and the Manchus, fled southwards
and west, while the fugitive Mings established their Court
at Nanking, and gathered together their shattered forces
to prevent the Manchus crossing the Yangtsze.
In 1644, when the Manchu armies began their invasion
^ In 1282 Kublai IChan conferred upon Marco Poto the governorship
of the city.
186
THE COURT OF PEKING
and subjugation of the South, the population of Yang
Chou-fu was estimated at over a million. Lying on the
direct route of the invaders to Nanking, it was held for
the Mings by their ablest General, Shih K'o-fa, and gar-
risoned with an army of about 40,000 men. If Prince
Fu, heir to the throne of the Mings, had not been hopelessly
dissolute and incapable, if he and his advisers at the Court
of Nanking had given General Shih the loyal support he
deserved, the Manchus would probably never have reached
the Yangtsze. But (as we liave sliown elsewhere) the
Court was wholly engrossed in licentious pleasures, its
scanty revenues wasted in wine-bibbing and play acting,
its forces in the field unprovided with the necessaries
of life and materials of war. Shih K'o-fa had been obliged
to detach part of the garrison of Yang Chou-fu at a most
critical moment to protect a store of ammunition and
equipment, which he had been compelled to leave behind
him on his forced march from Soochow. Even so. he
might have destroyed the army of the invaders before
the investment of the city, had he been wilhng to cut the
banks of the ITuai River and flood the country. But Shih
was a scholar and a humane man, and preferred the risks
of war to the infliction of enduring misery on vast numbers
of his fellow countrymen. He might have saved himself,
his army and the city had he been willing to entertain
the advances made to him by the Manchu Regent and
forsake the cause of the Mings. But hoping against hope
for reinforcements and final victory he remained at his
post, and met with a dignified refusal the Regent's offers
to confer wealth and honoiu: upon him as the price of
disloyalty. He took a terrible responsibility, and he paid
the price of high failure, and with him more than half
a million men, women and children, " went to their graves
like beds."
The diary from which the following narrative is taken
is dated the 4th Moon of the " Yi Yu " year (1645) :
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
" On the 14th day of the Yi Yu year it was reported
to General Shih K'o-fa, the Commander-in-chief, by
his staff, that Yang Ho (on the Huai River) had fallen, and
our garrison prepared for a siege. Soldiers were quartered
in every house; a certain Colonel Yang and his men were
billeted on me. Their discipline was very bad; we had
to supply them with everything, and their keep cost us
several strings of cash per day. As their demands became
ever more importunate, I invited Colonel Yang to a
banquet, and seized the opportxmity to beg him to keep
his men in better order. After this we were somewhat
less disturbed. The Colonel enjoyed Ustening to the flute,
and we called in some singing-girls to entertain his men.
" There was fierce fighting on the walls and around the
city for ten days and nights,^ and we all hoped that the
garrison would repel the enemy. But one evening, while
we were having quite a lively party at our house, orders
from the Commander-in-chief were suddenly brought to
Colonel Yang. He read the note, turned deathly pale
and hurried out on to the city wall. Our party broke up,
every one wondering what evil tidings were in store for us.
Next morning all the walls of the city were placarded with
a proclamation from General Shih K'o-fa, saying : ' I
alone vnW bear the brunt; none of you blameless people
shall pay the penalty.'
*' I felt quite reassured and touched by these good words.
Later in the day every one's spirits rose, for news came
in that our men had been victorious in a heavy skirmish
outside the city. That afternoon my married cousin
came in from Kua-chou in order to escape from the law-
lessness of General Li's dispersed troops. My wife was
delighted to see her, and the two women were chatting
away, when suddenly rumours began to circulate that the
Manchus were in the city. I made immediate inquiries,
and at first came to the conclusion that the troops who had
* Other chronicles ^ay that the siege lasted seven days,
188
THE COURT OF PEKING
come in were those of the Marquis Huang Tc-kung, our
own General, the more so as our guards on the city wall
showed no signs of panic. On reaching tlie main street,
however, I met crowds of men, women and children,
many of them barefooted and half naked, all rushing
wildly along. To my inquiries they could make no clear
replies, all muttering and gibbering incoherently. Next
I observed a small party of horsemen desperately galloping
towards the South Gate of the city. They passed like a
torrent in flood, but I had time to notice that the person
they were escorting was none other than General Shili
K'o-fa himself. They had tried to leave by the East
Gate, but finding that the Manchus held it already outside,
were hoping to escape by the South. The General was
wounded,^ and had been forced to leave by his bodyguard,
" Next I saw another of the Ming Generals riding
northwards, evidently intending to surrender to the enemy.
His face wore a look of misery such as 1 never wish to
behold again. By this time the troops on the wall
had begun to throw away their weapons and were tearing
off the badges from their uniforms. Many of them were
severely hurt in the crush and confusion as they rushed
from the wall ; soon the section adjoining my house was
quite deserted. General Shih had crecte<l gun-platforms
on a level with the wall, because it was too narrow for
artillery purposes; these platforms were reached from
the roofs below by a sloping gangway of planks lashed
together. The Manchus gained the wall near the North
Gate, and came rushing along it, sword in hand, driving
our men before them. On reaching the gun-platform
adjoining my house, crowds of them, pursuers and pursued,
came down it helter-skelter; the gangway collapsed
beneath them, and a score or more were killed. Those who
succeeded in reaching the roofs engaged in fierce hand-
to-hand fighting, making a din most terrifying to the
^ Vide supra, p. 173,
189
I
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
occupants of tlie house, cowering in the rooms beneath.
My courtyard was filled with routed soldiery and panic-
stricken refugees, who Hstened in terror to tlie fierce yells
of the Manchus. I had no means of preventing these
fugitives from entering my premises ; even the women*s
quarters were full of them. From a window at the back
of my house I observed a body of troops marching towards
the south-west of tlie city. They seemed well disciplined,
and at first I hoped they were some of our own men.
At this moment there came a sound of knocking at my
gate. A few neighbours had come to suggest that we
should join them in preparing a welcome to the Manchu
invaders, and that we should burn incense in token of
allegiance to our new Emperor. As matters stood I
dared not refuse to join in these preparations, so hurriedly
we put on our ceremonial robes and shaved our heads in
the Manchu fashion. This done, we waited a long while,
but no Manchu Prince put in an appearance. The fight
in my courtyard was now over, and about a dozen soldiers
lay dead upon the ground. The Manchus had passed on
to other parts of the city.
" As I looked out from my window I saw a few soldiers
coming and going; in a little while there came a troop
of them escorting a bevy of gaudily clad women— women
belonging to this city, of evil repute. At the spectacle
a sudden thought struck me, and I went to my women-folk
and said : ' The city has fallen ; you must be ready
to commit suicide and thus escape outrage.' All the
women agreed, and lianded me their ornaments and their
money, saying : * Keep them ; we don't expect to live
more than a few hours at most.'
" Next I saw a small party of horsemen riding slowly
from the North; every person whom they met they
stopped, demanding money. These men were not extrava-
gant in their demands, and if they were refused they would
prod their captive with swords, but not so as to hurt him
190
1
THE COURT OF PEKING
seriously. (I heard afterwards that a Yang-chou man had
treacherously conducted this party to tiie house of a
rich merchant, who had paid ten thousand taels as ransom,
but had nevertheless been murdered.)
*' \Vhen they came near to my house one of the horsemen
pointed to me (I had come out and was standing in the
court) ; * Search tliat fellow in the blue gown,' he
shouted to one of his comrades, who at once dismounted ;
but I was too quick for liim and rushed inside. The men
rode away laughing. I wondered why they should wish
to search me, as I was clad in the garments of a rustic.
At tliis moment my two brothers came up and, discussing
the point, we concluded that, as this part of the city was
chiefly inhabited by wealthy merchants, they had suspected
ray disguise. I therefore decided to remove all the family
from my house and take refuge in that of my second eldest
brother. My two brothers and the women all made their
way thither by unfrequented alleys. Just at the back of
my brother*s house were some of the slums of the city,
a quai*ter known as the ' Graveyard of the Ho family.*
Meantime, I remained behind in my own house to see what
would happ)en. AH of a sudden my eldest brother came
running back to tell me that the main street was running
with blood, and that if I stayed where I was I should
surely be murdered. ' Come with us ; we can at least
all die together in our brother's house.' At that, I took
the ancestral tablets from their shrine and went with my
brother. We were all together in his house, a party of ten ;
four of us brothers (two older and one younger than myself),
my wife and little son, my sister-in-law, my nephew and
my wife's brother and sister.
'* As evening drew on we could hear more and more
clearly the sliouts of the Manchus at their helhsh work of
butchery. It was pouring with rain, but that did not stop
Lhem. Hoping to escape detection we all lay out on
the Eat roof of an outhouse under the heavy rain, covered
191
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
with a large felt plaid, which soon became soaked. The,
death-cries of wounded and dying men, of women and
cliildren, rang in our ears and made our blood run cold.
Not till midnight did we dare to come from our hiding-
place and make for the kitchen, where we managed to kindle
a fire and boil a little rice. By this time flames were
bursting out all over the city ; several of our neighbours'
houses had been burnt to the ground; the total number
thus destroyed must have run into thousands. The night
was as light as day; the tumult and the shouting were
incessant. Every now and then we could hear curses
in Manchu, blended with some woman's frantic appeal
for mercy. We tried to eat, but our chopsticks refused
to carry the food to our mouths. We could tliink of no
way of escape; my wife took some ingots of silver and
divided them amongst us four brothers. We hid them in
our top-knots, in our boots and loin-cloths. My wife also
found for me an old robe and a pair of frayed shoes,
which she bade me wear.
" All night we sat desperate, awaiting the end, and dared
not close our eyes. A bird in the room sang without
ceasing; its notes sounded like a clarion. Close at hand
I heard a child sobbing, but could not locate it. As dawn
broke, the conflagrations seemed to die down. I mounted
a ladder and concealed myself in the loft. We all crouched
on some boards by the ceiling, when suddenly, from the
eastern side, a man's head appeared. He climbed in
by one ladder and rushed down another, but the Manchu
trooper who followed him, paused when he saw us and gave
over his pursuit, coming towards me instead. In my
terror I too rushed down the ladder and out into the street,
followed by my two brothers. We ran at least a himdred
yards, but stopped on finding we were not being pursued.
For the time being I lost sight of my wife, and knew not
whether she lived or died.
" The cruel soldiery, to save themselves the trouble
102
THE COURT OF PEKING
I
of hunting for their victims, posted notices telling the
people that if they surrendered they would be given badges
guaranteeing them their lives, but if they hid themselves
and were caught they would be killed. Many people
gave themselves up in consequence. As my brother and
I were standing in the street we saw a group of fifty or
sixty persons, lialf of them women, a little further on,
and my brother said : ' If we hide and are discovered we
shall certainly be killed. We are only four helpless men,
so we had better surrender and join that group over there.
By so doing we may possibly find a means of escape, and
if not, at least we shall have the satisfaction of perishing
in a general massacre.'
" I was far too terrified to suggest any better course,
so we went and joined the group, expecting to receive our
badges of safety. The Manchus searched my brothers
and took away all their money, but oddly enough they
left me alone. At this moment some women came up,
and one of them spoke to me. I recognised her at once;
the second concubine of my old friend Chu Shu, but I
begged her not to draw attention to me. She was in a
pitiable condition, her hair all dishevelled, her breasts
exposed, and her legs besmeared to the knees with mud.
Another concubine had a girl baby in arms, but the troops
first flogged her and then threw her down in the mud.
Then some more soldiers came forward, collected the women
and began tying them together at the knees, like a string
of pearls. We were then marched off in a body, one man
with a sword leading the way and another on either side
to prevent any one escaping, just as if they were driving
sheep to market. At every step we took we saw dead
bodies lying in agonised attitudes, babies who had been
crushed to shapelessness beneath the hoofs of horses,
women with their new-bom babes by the roadside all
beaten to a pulp. The streets reeked like a shambles,
here and there one heard the groans of a few dying
o 198
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
wretches. Arms and legs protruded from every ditch,
inextricably mingled.
^* We were taken to the house of Colonel Yao Yung-yen,
entering it by the back door. Every room that I saw was
full of corpses, and I said to myself that mine would surely
be added to their number. However, there were no Manchu
butchers at work tiiere for the time being, and after passing
through several courtyards we were brought out tlirough
the front of the building. Thence we were led to the house
of a Shansi merchant, one Cli'iao Cheng-wang, the head-
quai'ters of the men who were oui* captors. As we entered
I noticed a soldier mounting guard over three comely
females. The floor was strewn deep with valuable silks
and furs. Our three guards laughed loudly at the sight
and then drove us, a party of fifty, into the back room,
while they placed the women in an inner apartment.
In the room into which we were driven three seamstresses
were sitting at work. One of them was about thirty-five,
and very smartly dressed. She was a native of Yang-chou,
and seemed perfectly happy, chaffing the soldiers merrily.
Her behaviour was wanton in the extreme ; as I watched
her making eyes at the men 1 heard one of the Manchus
say : ' During the Korean campaign hardly a woman
bought her life at the price of her virtue. Who would
have believed that the inhabitants of this great Empire of
China could be as shameless as this wench ? '
'* Then the soldiers began undressing the women who
had accompanied us; they stripped them of their wet
apparel and made them stand up stark naked before us
all. The seamstress was called in and told to measure
them for fresh clothes. The women were too much afraid
of the soldiers to attempt to hide their nakedness with
their hands. When they had all been dressed in new
clothes they were supplied with meat and drink, and the
soldiers began making love to them. Jlost of them yielded
readily enough to the sohcitations of their captors.
194
THE COURT OF PEKING
" Next one of the Manchus began brandishing his
sword and shouted ; ' Come here, you Chinese savages.'
They then bound all of us who were in the front row with
cords, including my eldest brother. My second brother
called out to me : ' It's all up vnth us ; what's the use
of talking ? ' He seized my hand and led me forward ;
my younger brother followed. We were bound, some
fifty of us in all, and the Manchus led us out into the court-
yard, yelling like savages. Then the butchery began :
Every one was struck dumb with terror, and I stood there
and watched it for a few moments, awaiting my turn.
At first I looked forward to death calmly enough, but
suddenly I felt as if aid had been vouchsafed to me from
some supernatural power. Bound as I was, I managed
to creep away unnoticed, and reached one of the back
rooms of the house, where I freed myself from my bonds.
I found that I was in the women's quarters, where there
were still some of the older women who had been unable
to escape.
'* At the back of tliis part of the house the Manchu
horses and pack camels were stabled, completely blocking
all chance of egress. Creeping on hands and knees,
1 managed to crawl under the beasts, any one of which
might liave trampled me to a jelly. After getting past
them I found the walls too high for escape in that direction,
but to my left there was a passage leading to a postern
door. This door— half way down the passage— was
nailed securely, so I went some distance up the passage,
where I could distinctly hear the groans of my dying
comrades and the shouts of their executioners. Passing
the kitchen, I saw four men at work there. They had been
pressed into the job by the Manchus, and I implored them
to let me join them as hewer of wood or drawer of water.
They angrily refused, saying : ' We four have been
specially assigned to this duty; if the Manchus find an
extra hand here they will suspect us of conspiracy, and
195
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
we shall all be killed.* As I continued to beseech them
they pushed me out, driving me forth with a carving
knife.
I then rushed back to the door leading out of the
passage and pulled at it with all my might. I seized
the support in the socket of which the door was inserted,
and with a stupendous effort managed to pull it out.
With bleeding fingers 1 tried to push the door open, but
it was still effectually closed from the outside by a heavy
beam. The long spell of wet weather had caused it to
stick fast in its socket, and I could not move it. But as
I pushed and pulled, by great good luck the top hinge
of the door gave way, and it fell outwards with a heavy
crash.
" Again some unseen power seemed to aid me, and I
was through the postern door in a flash. The spot at
which I emerged was at the foot of the city wall, and some
scouts made signs to me to advance no further, so I made
my way into a house just beyond the one I had left.
Every room in it was full of refugees in hiding, except the
gate-house, which looked out on to the main street, and
which was so often \isited by soldiers that no one had
ventured to go there.
*' There was a corner in this gate-house behind a very
high cupboard, into which 1 managed to climb. As I
waited, scarcely daring to breathe, I Fieard an agonised
voice, which 1 recognised all too well, the voice of my
younger brotlier begging for mercy. A sound of blows
followed, and tlien 1 heard my second eldest brother cry :
' I have money buried in my cellar at home. Let me go
and I will bring it to you.' After that all was silence,
and my heart seemed to cease beating. I felt as if my brain
were on fire; the tears refused to well from my eyes,
and my bowels were rent asunder. My tongue clove to my
mouth, and I think I lost consciousness. Shortly after-
wards a soldier came in, dragging a woman with him.
196
THE COURT OF PEKING
He ordered her to lie with him on the couch ; when she
refused, he forced lier until she was compelled to yield.
" My own position was now one of extreme peril.
Seizing the first opportunity, I managed to climb from the
cupboard, which was open at the top» on to the cross-beam
of the loft above. It was as black as pitch up there;
and every now and then soldiers passing by would look
in and prod the loft matting above their heads with their
long spears. Hearing no sound, they concluded it was
empty. I lay up there all that day; during that time
about a score of persons were murdered in the room beneath
me. Out in the street I could hear sounds of horsemen
riding by, with shrieking women in their train. There was
no rain that day, but the sky was overcast.
" As the day drew to its close there were fewer soldiers
about, but the wailing of homeless refugees served to
remind me of my two brothers* pitiful deaths. I wondered
if my wife and son still lived, and if so, where they miglit
be hiding. As the night fell I crept down from my loft
and went out into the street. The road was full of people
crouching in attitudes of despair, some stooping over
corpses and calling them by name. Seeing torches moving
towards me, I hurriedly made down a side lane towards
the city wall. Here the piles of corpses made progress
diflRcuIt, and I stumbled over them again and again.
It took me three hours, from eight o'clock to eleven, to
reach my eldest brother's house. He, with my wife and
child, were there before me; I could not bear to tell them
of the death of our two brothers.
" I asked my wife how she had escaped. She replied :
' When the soldiers were driving us along, I was aliead
of the rest and somehow or other escaped attention.
Carrying Peng'rh in my arms I got away and hid myself
.in a cellar. My sister could not come with me; she
had sprained her ankle, and a soldier was carrying her
in his arms. My hiding-place was soon discovered,
197
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
and we were taken to a room in which tliere were some
tliirty or forty men and women, all bound. My captor
gave me into the charge of one of the women jailers.
In the meantime, my sister had been carried away and
I saw her no more. After a while, as the soldiers did not
come back, I persuaded the women jailers to allow me
to escape. They did so, and outside I met Mrs. Hung
(a relative of her brother), who brought me here,'
*' I then told them my experiences. While I was speak-
ing Mrs. Hung came in and brought some rice, but none
of us could eat. Fires were again breaking out all over
the city; by their light one could see a long distance. At
the back of the Ho family's graveyard there were groups
of people lying under the trees, and the sound of waiUng
mothers and children was most pitiful to hear. My wife
said she wished to kill herself; we talked together all
through the night, and I dissuaded her for the present.
In the morning she led me to the end of a winding passage,
where there was a room full of coffins awaiting burial.
Here I crouched down in some straw and hid, after placing
the child in one of the coffins and covering him with
matting. My wife concealed herself in front. I dared
not move hand or foot, and soon my limbs were com-
pletely numbed. All day we could hear the voices of
soldiers cursing, and the pitiful entreaties of their victims.
A southerner before a Manchu was like a sheep in the
hands of the butcher; hardly any attempted even to
escape. Towards evening I peeped out and counted over
a hundred dead bodies in that one courtyard.
** Little Peng'rh slept on the top of the coffin right
througli that terrible day, and never stirred but once,
when I wetted his lips with water which 1 brought in a
hollow tile from the ditch outside. As evening came on
Mrs. Hung came again, and with her we returned to the
room in which we had passed the night. She told me that
my sister-in-law had been carried off, together with my
198
THE COURT OF PEKING
little nephew, an infant in arms. We counted them both
for dead, which made four deaths in my family in two days.
** I tried to procure a little rice, but without success.
My brother and I talked together all that night. Thrice
my wife attempted suicide, but each time Mrs. Hung
prevented her. Tiien my brother said : ' We are not
all likely to sui-vive another day. I am still unhurt.
Give me the child now and let me try to escape with him.'
I agreed, and my brother left us.
" Mrs. Hung advised my wife to hide in her cupboard,
propK)sing to change places with her. However, we went
back to our coffin room. A party of Manchu soldiers
entered the house shortly afterwards, and discovering
Mrs. Hung's hiding-place they beat her cruelly ; but she
told them nothing of our whereabouts, thereby earning
ray undying gratitude. Then more troops appeared on
the scene, but as soon as they saw the coffins came no
further in our direction. At last a party of ten ruffianly-
looking Manchus entered the room, and one of them seized
a pole and began poking at my feet. I rose and showed
myself. Their guide was a Yang-chou man whom I
knew by sight, and I begged him to ask them to spare me.
They asked for money, and I gave them some. One of
the soldiers shouted : ' Let*s spare this fellow's life
for the present/ and they all went away. Then a young
fellow in red clothes with a long sword entered, and began
brandishing it in my direction. He, too, wanted money,
and I gave him some. He was not satisfied, and pointed
at my wife. She was expecting her confinement very
shortly, and now lay motionless on the ground. I deceived
him by telling him that she had been injured : * My wife
is near her time,' I said, ' and yesterday she fell from a
roof and injured herself. She cannot sit up, and has to
remain lying do^vn.' The red-clothed man did not believe
me, but pulled open my wife's dress to examine her person.
He noticed that her lower garments were caked in blood
199
AXNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
(she had pre^nously daubed it on), and so believed my story.
He had ni-ith him a young woman and two Uttle children;
one of them, a boy, cried to his mother for food. This
enraged the soldier, who brained the poor child on the
stone floor. He then departed with the mother and her
liUle girl.
" After this I made for a neighbour*s house, and im-
plored him to let us take shelter there. He said he had
no room. My wife again begged to commit suicide, and
as I felt there was no longer any hope I agreed: so we
proceeded to hang ourselves with one rope to the rafter.
But the noose )iad been clumsily adjusted, and we both
fell with a crash to the ground. More soldiers entered
the premises, but they marched straight through and went
their ways. My wife rushed out from the chamber into
an outhouse, which was full of straw; here there were
a number of country women, who allowed her to enter,
but they had no room for me. I ran as quickly as I
could towards some straw which was piled in a heap in
the southern comer, climbed up to the top of the stack,
and covered myself completely with the straw. I thought
I should be safe there, but in a little while there came a
soldier, who jumped up and began poking about ^vith a
long spear. I came forth from the straw and offered him
money to spare my life. He searclied about and discovered
several other refugees, who all escaped by likewise tender-
ing him silver. After he had withdrawn we all crept
back into our hiding-place. Down in the middle of the
straw I noticed a couple of long tables, which seemed to
offer an excellent refuge for several j>ersons. Unfortu-
nately for my idea, part of the adjoining wall had collapsed,
and there was a wide chink, through which our movements
could be seen from without. I had not noticed this, and
had just lain down when a soldier began prodding at me
with a spear; he succeeded in wounding me and my
companions in misery. The lower part of my back
200
THE COURT OF PEKING
received a nasty gash. We all scrambled out as best we"
could, and again I went to my wife's new quarters. All
the women there were crouching on piles of firewood;
they had smeared their faces and hair with blood and
mud and cinders, so that they looked more like demons
than women, and I only recognised my wife by her voice.
" I implored them to allow me to get in amongst them,
and they managed to find me a place right at the bottom
of the straw, with the women all lying on top of me.
I was nearly stifled, but my wife procured a long hollow
bamboo, which 1 placed in my mouth, and through it
inhaled a little fresh air from above. A soldier came to
the door, murdered two women whom he had dragged
thither, and tiien went off.
" The day wore on ; it grew dark, and the women got
up. I then came out of my hiding-place, soaking with
perspiration, and my wife and I went back to the Hung^s
house, where we found not only Mrs. Hung and her husband
but also my brother and little PengVh. He said he had
been forced by some Manchus to load carts all day, but
they had liecn kind to little Peng^rh. They had given
him a string of cash at the end of liis day*s work besides
a safe conduct flag. The streets were piled high with
corpses and all the ditches choked Avith blood. A report
was current that a certain Colonel Wang Shao-yang, on
good terms with the Manchus, was providing relief for
the homeless and destitute, and that his intercession
had saved many from being murdered. In spite of all
our misery I slept soundly that night; when morning
broke we had entered upon our ninth day of tribulation.
" So far we had marvellously escaped, but rumours
were being noised abroad that all the survivors were to
be massacred that day, so that many, at tlie risk of their
lives, fled from the city by means of ropes let down from
tlie wall. Meantime, outlaws and cut-throats from the
country* had begun to make their way into the city,
201
ANNALS AND MEMOIIIS OF
plundering whatever was left, or else, lying in wait outside,
they would intercept the escaping town people and despoil
them. Under these circumstances I dared not make the
attempt to quit Yang-chou, and my brother was unwilling
to start forth alone. So that evening I concealed myself
again under some straw; my wife and the child lay on
top. Many times did my wife owe her safety to her
advanced pregnancy. Soldiers often came in, but we
were able to buy them off with bribes. Finally a wolf-eyed,
lantern-faced Manchu entered and glared at my wife
ferociously. He pulled her about violently, but she lay
still, and told him the same story about having fallen
from a height. He did not believe her, and compelled
her to rise. She sank again immediately, whereupon the
soldier took liis sword and cut at her back, blood gushing
from each stroke. My wife had previously begged me not
to betray my presence, even to save her life, as there was
a chance of tJieir sparing the child even if they killed her,
and if I discovered myself the child would surely starve, for
both its parents would be dead. So I remained hidden in
the straw and said nothiug, expecting that each moment
would be my wife's last. The soldier finally caught her
by the hair, twisted her long tresses round his arm and
brutally pulled her along, belabouring her all the while.
He dragged her from the pile of straw down the street
for about fifty yards, pausing after every few paces to
slash at her with his sword. At this moment a party
of cavalry came up, and one of the horsemen spoke to the
soldier in Manchu. He at once desisted, and left my wife,
who managed to crawl back, bleeding in seven or eight
places, and covered with the marks of her terrible ill-
treatment. She continued moaning all the rest of that
day.
*' More fires were started and several stacks of straw in
the Hos' graveyard blazed up. It is impossible to estimate
the number of those who were either burned to death that
202
I
I
THE COURT OF PEKING
night or, escaping from the flames, were butchered in
the streets. Tlie safest course, which we adopted, was to
lie by the roadside concealed amongst the festering
corpses, but even then there was no certainty of escaping
destruction.
" Towards dawn we crept out and lay awhile at the back
of a grave-mound. We were caked all over with mud
and excrement, and looked like any thing but human beings.
A fire close by spread to the trees by the graveside, and,
what with the roaring of the flames and the howling of
the wind, we felt as if we were already in the infernal
regions. Ghastly was the spectacle as the dawn broke
and a paUid sun appeared. On all sides we beheld gaunt
fleeting spectres of men and women, our fellow countrymen,
while the Manchus, like so many Rakchas,^ chased them
up and down as if they were already denizens of the nether-
most hell. If we closed our eyes our fevered brains
conjured up visions of tortures worse than those we had
already undergone. Suddenly I heard the sound of
rushing feet. Looking up, I was horrified to see that my
brother had been seized by a Manchu soldier and was
making desperate efforts to escape from his liold. At
last he broke away, but the soldier was after him. For
a few breathless moments I gazed in horror; in the end
my brother came tottering back, stark naked and with
dishevelled hair, in the firm grasp of the Manchu. He
implored me to offer the man money to save his fife.
I had only one silver ingot left, and this I offered to the man,
but he seized his sword furiously and stabbed my brother
in the neck. He fell to earth, blood gushing from his
wounds. Poor little Peng'rh (aged five years) seized
the soldier's knees and begged him with tears to spare
his uncle's life. The soldier calmly wiped his blade on
Peng'rh's coat and then stabbed my brother again, this
time in the head, and as it seemed to me, mortally. Then
* Bcmons of the Buddhist inferno, which devour men.
208
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
he caught me by the hair and demanded money, belabour-
ing nic the while with the blunt side of his sword.
I told him that my money was all gone, but offered
to get him other articles. So he dragged me to the Hungs'
house, where I showed him mv wife's silk clothes and
jewellery, wliich we had hidden in two water-jars. Every-
thing was turned out on the doorstep, and he helped him-
self to whatever took his fancy. He removed all the }>earls
and gold ornaments, made a selection of the best clothes,
and obser%nng that little Pcng-rh had a silver locket round
his neck, wrenched it off with his knife. Then he turned
to me and said : ' I won't kill you, but don't rejoice
too soon; others will kill you before very long.' This
show^ed me that a general massacre was afoot, and I felt
that our last hour had come. But my wife and I hurried
back to see how it fared with our brother. The wound
in his neck was fearful— a gaping hole, several inches
deep—and from the gash in his head a portion of the
brain was protruding. He had also a terrible wound
in the breast. We took him to the Hungs' house and asked
how he felt. ' No pain,' he replied, ' just drowsy. I
want to sleep.' He was only half conscious when we
left him there to go and hide ourselves close to a neigh-
bour's house amidst a pile of corpses. As we lay there,
suddenly wc heard a voice cry : ' The general massacre
is fixed for to-morrow. All who can escape had better
do so.'
" My wife urged me to fly the city, but I reflected that
my brother was desperately wounded, and could not find
it in my heart to leave him. Besides, we had now no
money, and if we left the city we should only be facing
the certainty of death from starvation. We discussed
our position miserably for a long time. By this time the
fires had burned themselves out. and we could hear the
booming of distant guns. There were not so many
soldiers about, so I moved with my wife and child to an
204
THE COURT OF PEKING
I
outhouse, ill which dry dung was kept. Mrs. Hung soon
joined us.
'* As we sat there some Manchus came by with five
women, two of whom were stricken with years. The
youngest one laughed gaily and seemed quite happy.
Two more soldiers came up and tried to snatch the younger
women away. A fight ensued, and one of the original
party, speaking in Manchu, pleaded with the newcomers
to desist. The last two men managed, however, to carry
off the youngest woman, and bore her underneath a large
tree, where they assaulted her, while their comrades did
the same with the other females. The older women
pleaded for mercy, but the \'ounger did not seem in the
least ashamed. Later on I saw that the youngest woman
was in a state of collapse. I recognised her as the wife of
an acquaintance named Cliia, and thought that her wanton
behaviour had met with its just reward. Frailty in a
woman is paid for, sooner or later.
** At this moment a young man of about thirty, weaiing
a Manchu hat, clad in red clothes and wearing black satin
boots, came nding by. He had a breastplate of the
finest mail; his steed was beautifully caparisoned and
he was attended by a large suite. His features, thougli
Tartar, were exceedingly handsojnc; he had a long
protruding chin and a lofty forehead. Amongst his
retinue there were many Yang-chou people. This was
Prince Yii, the Manchu Commander-in-chief, and uncle
of their Emperor.
" He looked closely at me, sa3dng : ' You don*t look
hke a common person; who and what are you?' I
reflected that some of our people had escaped by saying
that they were scholars by profession, while others of the
literati had been murdered on suspicion of anti-Manchu
proclivities. I did not, therefore, reveal my identity,
but concocted a plausible story. Then he asked about
my wife, and I told him the truth. He then said : ' I have
205
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
given ordeitj that all killing shall cease from to-morrow,
so you will be quite safe.' He bade some of his retinue give
me clothes and an ingot of silver. 'How long,* he asked,
* is it since you have had a good meal ? ' I answered :
* Five days.' He commanded us to follow him ; my wife
and I dared not disobey, though suspicious of his inten-
tions. We reached a mansion where preparations for a
banquet were laid out on a most lavish scale. Victuals
of all kinds were there in abundance. He called a woman,
saying : * Treat these people well,' and then departed.
It was now twilight. My wife's younger brother had been
carried off and we knew notliing of his fate; my wife
was very sad at his loss. The woman soon came out
with bowls of fish and rice, and as this mansion was quite
near to the Hungs' house, I carried some food to my
brother; but he could not eat it. I combed his hair
and washed away the blood from his face, feeling all the
time us though a sword were at my own heart. People's
minds were more composed on hearing that the massacres
were to cease.
"Next day was the 1st of the 5th Moon; although
the situation was much improved, looting and murder
did not cease entirely. All the well-to-do famihes had
been stripped bare of everything; hardly any females
over ten years of age had escaped violation. To-day one
of the Manchu Generals, the Earl of Estabhshed Peace,
re-entered Yang-chou and distributed some food to the
people, over which they fought hke ravenous tigers.
On the second day proclamations were issued that the
Manchus had established local officials in Yang-chou
and tlie surrounding districts. The magistrates were
sending out runnei-s to tranquillise the people. The
Buddhist temples received orders to bum all corpses;
there were still many women hiding in their shrines, and
many had died there of starvation. According to the
ofticial records of bodies found, the total number of persons
206
THE COURT OF PEKING
who perished during these days was eight hundred thousand,
but this does not include those who perisljed in the flames
or who drowned tliemselves in the river.
" On the third day a notice was circulated that relief
offices were distributing grain and rice. I went with
Mrs. Hung to the place, which was the former comniissariat
department of General Shih K'o-fa. There were tons of
rice and grain stored in bins, but in a very short space of
time the whole of it had been distributed to the famishing
crowd. They presented a pitiful spectacle, most of them
with maimed limbs and broken heads, and all in filthy
apparel. But when the grain was distributed each and
all fought like wolves; children even forgot to consider
their parents, and struggled only for themselves. Many
aged and infirm persons waited all day without securing
a mouthful.
*' On the fourth day the sky cleared and the heat of
the sun was great. The stench of the corpses was over-
powering, and thousands were burned during the day. A
mighty smoke was raised, and the smell of the burning
bodies filled the air, tainting it for miles around. 1
burned some cotton wool and human bone, and with
the calcined ashes prepared ointment for my brother's
woxmds. He accepted it gratefully, but could not utter
a word.
" On the fifth day many people who had remained in
hiding began to come forth ; people's hearts were too
full for speech. We five, including the Hungs, were still
alive, but as yet we did not dare to spend the day in our
own house. After breakfast we went out and sat by the
roadside. Xo one dared to wash or dress his hair, for
there were still robbers about, but tliese were only common
footpads : they had no swords, only cudgels, with which
they frightened people into giving them money. But
even so they beat several people to death and outraged
many women. We could not tell if these wretches were
207
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
Manchus or Cliinese soldiers or merely local ruffians.
To-day my brother died of his grievous wounds, wiiich
had mortified. My loss is not to be described. At the
beginning of the trouble we were a party of eight brothers
and sisters and their issue; now only three remained, I,
my wife and Peng'rh.
" In all I have described the events of ten days, from
the 35th of the 5th to the 5th of the 4th ^foon. I
have only told of my own experiences and the things of
which I have been an eye-witness. In all my story there
is not one word of hearsay or rumour, and I have refrained
from mentioning events which did not come under my own
observation. Hence I know that tliis record is true.
Perchance posterity, born in a happier age, may be
interested in perusing this diary, and it may serve to point
a moral for the unreflecting. It may even cause vindictive
and cruel-minded men to reflect on the error of their ways,
and thus be of some value, as a solemn warning."
Thus it was in China in the year 1645. For 263 years
thereafter the Manchus'nded over the Empire which they
had won by the sword. Under the wise government of
their earher Emperors the country rapidly recovered,
as it always does, from the abomination of desolation
wrought first by Li Tzii-cheng's rebellion and then by the
Manchus' ruthless war of conquest. New cities sprang
up whei*e no stone had been left upon anotlier to tell the
story of the dead ; once more the wilderness was made to
blossom as the rose, until, in the fulness of time, the
Manchus' course of Empire was run and, as they lost
their prestige as rulers, rebellion and anarchy once more
laid waste the land.
In the events which have marked the passing of this
once Imperial race, none display more vividly the pitiless
irony of Fate and the innate savagery of Orientals in
their crises of battle and sudden deatli than the slaughter
*JOS
THE COURT OF PEKING
of the Manchu garrisons at cities like Sianfu during the
recent revolution. Describing the sack of the Tartar
city at Sianfu in October 1911, one who passed through
it shortly afterwards wrote : *
" Once the Chinese set about this business of destruction.
the lust of blood* the madness of killing, possessed them.
Old and young, men and women, little children, were alike
butchered. The Tartar General, old, hopeless, cut off
from his people at the critical juncture, was unable to
face tiie situation. The safety he had won for the moment
he felt not worth the keeping ; he ended his life by throw-
ing himself down a well. Houses were plundered and then
burnt; those who would fain have laid hidden till the
storm was past were forced to come out into the open.
The revolutionaries, protected by a parapet of the wall,
poured a heavy, unceasing, relentless fire into the doomed
Tartar city. Those who tried to escape thence into the
Chinese city were cut down as they emerged from the
gates. At the western gates the Mohammedans cynically
received them for their own purpose. In the darkness some
managed to scale the city wall, and descend the other side,
wade through the moat and escape to the open country.
But not all who attempted tliis succeeded. The wall is
thirty-six feet in height and at the top is some sixteen
yards wide, and on it at various points clustered the
Chinese soldiers. The fugitives to escape had to slip
between tliese, avoid the flashing lanterns and find a means
of affixing their ropes safely before descending. Some
possibly escaped by venturing to leap from the height.
" In despair, many Manchus themselves set fire to their
houses; at least they might cheat their murderers of the
loot they sought. Into the Enghsh Hospital, days after-
wards, when the first fury was passed, men were brought
in a shocking condition; men who Iiad attempted to cut
* The Passing of the Dragon. 13y J. C. Keyte. (Ilodder and
btoughton.) lom.
r 209
^
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
their throats. Asked why they had done so they answered
simply : ' The wells were full.' And the Shensi wells
are not the shallow ones of some parts of China; they
are thirty-six feet deep. There is such a man in that
hospital to-day. All his family, wife, daughters, sons, were
slain or destroyed themselves ; he lives because the well
was choked with dead or dying, and he failed in his
attempt to end his life by other means.
" There were many Manchus in the Chinese city at the
time of the outbreak. Some escaped for the moment
through taking shelter with friends. But even twenty days
after the outbreak, a Manchu detected on the street would
be dragged off to instant execution. Hundreds were
thus hunted through the streets and lanes of the city.
They were known by their clothing, by their cast of
countenance, by their speech. . . .
" When the Manchus found that further resistance was
useless, they in many cases knelt on the ground, laying
down their weapons and begged the soldiers for life. They
were shot as they knelt. Sometimes there was a whole
line of them. In one doorway a group of between ten
and twenty were thus killed in cold blood.
•*A girl came down the street; a girl of twenty, with
hands bound. She had been hastily dragged before the
* judges I ' in the Magazine, temporary lieadquarters
of the Revolution, and was now being taken out a hundred
yards or so to be beheaded. And in her face was that
which once seen — by the passer-by at least — was never
to be forgotten. It was not despair. Ah no ! That
anodyne had had no time in which to reach her. It
was the full young life cheated of its days, going out into
the dark, the path before her httered by fearful reminders of
the fate in front. From the pallid lips no sound issued;
they were held, as the girFs whole being was held, by utter
terror. The shaking limbs, the stumbling gait, proclaimed
210
A War Jdnk at mE Tihb of Lord Macartney's Mission.
(From a fvimting fry W, AUxandtr m Uu Brititk UutMom.)
^
THE COURT OF PEKING
it, but more than all the awful haunting eyes. Along
the route where the reek of blood made the very air bitter,
acrid in the brilliant sunshine, where curses and sobs
mingled with groans and derisive raucous cries rent the
air, they went. A woman, a very girl, caught within the
enemy's gates, not djdng with her own people, not able
to save iiersclf with them if only in a death she saw and
chose; but hurried along thus, as to a shambles. And
her crime ? Her birtli. A Manchu. The soldier muttered
impatiently. He had other affairs to attend to when
this was over. Time meant money, meant sp>ort, in those
days. He stalked along behind her vnth naked sword
held up. * Hurry,' he snarled, * Hurry.'
" Days after the outbreak an EngUshman, passing down
a side street, heard groans, heard the cry of pain, coming
up with hollow sound from the depths. At the mouth
of a well stood some Chinese. It was their day. The
pitiful cries went on, the feeble moaning varied with the
sharp cries. A Manchu, who had thrown himself, or
been tlirown down this well, had lain there with broken
limbs ; lay there in agony, appealing almost unconsciously
for pity.
" The men at the well mouth picked up lumps of earth,
stones, picked up what cume to Iiand. There came up
from the well's depths the thud of missiles on human flesh."
And so the wliirligig of Time brings in its merciless
revenges; the butchers of to-day are the victims of to-
morrow. Europe, with its reserves of inherited wealth,
with outlets overseas for its surplus millions, its organised
philanthropy and scientific economics, has no conception
of the realities of life in furthest Asia, the same now as
they were in the days when " the Lord commanded Moses
to war against the Midianitcs, and they slew all the males,
and burnt all their cities wherein they dwelt," It is not
possible for us, in our well-ordered materialism, to sym-
211
THE COURT OF PEKING
pathise with the forces of atavism, the instinctive terrors
and cruelties that dwell for ever in the soul of this people.
The sack of Yang Chou-fu and that of the Tartar city at
Sianfu are in reality insignificant incidents, normal features
in the life history of a race which since the beginning of
recorded time has learned " to eat its bread with quaking
and to drink its water with trembling."
212
CHAPTER VIII
THE LAST OF THE MINGS
KuEi Wang (Prince Kuei), the last and the longest-lived
of the four fugitive claimants to the Dragon Throne,
kept up a semblance of sovereignty from 1616 (when
his predecessor was executed by the Manchus at Foochow)
till 1659, when he was compelled to flee over the Yunnan
frontier into Burmali. When he succeeded to the Great
Inheritance, under the reign title of " Yung Li," the
harried Court of the Mings, shorn now of all its regal pomp
and revenues, was in Kuangtung, but in the following
year, closely pursued by the ever-victorious Manchus, it
fled into Kuangsi. There a stand was made, and for a
time the fortunes of the Mings seemed to be in the
ascendant. In 1648 three provinces owned their allegi-
ance, and a force of over 200,000 men still held in check
the alien invaders. The death of the Regent, Prince Jiii,
(1649) put new heart into the cause, and the serious
rebellions which broke out against the Manchus in Hunan,
Chckiang and other provinces, all justified the Mings
in hoping for a restoration of their House. But it was
not to be. By the year 1650, the rank and file of the
Mings* adherents consisted chiefly of freebooters and
recruits drawn from Li Tzu-ch'eng's scattered armies,
and the small remnant of respectable men who continued
to follow their fallen fortunes were influenced as much
by hopes of perquisites and power as by patriotic dislike
of a foreign ruler. Gradually the flag of the old dynasty
218
it?'
.vn
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
became nothing more than a rallying point for political
adventurers, and the Court a cave of Adullarn, to which
gathered themselves all those that were in distress or
debt or bitterness of soul. In 1651 the wretched Yung
Li had been forced to flee further and further West, until
at last we find him. a refugee and a pensioner, under the
protection of a leader of desperadoes, one who had taken
an active part in Li Tzu-ch'eng's rebellion, and who now
used the Ming claimant and his few faithful Ministers to
give to his o^vn ambitious schemes a reasonable pretext
and some semblance of patriotism. From 1655 to 1659
Kuei Wang, with a renmant of troops commanded by
another famous freebooter named Li Ting-kuo, was
closely pursued by the Manchu forces, which then stamped
out the flickering flames of rebellion in Kueichow and
Yunnan. Finally, his last battle fought and lost, he fled
for his life, with a poor handful of followers, across the
Burmese frontier, near Teng-yueh; there, for a time, he
found a refuge from the fierce pursuit of Wu San-kuei.
This General, now all-powerful ruler of two provinces
under the Manchus, but once the chief hope and defence
of the Mings at Peking, showed himself brutally pitiless
in his treatment of the unfortunate Kuei Wang, a broken
fugitive who could no longer threaten the power of the
Ta Ching dynasty. The pathetic figure of the last of
the Mings in exile was, indeed, something to arouse
sympathy in the mind of any magnanimous man, and
Wu's implacable cruelty towards him is only explained
and condoned by Chinese scholars by the fact that his
education was not that of a literary man. A military
training, they declare, does not inculcate the canons of
the Sages.
From his i*etreat in Burmah the last of the Mings wrote
to Wu San-kuei, endeavouring to placate him, or at least
to dissuade him from further relentless pursuing. The
letter was written in December 1662.
214
THE COURT OF PEKING
*' Your Excellency has deserved right well of the present
dynasty, but once you were a bulwark of our own. Under
it you received hereditary rank and a provincial satrapy,
so that His late Majesty Ch'ung Chen may be said to
have conferred exceptional favours on Your Excellency.
"Unhappily, our dynasty fell upon e\41 days; the
rebel bandit, Li TzG-ch'eng, laid waste the land and
marched on our capital. Our tutelary altars were de-
stroyed, so that His late Majesty felt that suicide was his
(Juty, and thousands of our subjects were put to the sword.
•* At that time Your Excellency had not lost all right
and natural feeling; you wept at the thought of the
dynasty's plight, and marched to its aid clad in mourning,
at the head of an avenging host.
" How comes it then that, since that day, you have
staked your fortunes upon those of the Manchus, like
the fox which relied on the prestige of the tiger to lord
it over the beasts of the forest? You pretended a
loyal desire to wreak vengeance on our enemies, and all
the time you were the very humble and obedient servant
of the new dynasty.
" Since then, Li Tzu-ch'eng's rebellion has been sup-
pressed and its leader has met with the fate he deserved,
but our dynasty had already lost the whole of the northern
portion of the Empire. Our Ministers in the South could
not bear to see the dynastic altars bare and untended,
so they raised up the Emperor Hung Kuang at Nanking
to succeed Ch'ung Chen. Was it to be expected or be-
lieved that even then the attacks of the Manchus would
continue, unrelenting and unceasing? Hung Kuang
perished in battle, and his successor, Lung Wu, was put
to death at Foochow. Facing these swift-footed disasters,
I, all unworthy, had but little desire to live ; what thought
had I to spare for our dynastic altars? Nevertheless,
my Ministers forced the Throne upon me, and I was
reluctantly induced to take up the burden of inheritance.
215
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
" Since then fifteen years have passed ; the first cam-
paign of my reign lost us Hupei, and after that, further
disasters followed in Kuangtung. Again and again have
I had to flee, in panic-stricken confusion, before the
advancing Manchus. Fortunately, at a moment of great
peril, Li Ting-kuo came to my aid in Kuei-chou and brought
me safe to Nau-an in Yunnan. There I had hoped to be
left in peace by my ruthless enemies, to be allowed to
remain in possession of that remote and worthless comer
of my ancestors' patrimony.
"But Your Excellency has forgotten the benefits
which my ancestors bestowed upon you; evidently you
hope to go down to history as one of tlie founders of this
new dynasty. You led your armies into Yunnan, destroy-
ing my nest of peaceful retreat. Again I had to cross a
desert barrier, and now I look for my protection to Burmese
hospitality. In this remote region joy and I have long
been strangers; tears are my daily meat and drink.
Although I have lost tJie glorious heritage, won by my
ancestors at the cost of so many and great hardships,
no doubt but that I should count myself lucky in that I
still draw the breath of pain among these people of the
barbarian South !
" But Your Excellency, not to be appeased, desists
not from pursuing me to the end. You have now asked
your Sovereign's permission to invade Burmah at the
head of a mighty army, in order ruthlessly to hunt me
down, me, a sad and solitary dweller in the land. Is
not the whole Empire wide enough for your ambitions?
Is there then to be no resting-place for me, 'neath
heaven's vault upon the bosom of earth ? Or is it,
perchance, that your insatiate ambition is not content
with the princedom which you have received, and that
you seek my destruction in order that you may be crowned
with fresh honours? Is it that you are jealous of our
founder, T*ai Tsu, who won the Empire by deeds of
216
THE COURT OF PEKING
I
I
glorious merit, after being ' combed by the wind and
bathed in the sun,' and that you feel it hard that you
have not been left one inch of ground which you could
boast of having won by yourself ? In despite, you must
needs first destroy our ancestral altars, and now follow
up tliat brave deed by slaughtering T'ai Tsu's descendants 1
Can you, I wonder, bear to peruse the ode, * Oh ! owl,
oh 1 owl, you have robbed me of my young ; destroy not
also my nest; with love and care I nurtured them;
truly I deserve to be pitied without shame ' ?
" Your Excellency's ancestors won a glorious place
in our annals ; it may be that you refuse to show to me
an atom of pity, but can it be that you are lost to all
remembrance of His late Majesty, who gave you high
rank? Even if you reck nothing for him, surely you
cannot forget the merits of my great ancestor T'ai Tsu
and of his son Yung Lo (Cheng Tsu) and their successors I
It may be that you have also forgotten their names;
but even so, you cannot be so devoid of fihal piety as
to forget the example of your own forefathers 1
" What has the Great Pure Manchu djTiasty done for
Your Excellency to win such loyal devotion and service
at your hands ? What crime, what act of imjust oppression,
have I committed towards Your Excellency that you
thus evilly intreat me? Thinking to be wise, you are
become as a fool ; believing yourself loyal to your new
masters, you are at heart a traitor both to old and new.
Ten thousand generations hence, what name ^^ill Your
Excellency leave in history? what manner of man will
posterity call you ? To-day I make appeal to Your Ex-
cellency. I am left with scarcely a soldier to defend me;
I stand alone, like one bereft of his parents, against a
hostile world. My life, humble and worthless, is in Your
Excellency's hands. If you must have my head, it is
forfeit to you. I shrink not from death, though the
undergrowth be soaked with my blood and my scattered
217
r
ANNALS AND MEMOmS OF
bones lie whitening the plain. Far be it from me to
expect Your Excellency to spare my life, or to plead with
you to grant me a narrow plot of ground on which I,
the descendant of the glorious Ming dynasty, may still
eke out an existence. Yet why should you not allow
me to benefit by the nurturing protection of the Manchu
dynasty, under which even the grass of the field is watered
by timely dew and rain from above ? If I had a million
men-at-arms, cheerfully would I place them all under
your banner. It is now for Your Excellency to decide.
Faithful servant of the new dynasty though you be, it
remains for Your Excellency to show that you have not
forgotten past benefits heaped upon you by His late
Majesty, and that you still cherish the memory of my
predecessors* glorious achievements. I must leave Your
Excellency to think out and decide this matter for
yourself."
To this pathetic letter Wu San-kuei made no reply,
but proceeded to threaten the Burmese King with dire
penalties unless the fugitive were promptly surrendered.
About three months after Yung Li*s vain attempt to
placate Wu San-kuei, the Burmese invited the remnant
of the Emperor*s Court to meet one of their chieftains on
a small island for the purpose of arranging the terms of
u treaty. Here they treacherously seized them all, and
slew Prince Simg with forty-two high ofHcials. Many
women of the Imperial and princely households committed
suicide. Only a few of the Emperor's followers escaped,
among them a General named Teng. He subsequently
declared that the Burmese would have killed the Emperor
also, but a message arrived from the Burmese King (who
had Just succeeded to the Throne) that he was to be held
as a prisoner and handed over to Wu San-kuei. Early
in the 12th Moon the Manchus arrived upon the scene
and carried off Yung Li to Yunnan.
A certain Chi T*an-jan, native of Nanking, and his
218
THE COURT OF PEKING
father accompanied the escort which brought the ex-
Emperor back to China. The following account is in
Chi T*an-jan's own words, as recorded in a contemporary
memoir : " When His Majesty crossed the YUnnan
boundary he was met by Wu San-kuei, who had prepared
a sedan-chair for his use. All along the route the people
crowded to see him, saying : ' This is the former Son of
Heaven,' and hardly a man but shed tears as he gazed
on so pitiful a sight. The Emperor was round of coun-
tenance, with a protuberant forehead; his beard was long
and full, and he looked every inch a King. A nimiber of
the Manchu bodyguard joined in a plot to rescue and
defend him, so moved were they at the thought of his
wrongs and so \\Tath with Wu San-kuei for his treachery.
But the plot miscarried, and over forty of them were
executed. I myself witnessed their deaths; one of them
was of immense stature, nigh seven feet in height, and
broad in proportion. It was said that he was the cham-
pion archer and rider in the Manchu army, as well as a
great wrestler."
This conspiracy made Yung Li's plight all the more
desperate. Wu San-kuei sent couriers to Peking for
instructions, and in the 8rd Moon of the following year,
1608, he received a secret decree from the Regent Ao Pai,
in the name of the Emperor K'ang Hsi, ordering him to
put Yung Li to death. So Wu invited the ex-Emperor
to a chess tourney at the Treasury building, just outside
the northern gate of Yunnan-fu, and there had him
strangled. A Chinese author, himself a descendant of
the Mings, has the following note on Yimg Li's death :
*' No one knew that his death had been decided upon for
that day, but, at about the eleventh hour, the sky, which
had been clear and calm, became suddenly overcast, and
there arose a terrible storm, darkening the air ^^^th dust.
Peasants at work near the Temple of Buddhist Conversion,
close to the Chin-chih lake, half-a-mile from the city,
219
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
beheld a shooting star fall from Heaven, and it was after-
wards found that the hour at which they saw it was
that in which Yung Li was murdered. His remains were
buried in Yiinnan-fu. His wife and mother were both
sent to Peking, where they were kindly treated, but soon
afterwards the ex-Empress Dowager committed suicide.
Yung Li was thirty-eight years of age at the time of his
death. He resembled the Emperor Wan Li, his grand-
father, in face, and also in his hatred of extravagance.
He was a man of simple tastes, and drank but little wine.
Although not a great scholar, he was a keen reader, an
eager student of the classics. Great grief and indignation
were felt in Yunnan at his cruel death. Surely, a happier
day is dawning; let us liope that China may soon see the
descendants of her old hero, Chu Yiian-chang,' restored
once more to their own, and the alien barbarians driven
back to their Gobi desert."
One of Yung Li's most devoted adherents was Kung Yi,
who was President of his Board of Rites; he followed his
master to Yunnan, and when that province was lost tied
with him to Burmah. Here he set to work to induce the
local tribesmen to rally to his succour, but before he had
had time to achieve any results, Yung Li was treacherously
captured by the Burmese, who handed him over to Wu
San-kuei. Kung Yi followed the captive to Yiinnan-fu.
One day soon after his arrival he prepared food and wine
and bore them to the place where Yung Li was confined.
The guards sought to prevent him from entering, but he
persisted, saying : '* Your prisoner is our Chinese Emperor,
and I am his Minister ; all I ask is to be allowed to see him
once more. Why do you prevent me ? " So the guards
reported the matter to Wu San-kuei, who permitted Kung
Yi to enter. He prepared his little feast in the main room,
and then invited the Emperor to take his place facing the
South in the seat of honour on the dais, as if he were
* The founder of the Ming dynasty.
220
THE COURT OF PEKING
presiding at a Court banquet, while he knelt dutifully
below.
Having made obeisance, he presented the wine. The
Emperor wept bitterly and put the cup down untouched.
Kung Yi prostrated himself in the dust, utterly overcome
with grief. Once more he besought His Majesty to drink,
and Yung Li forced himself at last to swallow a little.
Then the Emperor handed a cup to Kung Yi, who drank
it, and in a few moments he expired. The Emperor
raised him in his arms and wept bitterly when he saw
that his faithful servant was dead. Not long after this
Yung Li was strangled, as above stated, and with him
ended the last attempt of the Mings to recover their
Throne. Two centuries later tlie Taiping rebels raised the
cry, "Restore the Mings»" but it was a battle-cry only,
just as much lacking in political significance and genuine
loyalty to the departed dynasty as Sun Yat-sen's melo-
dramatic performance at the shrine of Chu Yiian-chang
on the ITith of February, 1912.
An interesting and little-known result of the tribulations
and vicissitudes of the fugitive Ming Court, was that
many of the Imperial clanswomen sought consolation,
and probably hoped to find practical benelits of European
intervention, from the practice of the Roman Catholic
religion. When we remember how great had been the
influence of the Jesuit fathers (Schall, Ricci, Verbiest
and others) under the last of the Ming Emperors at Peking
—an influence which made itself felt, as we have seen, in
secular and military matters— it is not remarkable that
their immediate posterity should have founded some hopes
on a continuance of cordial relations with the Roman
Catholic priests, who at that time were zealously propa-
gating their faith, not only at Peking, but in the southern
provinces. The Portuguese colony of Macao was a very
important heatlquarters of Jesuit missionary work, and
during the earlier years of Yung Li's struggle for the
221
ANNALS AND MEMOmS OF
recovery of the Throne, while his forces were endeavouring
to hold Kuangtung, a German Jesuit, named Andrew
Xavier Koffler, was attached to the Ming Court. As the
result of the labours of this earnest worker in a truly
grateful soil, Yung Li's wife and mother embraced, and
openly professed, the faith, and their example was followed
not only by many of the secondary consorts, but by
several eunuchs, by over a hundred members of the Im-
perial Clan and forty high officials. All these, as was duly
reported to the Vatican, were baptised. Yung Li*s titular
Empress Dowager received the baptismal name of Helen,
the Heir Apparent that of Constantinc, the Empress
Mother that of Mary, and his Consort that of Anne. Yung
Li himself never became a convert, because, hke his
ancestors, he was a confirmed polygamist, and could not
be persuaded to give up his harem.
In the year 1649, the Empress Helen, acting upon the
advice of Father Koffler and her Chief Eunuch, " P'an
Achilles " (who appears to have been a sincerely devout
Catholic), sent an envoy to the head of the Church at
Macao desiring that a special mass should be celebrated
in thanksgiving for the restoration to health of the Heir
Apparent, and incidentally tu pray for the restoration of
the Ming dynasty. On this interesting occasion the
Governor of Macao gave a banquet in honour of the
Imperial envoy and made him a present, useful and
significant, of a hundred muskets.
In November of the following year it was decided to
send a mission viA Goa to the Vatican. The Empress
Helen addressed a letter to Pope Innocent X in her own
very intUfferent handwriting, announcing her conversion
to the true faith and that of the mother and wife of
the Emperor. The text of this interesting document
was first published in a work by the Jesuit Athanasius
Kirchner at Amsterdam in 1666. (Ckifia tnonujnentis,
qua sacris, qua profanis, etc.) Father Dominic and
222
THE COURT OF PEKING
another Jesuit priest and two Chinese Christians were
entrusted with this mission to tiie Vatican ; they also bore
letters addressed to the Society of Jesus at Rome. Owing
to many difficulties and delays they did not reach Italy,
travelling overiand viit Persia and the Levant, until the
sununer of 1652. In Rome, too, they met with unex-
pected obstacles, and it was not until 1655, that Pope
Alexander VII consented to receive the mission in audience
and gave them replies in the form of letters addressed to
the Empress Helen and the eunuch P'an. With these
the envoys returned in due course to China. The Em-
press's letter to Pope Innocent and another from the
eunuch are still preserved in the archives at the Vatican.*
The Empress Helen's letter contains Httle beyond general
expressions of piety and goodwill, but that of P'an
Achilles records the interesting fact that this eimuch,
then sixty-two years of age, was in command of all the
land and sea forces of the Mings in the provinces of Fukhien
and Kuangtung; commander also of the Imperial Guard,
Avith full powers over the financial and commissariat
departments, Master of the Ceremonies, and Guardian of
the State Seal. Which proves that the last of the Mings
had learned little wisdom from adversity.
With the death of Yung Li, bowstringed at the furthest
frontiei*s of the Empire, the Manchu dynasty's rights to
rule Cliina were no longer disputed by any legitimate
claimant, and the splendid recuperative powers of the
Chinese people, fostered and guided by the wise govern-
ment of the Emperor K'ang Hsi, speedily brought about
an era of great prosperity and a widespread revival of art,
literature and commerce. We shall now proceed to
consider some of the most notable events and principal
motive forces in the lives of the Manchu Sovereigns,
elucidating as far as possible the causes of the dynasty's
' An English translation of both documents was published by
Mr. E. H. Parker in tlic ConUinporon/ Review of Janxmrj' lOl'J.
223
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
gradual decline in virility and statesmanship; endeav-
ouring, by means of the documents at our disposal, to
throw new light on the personal relations, human equa-
tions and domestic affairs whicti affected the policies of
China's rulers in the first instance, and eventually the
destinies of the nation.
But before concluding this review of the last years of
the Ming djTiasty, we would refer once ogain to the part
wliich the superstitious belief of the Chinese in prophecies
and omens has always played, and still plays, in every
national crisis. A proverb or a prophecy, current in the
market places and tea-shops of the provinces, carries far
greater weight than Imperial edicts in determining the
popular attitude in any great emergency. For this reason
certain prophecies which foretold long ago, in language
very similar to that of Old Moore, the collapse of the Ming
dynasty and the destinies of the Manchus, have always
stirred tlie popular imagination, and affected public
opinion, to a degree which Europeans of the present day
can hardly imagine.
One of the most widely spread of these prophecies has
long been known in China as ** The Song of the Cakes."
It is generally believed to have been composed by Chu
Yiian-chang, the founder of the Ming dynasty, shortly
after his accession to the Throne, and it is supposed
to foretell the fate of the dynasty, the coming of the
eight Manchu banners, and the final overthrow of the
Manchu power. The last lines of this effusion run as
follows :
*' Tcn-niouthed women, ^ with grass on their heads, once
more carry a babe in their amis to be lord over the Empire.
** The eight banner ttags find it hard to escape from the
Japanese devils.
* Ten-mouthed women : j. e.Ychonala — (meaning Tzu Hsi and Limg
YO), The first character of the name Yehonala lias the sign for
'• grass " at the Lop, and below it the signs for " ten " and " a month."
224
Ei
M
THE COURT OF PEKING
** In the provinces of Himan-Uupei, a wondrous being
shall arise.
*' A red pear tree» with a round hole in the middle of
its fruit, shall startle the slave-son's descendants.
" A monkey shall stand in the central place and drive
forth the little child.
" A woman shall enter the room, bearing a son in her
arms ; another woman shall leave the room, bearing a son
in her arms.
" The grandson's reign shall be brief. In the sky a
yellow star shall shine."
To understand the manner in which such prophecies
appeal to the Chinese, scholars and common people alike,
it is necessary to possess a knowledge of the written
language, for all the hidden meanings of such utterances,
actual or alleged, depend upon an ingenious and often
far-fetched play upon words. The pundits, who claim
that the above prophecy refers to the overthrow of the
Manchus by the recent revolutionary movement, aver,
for instance, that the " red pear tree with the round hole
in the middle of the fruit," etc., can only refer to Li
Yuan-hung, the present Vice-president of the Republic,
because the " Li " in his name is identical in soimd with
the word " Li " for a pear, while Hung is " red " and
Yuan is identical in sound with " round." And the
slave-son is Nurhachi, because the first two Chinese
characters in liis name (nu erh) mean " slave-son." To
Western minds this sort of thing may seem fantastic
gibberish, but to the Chinese it is extraordinarily con-
vincing. For a similar reason *' a monkey " is Yuan Shih-
k*ai ; the " driving out of the infant " refers to the Manchu
abdication; the " grandson " is Sun Yat-sen, the " yellow
star " is Huang Hsing, and " the woman leaving the room "
is the Empress Lung Yu with the baby Hsiian T'ung,
the woman entering the room being Shun Chih's mother.^
* Cf. Dr. Arthur SmithV Chinese Proverbs, new edition, p. 825.
Q 225
THE COURT OF PEKING
The importance of prophecies Ukc this Hes not in the
interpretation wliich scholars or journalists may choose
to give to them, but to the indisputable fact tliat the
common people know and vaguely believe in them. If,
on the authority of '* The Song of the Cakes," the man in
the street persuades himself that Huang Hsing's appearance
on the scene is an event fraught with vast issues, that
unscrupulous adventurer starts with an advantage which
neither wealth nor personal merit could confer. Readers
of China under the Empress Dowager may remember
that Tzii Hsi herself often displayed superstition as gross
as that of the commonest coolie in the land, and that many
a vital step in her career was determined upon the advice
of charlatan soothsayers and astrologers. In studying
the lives of China's rulers, whether Ming or Manchu, it is
necessary to bear in mind this deep-rooted characteristic
of the race.
END OF PART I
^
226
PART n
THE MANCHU DYNASTY
I
CHAPTER IX
THE EMPEROR SHUN CHHI
There is comparatively little material in contemporary
annals and memoirs which bears upon the life of the
Sovereign and his Court during the first reign of the Manchu
dynasty, that of the Emperor Shun Chili. The fact is
readily explicable in several ways. In the first place,
although the history of Shun Chih*s reign covers a period
of seventeen years from the date of his accession to the
Throne of China, he was only twenty-three years of age
when he passed from the scene. During the Regency of
his uncle, Prince Jui, and until the latter's death in
December 1650, the Lord of Heaven was only a little
lad, interested in hunting and in hearing the day's news
of the Manchu army's victorious progress through the
central and southern provinces, carefully tended by his
mother and the Imperial tutors. When, three months
after the death of the Regent, he assumed nominal control
of the business of the State, he was an intelligent youth of
twelve, but the high spirits which had marked his child-
hood had already given place to the contemplative and
serious temperament which became intensified with each
succeeding year. One of his first edicts, after assuming
the actual direction of the Government, prescribed certain
regulations for controlling admission to the priesthood and
supervising the training of candidates. He concerned
himself actively, too, with public education and the
revision of the system of examinations for degrees. The
229
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
Court was eminently respectable, and perhaps even a little
dull, under the first of the Manchus, but no doubt the
citizens of Peking were glad enough to be rid of the wild
extravagance and debauches which had disgraced it under
the Mings.
An essay, published since the abdication of the Manchu
dynasty by a Chinese historical writer who signs liimself
'* Bom out of time," sets out to prove that Shun Chih
was illegitimate, and that the rulers of the House of Gioro,
beginning with Shun Chih and ending with Kuang Hsii,
had no better claim to pure blood than those of the House
of Romanov. He asserts that the father of Shun Chih
was not the Emperor T'ai Tsung. but a Chinese hunter,
named Wang. The evidence ^vith which he supports
this statement can scarcely be called even circumstantial.
The writings of " Bom out of time " prove him to be one
of those typical products of Young China, in whom self-
interest and an emotional kind of patriotism combine to
produce a blind hatred of the Manchus. His work is marked
by the same quality of reckless vituperation as that of
Wen Ch'ing and K'ang Yu-wei, and contains more evidence
of constructive memory than of liistorical research. Never-
theless, the fact is important that many Chinese write
and many more believe, fantastic legends of the kind upon
which " Born out of time " bases his assertion that the
Emperors Shim Chih, Yting Cheng, Ch'ien Limg and
Kuang Hsu were all illegitimate, and bom of Chinese
fathers. We reproduce his account of the birth of Shun
Chih not, as the Imperial edicts say, "for purposes of
historical accuracy," but as an illustration of Young
China's historical methods.
" Shortly after the capture of Moukden by the Manchus,"
he says, " there arrived in the thinly populated district
of Fu Chou a family of settlers named Wang, driven from
their native province of Shantung by poverty. Their
son Wang Kao became a mighty hunter. One day, in
280
I
THE COURT OF PEKING
1687, the Lady Borjikitu, a favourite concubine of T*ai
Tsung, was with her maids in the forest, hunting the
stag; like most Mongol women, she was an expert horse-
woman and huntress. She had shot three times at a
magnificent stag and missed, when Wang Kao appeared
upon the scene, and with him a comrade called Teng,
nicknamed the * large-thiglied.' The deer rushed
through the forest straight towards Wang, who promptly
shot it dead. WTicn Lady Borjikitu reached the spot
she was greatly impressed by Wang's fine figure and
pleasing features and, after asking him a few qxiestions
as to his origin, engaged both him and ' Large-thighed '
Teng, and took them back with her to Moukden, appoint-
ing them to her special bodyguard. Thereafter Wang
was her constant attendant on hunting expeditions.
Soon an intimacy sprang up between them, and when
in March of the following year she gave birth to Fulin
(who reigned later as Shun Chili) most people believed
that Wang was the father. Shun Cliih was an exception-
ally robust youngster, and could lift heavy weights when
only four years old. T'ai Tsung, well aware of his origin,
had Teng assassinated for fear of his betraying the secret.
He was murdered by hired bravos on the road leading
out of Moukden towards Liao yang. To this day there
is a popular phrase in Moukden which refers to the murder
of Teng. They say to * send Large-thighed Teng about
his business,' meaning to get rid of any kind of incubus
by giving it the ' happy dispatch.' A little later Wang
Kao himself was assassinated by T'ai Tsung's order, and
legend avers that his ghost walked in the Moukden Palace
imtil appeased by the young Prince Fulin kneeling before
his coffin and acknowledging him as his father. After
this filial recognition, they say, T'ai Tsung was troubled
no more. He gave orders for Wang Kao's burial in the
family mausoleum of Nurhachi, and the saying goes that
he is included to this day among the family heroes
231
ANNALS AND AfEMOIRS OF
worshipped in the Manchii dynasty's private ' shrine at
Peking, where the Emperor used to make obeisance on
the morning of the second day of the year. Common
rumour also alleges that on the occasion of Imperial
visits to the Moukden mausolea, where Nurhachi and his
son are buried, a special sacrifice has always been offered
to the memory of Wang Kao. An adage in Moukden
itself says : ' The Emperor first pays obeisance to Wang
Kao and then to the Imperial tombs.* On the Long
White Moimtain there is a memorial tablet recounting
Wang*s history, though naturally it contains no reference
to his relations with the proud house of Gioro."
So much for the latest annalists. Nevertheless, the
fact remains that there is nothing in contemporary history
or literature wliich gives colour to these attempts to
besmirch the founders of the dynasty, and that the
reign of Shun Chili himself was singularly free from all
sorts of chroniques scandalenses and evil report.
The personal character of the Emperor and his youth
go far to account for the absence of scandal and intrigue
at Peking during the reign of Shun Chih, but the factor
which undoubtedly contributed more than all others to
give the Court its happy immunity from treasons, strata-
gems and spoils, lay in the relegation of the Palace eunuchs
to their proper position as menials, and in the dynastic
house-laws, instituted by the Regent shortly after the
Manchu accession, which sternly forbade their employ-
ment in any official capacity. After the fall of Peking,
many of the " rats and foxes " who had debauched and
degraded the Court of the Mings, and battened on the
vices of the licentious Clansmen, had cither fled to their
homes at Ho Chien-fu, or had followed the fortunes
of the Chinese dynasty to Nanking and further South.
Those who remained, to take service under the new
* The site of the shrine has been occupied since 1900 by the Italian
T>egation.
282
THE COURT OF PEKING
regime, found their influence and their perquisites lament*
ably reduced; and witli them vanished the intrigues
and the insolences which had distinguished the followers
of Wei Cliung-hsien. For a breathing space the For-
bidden City was cleansed of its chief source of e\il.
The Regent, Prince Jui, fourteenth son of Nurhachi,
died, as we have shown, in December 1650, killed, near
Kalgan, by an accident whilst engaged in his favourite
sport of hunting, at the early age of thirty-nine. The boy
Emperor was sincerely grieved at the loss of Iiis uncle,
who for seven years had been the giiiding spirit in the
counsels of the Manchus. He issued an edict, in which
the many virtues of the deceased were eloquently re-
corded, and went out to meet the body when it was
brought back to Peking. But no sooner was the masterful
Prince dead, than certain of the Manchu Princes and
nobles, who liad always been opposed to his usurpation
of the Regency, denounced him on charges amounting
to higli treason, and demanded the rescindment of the
posthumous honours conferred upon him by the Throne.
They accused him, not only of having habitually assumed
Imperial prerogatives, but of having plotted with his
immediate followers to depose his nephew-ward and
to seize the Throne for himself. Later on, further accusa-
tions were brought against him; he was charged with
having appropriated rich jewels belonging to the Throne,
and it was said that a certain necklace which had belonged
to Nurhachi had been buried with him, by his orders.
Upon forma! investigation these grave cliarges proved
to be substantially true, and the young Emperor was
compelled, much to his regret, to record a solemn decree
of censure and degradation against his illustrious relative.
The name of Prince Jui and that of his mother, the Concu-
bine Wala-nala, were removed from the roll of the Imperial
dans, and all tlieir titles and dignities were posthumously
cancelled. Thus early came the canker of personal
288
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
ambition to breed disruption in the fine flower of the
Manchu aristocracy. The disgrace that fell upon the
Regent's memory was keenly felt, not only by his con-
temp)oraries, but by the descendants of Nurhachi, so much
so, that more than a hundred years afterwards wc find
the Emperor Ch'ien Lung taking steps to restore Prince
Jui's name and fame. In the forty-third year of his
reign (1778) this Monarch issued an edict intended "to
attain liistorical accuracy," much in the same way as
the great Tzii Hsi attained it, by retrospectively cancelling
all her Boxer edicts, in February 1901. Ch'ien Lung
came to the conclusion, after carefully considering the
case, that Prince Jul had been unjustly accused, and he
therefore made full restitution of his honours and dignities,
restored his tablet to its place in the temple of ancestors
and re-established the Princedom of Jui in the person of
Ch*un Ying, his descendant in the fifth generation. This
princedom is now the second in rank of the hereditary nobles.^
Shun Chih was married at the age of fifteen to the
Empress Tung Chia, mother of K*ang Hsi, who died two
years after her son*s accession. Of tiiis lady*s virtues
or failings the chroniclers record little that is of interest.
This may be due to the fact that, during the few years
of the Sovereign's married life, he was completely under
the influence of his favourite concubine, the Lady Tung,
a woman who seems to have combined unusual physical
attractions with literary accomplishments of a high
order and a very masterful disposition. A Chinese
conmientator goes so far as to describe her as meddlesome
{which he considers a peculiarly feminine failing), and
declares that she was wont to admonish the whole Court
on festive occasions to spare the drink, to dine wisely
and not too well. She considered it her duty to keep
* The present holder of the title is a typically degenerate specimen
of the latter day Manchu aristocracy, whoso opium-smoking pro-
clivities recently formed the subject of ofiicial investigation.
284
THE COURT OF PEKING
the Emperor up to the mark in his public and private
life; she insisted upon his reading the whole text of
routine business memorials without skipping, and the
Emperor himself recorded (in an epitaph which partakes
of the nature of a full obituary notice) that she was
accustomed, before retiring for the night, to see for
herself that the Imperial bedchamber was not overheated.
The Lady Tung was evidently good, and she died
young, in the autumn of 1661. Her death affected Shun
Chih with uncontrollable grief, from which he never
recovered. The chronicler above mentioned naively re-
marks that His Majesty's regret for her loss seems to
have been perfectly genuine, whereby he is greatly dis-
tinguished amongst Imperial husbands, " who generally
rejoice at the death of their consorts." In the epitaph
to which we have referred. Shun Chih indicates the
breadth and depth of his lady's virtue by citing the fact
that she invariably declined his invitations to supper, but
would urge him to allow his chief Ministers to join him
at the table; a statement which tends to show that the
Court etiquette of the Manchus in those days was far
less strict than it became at a later period, when they had
assimilated the punctilious formalities of the classical
Chinese code of manners.
According to the official annals of the dynasty, Shun
Chih died and was buried in the winter of 1661, that is
to say, only a few months before the last of the Mings
was bowstringed at Yiinnan-fu. The Lady Tung had
" gone before " in tiie autumn of that year. But there
appears to be good reason for doubting the dynastic
annals in this matter of his death, and for sharing the
belief, widely held by Chinese scholars, that the young
Emperor, pining for his lost mistress and weary of the
dull routine of statecraft, voluntarily handed over the
Government to four of his Ministers (acting as joint
Ucgents for his youthful son, K'ang Hsi) and retired to
285
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
the contemplative life of the priesthood. This story,
naturally enough, is not to be found in the dynastic
records, since the priesthood is held in little reverence
by the literati, and its admission would have cast a slur
on the Emperor and the Imperial Clan ; but the circum-
stantial evidence which supports it, in the writings of
contemporary poets and others, is very strong. One,
who is frequently quoted* wTOte, " He threw away the
Empire as one who casts away a worn-out shoe; he
rejected the sovereignty thrust upon him in this incarna-
tion, and, following the example of the Lord Buddha,
preferred to seek the mystic solitudes." There is no
doubt that the Emperor became imbued in his early
youth with strong leanings towards the Buddhistic ideal
of renunciation, and that he is known to have written,
amongst other things, the following antithetical couplets :
** The future is as dark to me as the past out of which
I have come;
" Vainly have I lived through one existence in this
world of men;
** I have yearned to become a devoted follower of the
Lord Buddha;
" ^Vhy, then, do I still hanker after the vanities of
the Imperial Throne ? "
It is also recorded that, shortly before his disappearance
from the scene, he told Ao Pai, one of the four Ministers
subsequently appointed to act as Regents for liis successor,
that he hoped to kneel amongst the crowd which should
witness the ceremonial procession of the new Emperor,
his son ; much in the same way that Alexander I of Russia
told his sister-in-law, the wife of his successor, Nicholas I,
that he hoped, after his abdication and taking of religious
vows, to witness their coronation procession in Moscow.*
' Vide The Legend concerning the decease of Alexander /, in Siberia,
in the guise of the monk Theodore. By the Grand Diikc Nicholas.
(Petersburg, 1907.)
286
THE COURT OF PEKING
It is certainly tlie common belief amongst Chinese
students of history that the Emperor Shun Chih did
not die in 1661, as the annals have it, but that he arranged
with his Ministers that he should vacate the Throne
and conceal his identity in that of the Abbot of the T'ien
T'ai temple, which lies amongst the hills, fourteen miles
to the west of Peking. It was said by contemporary
\vriters that the Abbot bore an extraordinary resemblance
to the Emperor, and to this day the temple contains a
life-sized gilt mummy statue of a priest, some thirty years
of age, whose features are unmistakably of the Manchu
type.
The illustration on the opposite page is from a photo-
graph of this statue. It differs from the ordinary
mummies of Buddhist bonzes in that it is clad in yellow
Dragon robes instead of the usual red Kachaya vestments.
It is alleged by tradition that the Dragon robes were sent
by K'ang Hsi, The priests of the shrine also show the
large vat in which the body was dried. The features of
this mummy are covered with dark brown lacquer,
whereas the usual procedure is to gild them. Finally,
tradition declares that the Emperor K*ang Hsi visited
the temple on three occasions, and paid his respects
to the Abbot, who did not kneel to the Sovereign as
custom would have required in the case of an ordinary
priest, ^^^len, in 1670, the Abbot passed away, K'ang
Hsi had a life-sized presentment of him cast in bronze,
and sent presents of pearls and jewels to be buried in
his tomb.
The stone dagoba under which he is said to lie is still
standing, and every year the temple is opened to the
faithful, who come to prostrate themselves at the shrine
in the full belief that here a Lord of Heaven lies buried.
Those who have compared the image of the Abbot of
T'ien T'ai-ssii with the picture of Shun Chih in the collec-
tion of dynastic portraits in the Hall of Imperial Longevity
287
THE COURT OF PEKING
(which adjoins the Coal Hill of the Forbidden City) have
testified to the remarkable resemblance.
But whether he departed this life or not Shun Chih
vacated the Throne at the a^ of twenty-three, leaving
his son, a boy of seven, to the care of four of his
Ministers. This child was destined to reign over China
for sixty-one years, and to confer enduring fame on the
Manchu dynasty.
238
I
CHAPTER X
K'ANG HSI AS A FATHER
The character of this famous Emperor, his wise govern-
ment, his prowess in war and sport, his deep learning,
multitudinous paternity and kind heart, all these have
been described in the works of the Jesuit fathers, who
until towards the end of his reign, held positions of dignity
and influence at the Court of Peking. Xaturally enough,
many of these descriptions suffer from the theological
bias of class, but, generally speaking, they are the work
of broad-minded and sympathetic men, and show the
Emperor K'ang Hsi in a kindlier light than that which
usually beats upon a Throne. Indeed, kindness of heart
seems to have been his most prominent quality, combined
with a very clear perception of the truth that China's
ruler must be firm. From the account of five voyages
into Tartary.* on which the French Jesuit Gerbillon
(mandarin of the third class) travelled in the suite of the
Emperor between the years 1691 and 1697, the student
of history may gather much to explain the revival of art
and literature which distinguished this period, and learn
to admire, at close range, the character of a Monarch
truly great. Jean Francois Gerbillon, mathematician and
writer, shared with the Portuguese, Anthoine P^reira, a
degree of Imperial favour as high as that wliich His
Majesty had previously given to Verbiest, the astronomer
* See Hisioire G^niraie de la Chine, par Ic Pere Mailla dc la Societe
dc Jesus. Vol, XI. (Paris, 1780.)
239
L
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
and reviser of the calendar. In 1698, they had introduced
quinine to the notice of the Court physicians, when K'ang
Hsi was dangerously ill of a fever, and he had shown his
gratitude by granting them permission and money to
build a church, and had given them a house inside the
Palace enclosure* Even before this, however, greatly
impressed by the virtue and learning of priests like
Philippe Grimaldi, Jean dc Fontaney, Joachim Bouvet,
Louis le Comte and Claude de Visdelon, he had issued his
famous Edict of Toleration (1692), which gave so great an
impetus to the spread of Christianity in China, until the
internal dissensions between the Jesuits and Dominicans
led him to rescind it and to withdraw his favour from the
missionaries.
The efforts of the Jesuits to convert K'ang Hsi and the
Heir Apparent were discreet but unceasing. They en-
deavoured to convince him and to win him to the true
faith by appeals to Iiis inteUigence, by continual demonstra-
tion of the Europeans^ superiority in the arts and sciences ;
and for a time it seemed as if they might eventually be
successful. In 1693, we find Father Fontaney sending a
letter to his Abb^ by the hand of Father Bouvet, in which
he describes K'ang Hsi as " ce merveilleux Prince, a qui
rien ne manque que d'etre Chr(^tien pour etre un des plus
accompLis monarques de la terre." ^ He adds the follow-
ing significant reference to the Heir Apparent : " Le
Prince H^ritier, que nous appelons ici Hoang-Tai-Tie,
Hg^ de 21 ans, nous a marqu^ aussi qu^il desiroit quelque
bel horloge de France,^ qui sonne les heures et les quarts.
* Lettres aur les Progres de la Religion d la Chine. (Paris, 1608.)
■ Many clocks, watches and musical-boxcs of French manufacture,
dooorutcit with ormulu and Liraogcs enamel, found their way to
Peking in the scvonteenth century, after the first specimens lind been
fircsciitod to the Throne and Court by the Jesuit fathers. Many of
hem were brought back to Europe, after the looting of the Summer
Palurf! by the Britifih and French armies in 1800. and more again after
the looting of the city in 1900.
940
THE COURT OF PEKING
Ce Prince r^gnera un jour, et il est di]k bicn intentionn6
pour nous; ct il est important de le gagner tout a fait."
News of this kind, sent to Europe from the Court of
Peking, was Ukely to create hopes of the ultimate con-
version of the Emperor and his heir, and rumours to that
effect were widely circulated shortly after the issue of tlie
Edict of Toleration, In 1697, however, a letter from
Peking ^ expresses doubts on this subject : " Je ne s^ay
si le bruit de la conversion de TEmpereur de la Chine au
Christianisme, qui se repandit il y a quelque temps,
parvint jusqu'^ vous, mais je S9ay bien que je ne voulus
pas vous en ^crire parce que je n'en ^tois pas fort per-
suade.'* Other letters, written in 1695, had announced
the conversion and baptism of a Prince at the Court,
** whose mother was a sister of the late Empress," and
again of another Prince, aged thirteen. But the Imperial
author of the " Sacred Edict," for all his tolerant goodwill
towards them, was not likely to take anything from the
Christian missionaries which could shake his own implicit
faith in the Canons of the Sages. His subsequent perse-
cution of Christianity in China was directly due to the
excessive zeal of tlie Jesuit fathers, who presumed upon
the place they had won in the confidence of this liberal-
minded Emperor.
With the history of K'ang Hsi's wars, of the revival
of literature and learning under his direction, and the
political relations of China with her neighbours and vassals
during his long reign, the present work does not profess
to deal. We have referred to the writings and other
activities of the Jesuit fathers at Peking for the reason
that students of history will find in them much that is of
interest and importance.
For five years after his succession to the Throne, in
1662, the lad K'ang Ilsi was under the charge of the Board
^ Quatri^me Icttrc historiquc de HuUande, imprim6c & la Hayc au
mois Fivrier de Tann^ 1697.
R 241
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
of Regents appointed by his father to administer the
Government, but from the outset Jie was influenced
against them (and particularly against Duke Ao Pai, the
most masterful of the four) by his grandmother, the
strong-minded Mongol Empress of T'ai Tsung> and by Shun
Club's Empress, Borjikin. The Regents also incurred his
youthful displeasure by their harsh treatment of the
Roman Catholic fathers, — towards whom Shun Chih had
shown himself well and kindly disposed— and particidarly
by their imprisonment of Adam Schaal, who had been
appointed special tutor to K*ang Hsi. It was largely
because of this persecution of the worthy Father Adam ^
and other Christians that, in 1667, the young Monarch,
aided and abetted by his grandmother and the moral
support of his Court, dismissed the Regents and assumed
control of the Government at the age of thirteen.
It is interesting, at this point, to observe that the whole
history of the Maiichu dynasty illustrates the quality
which Mill has described as peculiarly characteristic of
Orientals, the quality of inveterate jealousy, which
successive Emperors and their advisers displayed towards
high officials who had attained to influence in the councils
of their predecessors. Thus, in Shun Chih's reign, we
have the posthumous deposition of the Regent, Prince
Jui ; K'ang Hsi dismisses his Board of Regents; Chia
Ch'ing orders the death of his father's chief favourite;
Tao Kuang dismisses his father's all-powerful eunuch ;
Hsien Feng orders Mu Yang-a into retirement; T'ung
Chih (vmder the influence of Tzvi Hsi) rids himself of the
usurping Regents; and finally, to come to our own day,
the Empress Lung Yii, in the name of His Majesty Hsiian
T'ung, dismisses Yiian Shih-k'ai. *
To return to K'ang Hsi. After his assumption of the
Government, the Regents, who retained office as Ministers,
1 Vide Du llaldc. Description de VEmpire de la Chirie et dt; la Tartare
Chirunse, 1735, Vol. IV, p. 286.
242
THEJCOURT OF PEKING
I
continued for some time to be a thorn in his side; the
Duke Ao Pai, in particular, treating him with studied
arrogance, which his proud spirit could ill brook. But
the ex-Regents conmianded a powerful following, and
the old Empress Dowager therefore advised the young
Monarch to go warily. The following account of the way
in which these Ministers were finally removed, is interesting,
if only because it reveals in the aged consort of T'ai Tsung
the naive credulity and superstition which, to the end,
remained characteristic of the notable women of the
dynasty.
On New Year's Day 1669, the Duke Ao Pai appeared
as usual, at the head of the Court, to offer the season's
congratulations. He wore an Imperial state-robe, the
only difference between his attire and that of the Sovereign
being that, instead of the great Imperial pearl, which tha
Emperor wore on the front of his ofBcial hat, he contented
himself with a knot of red velvet. K'ang Hsi made no
comment at the time, but on returning to his private
apartments asked his grandmother to advise him by
what means they could get rid of the haughty Minister.
At that moment the old lady's favourite eunuch was by
her side, throwing dice out of a cup for luck. In throwing
Chinese dice, of which there are usually six, the best throw
occurs when the six different numbers all turn up. K'ang
Hsi seized the cup, paused an instant as if invoking super-
natural aid, and made a cast. The numbers came out
all different, whereupon the Empress Grand Dowager,
dehghted, exclaimed : " You need not be afraid of him
any longer " (referring to Ao Pai). A few days later, a
decree was issued by the Emperor dismissing the ex-
Regents from their offices, and inviting his Princes and
Ministers to consider their offences and advise as to the
proper penalty. They recommended that Ao Pai should
be sentenced to the lingering death, but as the Empress
Grand Dowager did not consider it expedient to take
243
ANNAI.S AND lifEMOmS OF
such extreme measures, the sentence was commuted to
permission to commit suicide and the forfeiture of his
estates and titles, except the hereditary dukedom. Before
the sentence could be carried out, a Buku (palace wrestler),
strangled him in prison.
In commemoration of this happy release, K'ang Hsi
subsequently issued a decree establishing as a house-law,
to be observed by his posterity, that, on every New Year's
Day, the Emperor should throw the dice, to learn the
omens for the coming year. And so, until the abdication
of the dynasty, it was done; but, like all good uses, it
became corrupted in later years at the hands of the
eunuchs. On New Year's Day, after the Court had done
obeisance and the Emperor had retired to his apartments,
it was the invariable custom for the Chief Eunuch to hand
him a golden plate with six dice on it. The eunuch would
kneel while the Emperor cast the dice. Invariably they
turned up all different, and the eunuch, congratulating
the Sovereign on the continued favour of Heaven, would
then hurriedly remove them. But Heaven had nothing
to say to this invariably auspicious result, because these
Imperial dice were carefully made, so as to ensure favour-
able omens, with a different number, and one only, on
each.^
Concerning Ao Pai, the chroniclers also aver that a
week before his dismissal, he had applied for sick leave,
and the Emperor went to pay him a visit. He foiuid him
lying on the stove-bed, covered with a sable robe. While
K'ang Hsi was talking to him, one of the suite suddenly
drew the sable robe slightly aside, and a dagger was dis-
* 111 the rc'coitl of Father Gerbillon's fn-st journey in the suite of
K'aiig Ilsi to Tartary (1691), he states that the Emperor (then thirty-
seven years of age), discussing with him affairs conni;cted with the
Board of Astronomy, expressed the ntmnst eontempt for those who
superstitioiisly believed in good and evil hours and auspieious days.
Not only did he regard these behefs as false and vain, but he held that
they did great injiirj' to the State, when the rulers of the country are
obec&sed by them.
244
THE COURT OF PEKING
^covered. It is treason for a subject to have arras on his
person in the presence of the Emperor, but K'ang Hsi only
smiled at the sight and said : " Ao Pai is indeed a true
Manchu warrior ; he keeps his weapon ready by his side,
even when on a bed of sickness, that he may rise at any
moment to defend his Emperor." From these words the
courtiers knew that the days of Ao Pai's power were
numbered.
Towards the end of his long reign, K'ang Hsi's life was
made a burden to him and his health undermined by the
undutiful and lawless conduct of several of his sons. He
was a great ruler and a wise man, but he resembled many
other great men in the liistory of the East, from Solomon
down to the statesmen and scholars of to-day, in that his
philosophy was not proof against the vicissitudes of
polygamy and the penalties of excessive paternity. His
sons, like the sons of Eli, dealt evilly with tlie people, and
brought their father's grey hairs in sorrow to the grave,
a result by no means uncommon under China*s patriarchal
system. K'ang Hsi's edicts and exhortations concerning
his domestic broils reveal the fact that, firmly convinced
of his own virtues and intelligence, he took pride in his
procreative capacity, and hoped to confer on his dynasty
and on China an abundant posterity, imbued with his own
moral and intellectual quahties. In this, he was grievously
disappointed, and the incessant broils created by his sons
when they had reached years of discretion embittered his
dechning years and dimmed the prestige of his reign.
K'ang Hsi had thirty-five sons; of these twenty-four
attained to manhood. The following is a list of those who
by good or evil report, figured prominently in the annals
of his reign and that of his successor, Yung Cheng :
*YUn Ch^ik : bom in 1672, son of the concubine Hui, who
was of rank too low to permit of her offspring being
245
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
eligible to the Throne. He was created Prince Chih
(Upright), and was cashiered and confined to his
residence in 1708. Obiit 1734.
Yun Jeng : Prince Li (Principled), son of the senior
Empress Consort Hoshli, who died in 1674. He was
made Heir Apparent when two years old; deprived
of liis title and confined to one of the palaces in the
rear of the Coal Hill in October 1708, reinstated in
April 1709, again degraded and imprisoned in October
1712. Died in prison in the second year of Yung
Cheng's reign, 1725.
*Yun Ckik : Prince Ch'eng (Sincere), Bom in 1677,
imprisoned by his brother Yung Cheng in 1730 at the
Coal Hill, and poisoned (oflicially stated to have died
of a sudden disease) in July 1732.
Fm Chen : created Prince Yung (Just), succeeded his
father as Emperor Yung Cheng. Born 1678, died
1785.
Yiln CkH : Prince Heng (Steadfast), born 1680, died 1732.
Yun Yu: Prince Shun (Pure), born 1680, died 1730.
*YUn SaU : Prince Lien (Conscientious), usually called
the eig}ith Prince. Born of ** a woman of poor origin,
named Hinycku," in 1681, deprived of his title and
imprisoned by Yung Cheng in 1726. Expelled from
the Imperial Clan and given the opprobrious title
of "That unspeakable person." Died (poisoned)
six months later. Posthumously restored to the
Imperial Clan in 1778 by the Emperor Ch'ien
Lung.
*Ytin T*ang : born in 1680, deprived of his title and name
erased from the Imperial Clan in June 1726. Given
the name of " Black-hearted Monster." His death
(in prison at Pao Ting-fu in September 1726)
occurred within a few days of that of the eighth
Prince, Yiin Ssu.
*Yun 0: born in 1683, given the title of Prince Tun
246
THE COURT OF PEKING
(Solid) in 1709; imprisoned by his brother Yung
Cheng in 1726 ; set free by Ch'ien Lung.
Yiin T"ao : Prince " Walking in Righteousness," born
1685, died 1768.
Yiin Hsiang : Prince Yi (Harmonious), bom 1686, died
1730. Ancestor of Tsai Yuan, tlie usurping Regent
of T'ung Chih's reign.
Yiin Ti : Prince Trustworthy, born in 1688, imprisoned
in 1726 in a side court of the Palace of Imperial
Longevity, where his father's coffin had reposed.
Restored to liberty by Ch*ien Lung.
YUn Lu : Prince Chuang (Sedate), bom in 1695. K*ang
Hsi's favourite son; a friend of the Jesuit fathers
and a good astronomer and mathematician. Died
in 1767.
Of these the five marked (*) conspired to have the Heir
Apparent, Yiin Jeng, put aside and to set Yiin Ssu on the
Throne. The latter was undoubtedly an able man, but
became an object of suspicion at Court, o^ving to the
general belief that he had become a Christian. K*ang
Hsi had originally been very well disposed towards the
Roman Catholics, but, weary of their disputes, turned
against them in later years and opposed his sons' intimacy
with the Jesuit fathers. The objections of the five Princes
to the Heir Apparent were not entirely unreasonable
(though their methods were unfilial), as Yiin Jeng was
certainly possessed of an evil spirit.
In the autumn of 1708, K'ang Hsi went on a hunting
trip to the country around Jehol. He was sick at heart,
for the unseemly conduct of his sons had latterly given
extreme offence to the Ministers of his Court. News of
their continued misdeeds reached the Emperor at his
hunting, whereupon he addressed his Court Chamberlain
as follows : " I hear that my sons frequently assault and
insult the Ministers of my Court and the Imperial body-
247
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
guard, besides picking quarrels with other Princes of my
house and ill-treating them. Now I wish it to be clearly
understood that my sons are only authorised to inflict
summary chastisement on their own servants; in all
other cases they are bound to report to me and await my
decision. How can they be permitted to run riot and flog
whomsoever they please ? I am the lord of the world,
and I myself conform in all things to correct principles.
Every innocent man is by right exempt from punishment.
There can only be one Head of tlie State, and my daily
prayer is to secure universal happiness and peace. The
rule which forbids summary decapitation or strangling,
without due reference to me, by nobles or high officials,
was framed in the interests of the State, and not solely
for the protection of the individual. It is an insult to
my dignity that my sons should treat officials, high and
low, with outrageous contumely, and these practices
must be stopped. If they break the law of the land by
abusing their power and putting my officials in terror of
their lives, they are guilty of usurping Imperial pre-
rogatives, which belong to me alone. Are they not
aware that sovereign authority cannot be delegated to
another ? There is but one ruler— myself . Not even my
brothers, the Princes Yii and Kung, would venture to
take such a liberty as to flog my Ministers and members
of my bodyguard 1 However guilty any of these might
have been, I would never have allowed my brothers
to take the law into their own hands and to put my
officials to death. In any case, however, they never
perpetrated any such offences, and my sons cannot be
allowed to commit them.
** The founder of my dynasty and his son issued wise
precepts concerning these matters, expressly forbidding
that the Princes of the Imperial house should scourge or
maltreat their inferiors, and I never could have believed
that such unlawful practices would sully my reign. If,
248
THE COURT OF PEKING
in future, my sons disregard my injunctions and flog or
insult any Minister of the Court, the injured parties are
hereby specially enjoined to report the facts to me with
full details. I shall not fail to hear the case and to give
impartial judgment, without visiting any punishment
on the plaintiff. If things continue in their present
course, the next thing will be massacres perpetrated
without my knowledge. If this my mandate be not
transmitted verbatim I shall order the decapitation of
those responsible for its due transmission,'*
A few days later, at Bur-hastai, the Emperor bade the
Court assemble and order the Heir Apparent (Yiin Jeng)
to kneel before him. With tears in his eyes he addressed
him as follows : " It is now forty-eight years since I
received the Great Inheritance ; during the whole of that
time I have aspired to rule over a contented people
with compassionate affection. But my son, Yiin Jeng,
constantly violates the ancestral precepts and my own
admonitions. His wanton cruelty and vindictive oppres-
sion have been allowed to continue unreproved, and I
have borne with him for the past twenty years. His
wekedness has waxed more and more flagrant; he has
insulted or beaten the Princes and Ministers of the Court;
he has presumed on his position to collect a lawless band
around him for the purpose of keeping watch on my
movements and of reporting to him my every action.^
** As I see it, the Empire can only have one ruler; by
what right, then, does Yun Jeng ill-treat and beat my
Princes and Ministers ? Prince P*ing and the Beileh Hai-
shan have both been flogged by his orders, and few of my
oflicials, few even of my bodyguard and personal servants,
have escaped his wrath.
" I am fidly aware of all that has been going on. If
any official reports his conduct to me, Yiin Jeng regards
him as a mortal enemy and treats him with cruel vindic-
^ K*ang Ilsi suspected his son of a design to assassinate him.
249
ANNAI.S AND MEMOIRS OF
civeness. Knowing this, I have refrained from making
inquiries from my Court as to his behaviour. In the
course of my numerous journeys in the provinces of the
Empire, by road or river, I myself have never transgressed
the path of deconmi by a single step, nor injured any of
my subjects. But Yiin Jeng and his band of rufBans
stop at nothing; they violate every right principle. His
behaviour makes me blush; I am ashamed to speak of
it. When the Mongol Princes sent tribute horses to me
as a present, Yun Jeng dispatched his servants to seize
them on the road to Peking, and kept them for his own
use. The Mongols naturally resented this and they
blamed me.
" His misdeeds are innumerable, but I have kept on
hoping that he would repent him of his errors and return
to the right way. So I have borne with him in silence
and sho^vn foolish leniency until to-day. I was well
aware long ago of Yiin Jeng*s extravagant habits and,
with the object of meeting his exorbitant requirements,
I made his foster- mother*s husband, Ling P'u, Comp-
troller of the Imperial Household, so as to give him every
opportunity. To my amazement, I find that Ling P*u
is even more corrupt and greedy than Yiin Jeng, and the
consequence is that the retainers of my household all hate
him. When Ytin Jeng was a child, I used to teach him
that the needs of my privy purse are provided out of the
people's life-blood, and that wise economy was essential
to good government. But he has disregarded my teaching,
and has given the rein to his shameless extravagance and
savage violence. If he continues in this way he will surely
end by killing off all his brothers.
" A few days ago, when ray eighteenth son was mortally
sick, every one sympathised with me in this grief, afflicting
my old age. But Yun Jeng was quite callously indifferent
to his brother's fate and, when I reproved him, had the
audacity to lose his temper. Stranger still, his foster-
250
THE COURT OF PEKING
mother incited him to tear a hole in the cloth of the
travelling pavilion in which I had retired for the night,
and to peep through at me with insolent scrutiny.
" On a previous occasion So-e-tu aided and abetted him
in a conspiracy against my life. I discovered the plot
and put So-e-tu to death. In revenge for this, Yiin Jeng
has now collected a band of desperate villains, planning
to put an end to me. At times they seek to poison my
food, and again they plot to assassinate me. I have to
be perpetually on guard and never enjoy a peaceful
moment.
*' How can I permit such a man to succeed to the august
Inheritance ? Let us not forget also that Yun Jeng's
mother, the late Empress, died in giving birth to him.
The ancients always regarded such conduct as unfilial.
Ever since my accession I have practised scrupulous
parsimony; my bed quilt is shabby and my hose are
made of commonest cloth. Yun Jeng's household is on
a scale infinitely grander than mine. Yet still he is not
satisfied and must needs appropriate money from the
Imperial Treasury, besides interfering in State affairs.
Unless prompt measures are taken, the result will be disaster
to the State and ruin to my subjects. If I allow so unfilial
a son and so evil a man to become Emperor, how shall I
face my ancestors, and how will it fare with their heritage ? "
At this point the Emperor paused and burst into a
paroxysm of noisy sobbing. He collapsed and grovelled
on the ground, from which undignified posture he was
raised by his Ministers.
With an effort he proceeded : " I cannot allow such a
man to succeed to the inheritance won by my ancestors
and consolidated by myself. On my return to Peking I
shall announce my decision to the Almighty and the spirits
of my ancestors, and inform them of Yiin Jeng's deposition.
" On a previous occasion I bade my eldest son, Yiin
Ch*ih, to give good heed to my personal safety, but I
251
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
never contemplated making him Heir Apparent. He is
quite impossible, being of excitable temperament and
obstinate in the extreme.
" I shall inflict no punishment on such of Yun's Jong's
followers as were forced through fear into joining him.
I hereby order the inmiediate decapitation of So-e-tu's
sons and of Erh-ko-su-erh and Te-ha-shih-t'ai. This
matter vitally concerns the whole Empire. I have taken
care to deal with it while still in the enjoyment of good
health and in the possession of all my faculties. Yiin
Jeng is to be placed imder arrest at once, and the Princes,
Ministers and common people are all at liberty to memorial-
ise me on the subject, giving their views as to the justice
of my sentence."
The Court kotowed and burst into lamentations. The
Ministers repUed : ** Your Majesty is indeed sage and
enlightened. Every word you have uttered about Yiin
Jeng is true. There is no need for us to memorialise in
reply."
To the Ministers of the Presence, K'ang Hsi delivered
a separate homily : " When Yiin Jeng was Heir Apparent
you naturally had to obey his orders, but I suspect that
some among you were guilty of intrigue and flattery.
Now that you have been witnesses of his deposition I can
imagine that you are passing days and nights of abject
terror lest I should discover your relations with Yiin
Jeng and punish you with decapitation. Yiin Jeng*s
wicked behaviour has forced me to take this action in
his regard, but if I began instituting a wholesale proscrip-
tion of all his faction, not one of my Court would escape
punishment. I should be left to reign in solitary state.
I have already dealt out a measure of punishment to the
guilty, and there let the matter rest. Even if you are
denounced I shall ignore the impeachment, so pray you,
be at ease.
" My reason for summoning my third son, Yiin Chih,
252
THE COURT OF PEKING
to private audience to-day was due to his great intimacy
with Yiin Jeng, and 1 liad certain questions to put to him.
It is not my intention to order his arrest, since, notwith-
standing his close relations with his elder brother, he has
not encouraged or abetted his pernicious designs. In
fact, he assures me that he has frequently admonished
the ex-Heir Apparent to forbear, but without success.
I believe he is telling the truth, and I am fully acquainted
with the facts. I have been greatly upset by these events,
and my heart is disquieted within me; hence my omission
in the previous decree to reassure your panic-stricken
minds and to bid you be at peace for the future.'*
On the following morning K'ang Hsi, who was now on
his way back to the capital, summoned his Court and the
Manchu Grand Secretaries to his travelhng tent, and thus
addressed them : ** I have always been guided by my
historical studies and the lessons which past dynasties
afford, and have refused to allow pretty women to have
free access to the Palace. In the same way I have never
allowed good-looking youths to minister to my wants and
attend my table, because I wished there to be no flaw in
the jade of my good name, and to keep my body in sub-
jection. Among my hearers at tliis moment are Kuan
Pao and Wu Shih» both of whom have attended mc since
my childhood; they know all my goings out and comings
in, and are aware that what I say is true. But this
business of the ex-Heir Apparent has come as a terrible
blow, and I have not slept for six niglits," At this point
the Emperor burst into loud weeping, and the courtiers,
affecting an equal distress, responded : " Pray control
yourself and be pleased to consider the sacred duty Your
Majesty owes to the State and to your ancestors. It is
essential that you take cai'e of your health."
K*ang Hsi then proceeded : " I have now reigned for
nigh fifty years, and have won many new territories for
my Empire. I brought the Eleuths to their knees,
253
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
although they had never before acknowledged allegiance.
I may be getting old, but if 1 may say so without boasting,
I am still thoroughly capable of ruling with a statesman-
like mien. Your love and loyalty for my person are, I
am convinced, sincere; I have always treated my officials
with kindness and have never unjustly inflicted corporal
piuiishmcnt on my attendants.
" But this year I have had to deplore the loss by death
of many trusted officials. You do not know of the tears
which 1 have shed in secret. Now you beg me to take
care of my health, and I naturally feel bound to comply
with your request. Ever since the beginning of the year I
have had an apprehension of coining calamity, and I have
mentioned my fears to the ex-Heir Apparent. When the
incident of the mad priest, who claimed to have foimd the
Ming descendant, occurred the other day, Yiin Jeng re-
marked that my prophecy had come true. But at the
time I told him that there was further trouble ahead,
though I never anticipated the present misfortune.
" You remember when my grandfather defeated the
Ming armies, in the third year of T'ien Ts-ang (1629), and
appeared in person outside the gates of Peking? His
Generals then urged him to seize his opportunity and take
the city. * Now is your time,' said they, ' to found a
dynasty. The city is yours ; why not take it at once ? *
My grandsire replied : ' Peking, it is true, can easily be
captured, but it behoves us to wait for the mandate of
Heaven. The time is not yet ripe.* Fifteen years later,
as you know, the capital fell into the hands of rebels, and
the Princes and clansmen captured it for my father
without trouble. The Empire became ours and in due
course descended to me. Our dynasty has now ruled for
two generations, and if the people are at i>eace it is due
to my obedience to ancestral tradition and my ceaseless
labours.
*' On occasions of drought I have fasted three days in
254
THE COURT OF PEKING
tlie Palace, burning incense and praying to the Almighty
without ceasing. As soon as I proceeded to the Temple
of Heaven to sacrifice, my prayers were heard and abun-
dant rain fell. Does not this prove that I have found
favour in tlie sight of Heaven ? But I have never indulged
in vain boastmg nor fancied that Heaven was bound to
hearken to my prayers. Henceforth it is your duty to
lielp me and to labour more earnestly."
Yiin Jcng went with the Court on the return journey to
Peking, and K'ang Hsi observed him closely. The result
of his diagnosis was given to his Ministers, as follows :
" Yiin Jeng is not a normal being. He sleeps the Uvelong
day and breaks liis fast at midnight. He indulges in
deep potations, and can carry thirty or forty cups of strong
spirit without becoming intoxicated. When I used to
send him to perform sacrifice, he would become very
nervous on reaching the altar and fail in the performance
of the ceremonial. Heis in terror of thunder and Hghtning,
and even heavy rain alarms him. His behaviour is most
eccentric, and he talks a lunatic gibberish. Tliere can
l>e no doubt that he is mad and sore vexed by demoniac
possession. I have come to the conclusion that the
Palace in Peking occupied by Yiin Jeng, that of ' Picked
Fragrance,' is haunted. Its situation is low and uni^ealthy,
and many deaths have occurred there. Through constant
residence there Yiin Jeng has fallen a victim to an evil
spirit, which has taken up its habitation in his body. It
is a most extraordinary circumstance, but his conduct can
only be due to demoniacal influence."
On the following day the cortege reached Peking;
diuing the journey the ex-Heir Apparent had been in
the custody of his elder brother, Yiin Ch'ih. On reaching
the city, K'ang Hsi ordered a felt tent to be prepared for
his reception in the Imperial equipage department, and
placed Yiin Jeng in charge of Yun Ch'ih and of his fourth
brother (who reigned lat^r as Yung Cheng).
255
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
The first thing to be done was to inform the Empress
Dowager.* After Her Majesty had signified her approval
of the ex-Heir Apparent's deposition, K'ang Hsi ascended
the Throne of the T'ui ho (Exalted Peace) Palace and
read his decree :
" The position of heir to the Throne is of the greatest
importance to the State, and I, who am a keen student
of history, could never regard the question of succession
with indifference. During Yiin Jeng's cliildhood I taught
him myself, and afterwards nominated competent pre-
ceptors to instruct him in philosophy. It cannot be said
that he did not show progress in his studies, while in
horsemanship, archery, caligraphy and composition he
was quite up to the average. But lately liis mind has
become clouded through demoniac possession : he fidgets
incessantly, and talks and acts in the most peculiar
fashion. He is always seeing visions; his sleeping and
waking hours are full of terror. He keeps changing his
abode, and will devour seven or eight bowls of rice at a
meal without satisfying his appetite. He can carry
thirty beakers of wine without inconvenience.
" My inquiries have elicited several other interesting
and surprising facts : of all his multitude of attendants
not one speaks well of him. This is proof conclusive that
his mind is deranged. I had intended to wait until my
'rrival in Peking before putting liim under arrest, but
circumstances rendered prompt action necessary. What
is your opinion of his case ? " The Court remained on its
knees, and Prince K'ang, the senior Prince present,
answered : " Your Majesty nurtured the Heir Apparent
with benevolence and trained him in the path of duty.
But of late years he has become demented, and is possessed
' The consort of Shun Chili, by name Borjikiii, a daughter of Duke
Chorclii, of the Mongol KhorcEtia tribe. Now in her seventy-thJrd
year, she was a remarkable old lady, who took au active part in the
Govemnncnt. K*ang Hsi was devoted to her. She died in 1718,
aged eighty -tlirec.
256
THE COURT OF PEKING
by a devil. Your decision to disinherit him is warranted
by circumstances; our opinion is unanimous."
K*ang Hsi replied : " I have made up my mind, and
shall inform Heaven and earth and the Temple of An-
cestors. The Heir Apparent is sentenced to confinement
in prison. He was son of my Empress Consort, and has
received the most loving care at my hands. I used to
teacli liim that he must obey the precepts of our ancestors,
and would point the moral which the classics and liistory
teach— how that the success or ruin of a dynasty depends
upon its retention of the confidence of the people. How-
ever ignorant he may be, surely he must be aware that
no one can afford to forfeit the people*s trust. But, in
spite of the careful training wliich he has received, his
conduct has left him without a single friend. Can it be
doubted that he is a victim to demoniac possession,
irresponsible for his actions?
" Yiin Jeng's case is disposed of. If my other sons
make it a pretext for forming cabals and for endeavouring
to ruin Yiin Jeng*s former partisans, I shall show them no
mercy.
" My great grandfather, our foimder, decapitated his
eldest son Ch*u Yen on charges brought against him by
the other Princes; my grandsire visited punishment on
one of the Princesses in connection with the charge against
Prince Mang-ku-erh-tai ; in my father's time Prince Li
accused his son Sheto and liis grandson At-a-h of breaking
the law, and both were beheaded; the former Regent,
my uncle, Prince Jui, put Princes to death for flattery and
intrigue; in my own childhood, soon after my accession,
Ao Pai paid off grudges against his colleague in the
Regency, Su-ko-sa-ha, by exterminating him and all his
family, in spite of my remonstrances. Such cases are
common, and in our family it seems inevitable that these
fratricidal quarrels should occur, owing to its inveterate
tendency to form cabals. Will not this be a warning to
s 257
ANNALS AND MKMOIHS OF
you all ? I have now reigned forty-eight years, a period
longer than all (save a few exceptions) of my predecessors
in history. This is a sure sign that the Almighty regards
me with affection, and in return am I not bound to do my
best for the Empire and my subjects ? "
Upon the deposition of the Heir Apparent, two high
officials of the Court, partisans of the eighth Prince, Yiin
Ssu, hoping to gain credit and the succession for their
patron, circulated fresli charges against Yiin Jeng for
the purpose of poisoning the Emperor's mind and inducing
him to have the wretched Yiin Jeng put to death. On
perusing the memorial which they put in the Emperor was
very wrath, and decided to order his son's execution.
But he was turned from this purpose by Lou Te-na, a
Chamberlain of the Presence, an aged official who had
great influence over liim. He had fixed on the day of iiis
return to tlie Palace from the western liills to issue his
death decree, but before the cortege started for the city
Lou asked for audience. After speaking of routine details
he said : " A strange thing has happened : the command^
antof the guards at the city gate, who used to be excessively
fat, has been suddenly smitten with sickness, and is now
as thin as a lathe." When K'ang Hsi reached Peking,
he saw the commandant standing at the head of his men,
and noticed that he was as fat as usual, whereupon he
rebuked Lou with making a false report. Lou laughingly
answered : " This may show Your Majesty how un-
reliable are these reports about the former Heir Apparent.
If false rumours can get about concerning your com-
mandant's loss of flesh, how much more so in the case of a
Prince who is naturaUy a target for the caliunnies of
jealous persons 1 " K*ang Hsi nodded and tore up the
decree which would have consigned his son to tiie scaffold.
The Hanlin Academy drew up a form of Uturgy for the
Emperor to use in informing Heaven, earth, the
deities, and the ancestral spirits of the Heir
258
i
;he tutelary I
Apparent's I
THE COURT OF PEKING
deposition. But its form was not modest enough to
please K*ang Hsi, who substituted one of his own, and
ordered that it be rendered into Manchu without the
alteration of a character, *' to show the depth of his
sincerity." On the translation being completed the
Emperor was still dissatisfied, and administered the
following rebuke to all concerned, *' In my draft of the
proposed service I used the words : ' Bending my body
and exhausting my energies, ceasing only with death.'
1 was quoting the words of Chu-ko Liang (a famous
General) in his memorial on taking the field. You are,
no doubt, under the impression that such language can
only be appropriately used by a Minister, and should not
proceed from the Sovereign. You therefore altered the
meaning in the Manchu version. Now I consider that
these words are worthy of a loyal and good Minister like
Chu-ko Liang, but if such devotion be fitting in the states-
man, how much more is it so in the Sovereign ? Let
me explain my meaning to you Ministers. The statesman
can always lay the blame for his mistakes on the Sovereign,
but on whom is the Sovereign to shuffle off his responsi-
bihty? It is his bounden duty to 'bend liis body and
exhaust his energies * in reverence to God and diligent
care for the people. I am the son of Almighty God, and
God is my only stay; the Heir Apparent was formerly
the object on which my hope and trust centred. But his
conduct has rendered his deposition inevitable ; how, then,
could I omit to inform God Almighty ? The ceremony is
fixed for to-morrow."
The Heir Apparent had intrigued with the various
Ministries and frequently interfered in Government ap-
pointments, doubtless for a tangible consideration. K'ang
Hsi ordered an investigation, as the result of which the
Cabinet reported that there was no proof of his having
actually altered or cancelled any orders issued by the
Throne. K*ang Hsi replied : " Naturally he would not
259
1
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
lave had the effrontery to make changes in rescripts anc
decrees issued by my vermilion pencil; nevertheless, he"
was always seeking to nsurp the supreme power. It is
certain that in many instances he secured the shelving
of measures of whicli he disapproved, and conversely
the expediting of those in wliich he was interested,
besides having exerted illicit influence for venal objects.
I hereby command that every appointment or measure
wliich has been recently promulgated, and about which
there is the least taint of suspicion, shall be cancelled
forthwith."
The following is the text of his Decree to the Nation :
" By God's grace I succeeded to my ancestors' patrimony,
forty-eight years ago. Throughout my reign I have
reverenced the Almighty and striven to meet my subjects'
wishes. I do not forget that God created the people, and
appointed a ruler to govern them in order that their needs
might be studied. I have ever made careful inquiries
as to the condition of my subjects all over the Empire;
in no single instance have I shown slackness ; I have made
grants from my privy purse amounting to scores of
millions of taels. I have relieved their distress by re-
ducing the land tax, and have saved thousands of hves
by amnesties to offenders, because it is the duty of a
Sovereign to cherish his people, and this principle was
inculcated by my ancestors as a behest to their posterity.
" But in spite of all my careful training, the Heir
Apparent, Yiin Jeng, is vicious by nature, and has dis-
obeyed my instructions. Although his conduct steadily
deteriorated, I was in hopes of his amendment, and allowed
him to accompany me on my numerous journeys to the
southern and western provinces, in the hope that he might
thus acquire a knowledge of local conditions and of the
people over whom he would one day rule.
" But he blackmailed the Viceroys and Governors, and
extorted bribes from local officials. Ilis retinue was
260
THE COURT OF PEKmC
composed of bad characters, who levied tribute on the
countryside and committed acts of violence and robbery.
I would often urge him to be more economical, as it is the
people who have to provide for all our requirements, but
he gave full play to his wicked lusts, and showed no signs
of amendment. He has made away with articles of
tribute which were destined for my use, and has appro-
priated huge sums from the Imperial treasury. There
are no bounds to his oppression of the people. Of late
his fiendish cruelty and unholy lust have become still
more flagrant; the Princes and Ministers have all been
victims of his overbearing insults, and have even suffered
beatings at his hands. When I found out that So-e-tu
and Ch'ang-t*ai were plotting against me on his initiative
I put them to death at once; in consequence of whicli
Yiin Jeng has harboured resentment against me, and has
even dared to spy on my movements in the privacy of the
Imperial tent. Beyond all doubt, he intended to assassi-
nate me, and his whole behaviour indicates demoniac
possession. The Classic of History says : * Heaven sees
as my people see; Heaven hears as my people hear.
Heaven will surely detest the man whom the people
hate.'
** How can such a man be permitted to perform the
ancestral sacrifice or worship the tutelary deities as
Emperor? I have given most careful thought to this
matter, and feel that my bounden duty leaves no alter-
native. I have received the gracious orders of the
Empress Dowager to announce Yiin Jeng's deposition
and arrest at the several shrines, in order to propitiate
the ancestral spirits and to comfort my people.
** I have now stated all the circumstances, and as a
special grace bestow exemption on my subjects in re-
mitting taxation, out of sympathy for the exactions which
they have endured at Yiin Jeng's hands. By purifying
the fountain of national life, the stability of my dynasty
261
ANNAI^ AND MEMOIRS OF
•will be enhanced ; by this act of clemency the bounty of
the Throne will everywhere be manifested,"
On the following morning K'ang Hsi thus addressed his
sons : " At the time of Yiin Jeng*s arrest, my eldest son,
Yiin Ch'ih, said to me : ' Yiin Jeng's behaviour is utterly
base and abominable, he is scarcely to be called a human
being. Not long ago a fortune-teller named Chang
Ming-ti examined Yiin Ssii (the eighth son*s) physiognomy,
and declared that he would eventually inherit the Throne.
If you desire Yiin Jeng's death it can be arranged by us,
and there is no need for Your Majesty, my father, to lay
hands on him.' When I heard the above speech I was
completely dumbfoundered. I am well aware that my
eldest son is violent by nature and of a besotted ignorance,
for whom duty and principle mean nothing. If he and
his brother, Yiin Ssu, were really hatching a plot to assassi-
nate Yiin Jeng they are quite capable of carrying it out,
regardless of the possible consequences to myself. Such
men are no better than traitors or parricides, since they
transgress every tie of loyalty and filial duty. They will
reap their reward either in the judgment of Heaven or the
punishment of man."
K*ang Hsi compelled his eldest son, Yun Ch'ih, to hand
over the physiognomist Chang Ming-ti (who had foretold
that his eighth son would be Emperor), and commanded
his trial by a commission. The Emperor remarked : " I
am acquainted with the circumstances of the case, which
are most grave and involve a large number of persons.
This man, Chang Ming-ti, has been sending notices round
to many officials, but he alone is to be punished, and no
general proscription will be permitted."
By this time K'ang Hsi was thoroughly uneasy about
his domestic affairs, and evidently in abject terror of
assassination. Again he summoned his sons to the Palace,
and thus addressed them : " You must really keep your
retainers in better order and prevent them from creating
262
THE COURT OF PEKING
disturbances. The husbands of your foster-nurses are of
I thoroughly disreputable antecedents ; indeed, your house-
holds are mainly composed of scheming and illiterate
, persons who misbehave and ill-treat the people. Take
Yiin Ch'ih*s four eunuchs, for example, or his two body-
servants. They are always spying on my movements
and endeavouring to get hold of Palace gossip. I know
all about the origin of these men, in fact I have had to
banish several of Yun Ch'ih's servants before now, while
others have been killed in brawls. You, Yiin Ch'ih,
really ought to have some little self-respect. I have not
I spared Yiin Jeng, and shall certainly not be more lenient
I with the rest of you. When, on a previous occasion, I
' called you all to my presence, Yiin Ch*ih replied as
follows : * Hereafter all of us brothers will dwell together
I in unity. We shall spend our days happily in the light
(of your presence, O Imperial father.'
" Now, I regard the above remark as far from satis-
factory : suppose that among your number there be one
bad character, who conducts himself lawlessly, are all
you brothers going to ' dwell together in unity ' ^vith him ?
Besides, Yiin Ch'ih's own record is very bad ; he uttered
slanders against the ex-Heir Apparent and tried to
induce me to put him to death. AVho can believe a word
he says, when he talks so glibly about unity in future?
In the past Yiin Ch'ih has had the effrontery to lay violent
hands on my guardsmen and major-domos; these men
can be produced as witnesses, ^^^len Yiin Jeng was in
his custody he carried off several of the workmen and
labourers at liis brother's residence and had them cruelly
flogged. The result was that some committed suicide
and others ran away. No wonder that every one thinks
badly of you, Yiin Ch'ih.
" My troubles come thick and fast : first my eighteenth
son died suddenly, and now I have had to bear Yiin Jeng's
deposition. You ought to consider your poor father a
268
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
little and conduct yourselves with decency. Does not
the classic say : * He who loves his father will never dare
to incur the hatred of others; he who respects his father
will never allow himself to deserve contempt * ? You set
a bad example and are breaking my heart; how can you
have the heart to treat me so ? Kindly inform your
respective households of this decree,*'
Yun Ssu was at this time Comptroller of the Household,
and had been ordered to assess the value of a disgraced
officiars property, who was an ex-Comptroller. The
amount was far less than the Emperor had anticipated,
as the official in question was noted for his vast wealth.
K'ang Hsi. enraged at this, summoned Yiin Ssu to his
Palace ; ** Your report is inaccurate," he said. " If you
try to hoodwink me Hke this, I shall cut your head off.
You are always trying to make a good impression on
people by pretending to be lenient and generous. The
result is that you assume all the credit for my acts of
generosity and clemency. Every one praises you, while
I am blamed for severity. The fact is you are following
in the wake of Yiin Jeng; hereafter, if any one says a
word in your favour to me I shall decapitate him. How
can I allow my sovereign authority to be delegated to
such as you ? "
K*ang Hsi's rages were fast becoming hysterical. His
sons were kept in constant attendance. Again he ad-
dressed them : " WTien 1 deposed Yiin Jeng, I made it
quite clear to all of you that if you intrigued for the
position of Heir Apparent you would be treated as rebels
against the State, and wotdd be subject to decapitation
without further warning. How can the succession to
the jewelled Inheritance be made the object of your vulgar
scheming and intrigues ? I am well aware that Yun
SsQ is cunning and treacherous, and that he cherishes
ambitions for the Throne. In the past he and his parti-
sans have tried to assassinate Ytin Jeng. Their plot now
264
THE COURT OF PEKING
stands revealed. I command that Yun Ssti be placed
under arrest at once, and that he be examined by the
Council of Government, When I deposed Yiin Jeng, my
eldest son Yiin Ch'ih dared to say : * Yiin Ssii is a good
man.* Now it is a principle laid down in the Spring and
Autumn Annals that when a subject plans trcjison the
Sovereign is bound to put him to death."
At this point Yiin T'ang, the ninth Prince, interposed,
and, disregarding their sire's presence, rudely shouted
out to his younger brother, Yiin Ti : " If we don't speak
now we shall never have a better opportunity." Yun
Ti then loudly exclaimed : " The eighth prince, Yun Ssii,
never plotted against Yiin Jeng; my brother and I will
guarantee his innocence."
At this K'ang Hsi burst into one of his frantic rages (he
was subject to epilepsy), and seized the sword which he
was wearing with the intention of slaying Yiin Ti there
and then. But the fifth prince, Yiin Ch'i, knelt and
implored mercy, while the remainder kotowed. K*ang
Hsi became calmer, and ordered the other Princes to
administer a sound whipping on Yiin Ti's person, after
which Yun Ti and Yiin T'ang were forcibly expelled from
the Palace.
After this serio-comic episode, the commissioners
presented their report of the examination of the physiog-
nomist. They said : " The physiognomist, Chang Ming-ti,
under examination, has confessed that he was recom-
mended by Prince Shun's major-domo to Prince Chih
(Yiin Ssu). He says : *" I had the audacity to speak
random words, and ventured to accuse the Heir Apparent
of committing cruel deeds. I even said I would slay
him if I got the chance. I also made a vague boast that
I was endowed with supernatural power. I gained access
to the Prince, Yiin Ssii, and tempted him, in order to
make money. When I was presented to him and told his
fortune I said : ' Your Highness is highly intellectual,
265
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
kind-hearted and brilliant; you will have a long life,
enjoy higli honours, and. indeed, your face is that of a
future Emperor.* This is the whole truth," The Com-
mission recommended his decapitation.
This report did not serve to improve the Emperor's'
temper; he summoned the whole Court to audience, and
said : " Yiin Ssu is a traitor, I shall not permit you to
ask for any remission of his punishment on the ground
that he is my son or that he has been the tool of others.
Heaven is above me and I am just in all things ; how could
I show favouritism to my sons ? My father ascended the
Throne at five years of age, and I at eight. We both
had to depend on our officials' assistance. Regarding my
successor, I have made up my mind long ago, but do not
choose to make the selection public. When the time
comes, do you all conform to my wishes.**
Referring to the physiognomist Chang Ming-ti, the
Emperor issued the following decree : " Before the
deposition of the Heir Apparent, Chang Ming-ti planned
to assassinate both him and myself. He declared that he
was able to summon at will sixteen magicians who could
fly, and that two of these had already arrived. But all
the good men and true in the Empire were now drawing
the Emperor's pay, and success would be impossible unless
one or two of these could be enticed from their allegiance.
He also said that nothing could be accomplished until
at least half of the young Princes had been won over.
Language of this kind is indeed revolutionary. It is
fortunate for me that my personal bodyguard is composed
of men of determined loyalty, who refused to listen to his
insidious suggestions. My eldest son heard of the plot
and informed me, but Prince Shun and others were
responsible for the physiognomist's introduction at Court,
and are extremely guilty. Yun SsQ knew of the design,
yet he never said a word to me. Is this fitting conduct in
a son or Minister of State? Supposing Chang Ming-ti
266
THE COURT OF PEKING
had only told Yun Ssu's fortune and made no treasonable
proposals, what made him speak to his two younger
brothers about the conspiracy? Yiin Ssu is now in
custody; Prince Shun is also to be arrested. As to
Chang Ming-ti, his guilt is too great for simple decapita-
tion; he is sentenced to dismemberment."
At the examination Prince Shun confessed that Chang
Ming-ti had tried to induce him to join his plot against
the Heir Apparent, but that he had at once informed the
eldest Prince. The two younger Princes, Yiin T'ang and
Yiin Ti declared under examination that they had re-
monstrated with the physiognomist for his mad sugges-
tions and refused to have any dealings with him. Yiin Ssu
admitted having told his younger brothers of the physiog-
nomist's wild remarks. K*ang Hsi accordingly degraded
Yiin Ssii to the rank of an unemployed Imperial Clansman,
and ordered all the parties concerned in the case to be
present at Chang Ming-ti's dismemberment. All these
troubles were affecting the Emperor's health, and his
Court begged him to take more care. In reply he issued
a long decree recounting his sorrow at his sons* unfilial
behaviour. Now that his years were advancing, he was
more than ever afraid of making a false step, lest he should
dim the glory of his reign and diminish the veneration with
which the Empire regarded him.
The Emperor's refusal to make any announcement
concerning the succession was undoubtedly due to his
fear of creating fresh dissensions and precipitating a crisis
in the Palace. There was, in fact, not one of his sons in
whom he could place absolute confidence, not one to
whom he had transmitted the qualities of wisdom and
virtue on which he so frankly prided himself. The sheep
in his domestic flock were all black, and the son upon
whom, on his deathbed, he conferred the Throne, in the
belief that he came nearest to the paternal model, was
little better, though more prudent, than the rest. K*ang
267
THE COURT OF PEKING
Hsi enlarged the borders and increased the prosperity
and culture of his Empire, but he left to China in his un-
righteous posterity a legacy of e\il that was destined to
create increasing trouble with every generation, and
eventually to bring about the downfall of the dynasty.
The only important difference between the sons of K'ang
Hsi and the dissolute Princes of the Imperial Clan of the
present day. lies in the fact that the former were com-
paratively virile and pliysically active, and that they were
not subject, like their effete descendants, to the domina-
tions of Palace eunuchs, the last and most powerful of the
enervating influences which finally demorahscd the Court
of Peking.
268
I
CHAPTER XI
THE TRIBULATIONS OF YUNG CHENG
In December 1722, being tlien in his sixty-eighth year,
the Emperor K*ang Hsi was seized of a sudden illness
wliilst engaged in a hunting expedition in the Imperial
Park to the soutli of Peking. He made haste to return
to his favourite retreat, the Garden of Bright Spring,
close to the Yuan-Ming-yuan Palace. At first he seemed
to be getting better, but was unable to perform the winter
solstice sacrifice at the Temple of Heaven, and therefore
deputed his son Yin Chen (Prince Yung) to officiate in
his stead. The Prince proceeded to the Hall of Fasting
to prepare for the solenm ceremony, but had scarcely
arrived there when there came urgent messengers to inform
iiira that the Emperor was dying, and that he must hasten
to his bedside. When he came to his father's presence,
he found there assembled, by the Emperor's command,
seven of liis brothers, and K'ang Ilsi's brother-in-law,
Lung Ko-to. The dying Monarch, without wasting many
words, comnmnicated to them his last mandate, that
Prince Yung was to succeed to the Throne. " My fourth
son is very like me," he said, " and ought to make a good
Emperor." At these words, Yiin Ssu (unquestionably
the ablest of all K'ang Hsi's sons), who until then had
never abandoned hope of securing the Throne, was so
overcome with mortification and wrath, that, simulating
intense grief, he left the bedchamber. The Heir-designate
proceeded, as custom required, to array his dying father
269
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
J
in his " robes of longevity/' and after witnessing iiis
decease (20th December, 1722) accompanied the remains
to the Forbidden City, where they were temporarily laid
to rest in the Chien-Ching-kung.
It was no bed of roses to which the new Emperor
succeeded. He was then forty-four years of age, and had
distinguished himself chiefly amongst his turbulent and
treasonable brethren by prudently abstaining from their
plots against the first Heir Apparent and against K'ang
Hsi himself. But judged in the light of his own record
as Emperor, and of his writings and decrees, his only
claim to the admiration of posterity hes in his Uterary
attainments and in his painstaking attention to the routine
business of government. In his domestic Ufa, as in his
relations with his Ministers and Court, he has written
himself down, beyond all possibihty of doubt, as a suspi*
cious, querulous and savagely vindictive individual. In-
deed, the dynastic annals of his reign are so burdened
with the long-winded homilies and lachrymose complain-
ings of his domestic infelicities, that, were they the only
sources of our knowledge of the period, one might be led
to the belief that the discussion and settlement of the
Imperial Clan's unseemly wranglings constituted the
entire business of government. Nevertheless, these edicts
and homihes of Yung Cheng (to give him his rcign-title)
are replete with a deep human interest, and help greatly
to explain the causes of the Manchu decline, which
(though arrested during the sixty years of Ch'ien Lung's
reign) may be said to have commenced with the sons of
K'ang Hsi. We have thought it advisable to reproduce
tlie most important of these documents, because, taken
as a whole, they afford a very striking indictment of the
results of polygamy, as practised by Oriental Courts, and
partially explain the failure of the East's patriarchal
system as an integrating social force.
Yung Cheng ascended the Throne with the unpleasant
270
THE COURT OF PEKING
certainty in his mind that all his brothers, with the one
exception of Yiin Hsiang,^ were hostile to him. His
first act was characteristic of the Oriental diplomat. He
appointed a council of four to administer the government,
so as to leave him free to observe the ceremonial ritual of
mourning for the full three years enjoined by the Sage.
This Council consisted of his two brothers, Yun Ssu and
Yiin Hsiang (the bad boy of the family and the good)
together with the Grand Secretary Ma Chi and his uncle
Lung Ko-to. His object in appointing Yiin Ssu, whom he
(eared and hated, to this responsible post, was to keep
him under liis eye, as he knew him for an arch plotter, and
beheved that none of his other brothers were strong
enough to carry out a successful conspiracy without the
masterful Yiin Ssii^s directions. At the same time, as the
rebellion in tlie north-west was causing much anxiety,
the Emperor took an early opportunity to recall Yiin
Ti (K*ang Hsi's fourteenth son), then in supreme
command of the Imperial forces, for the reason that this
Prince was one of Yiin Ssii*s party, and Yung Cheng
feared that he might be induced to proclaim Yun Ssu
Emperor, and support him with his army.
Yiin Ssii showed plainly enough his dislike and distrust
of his brother, the Emperor; when congratulated on his
own new title, he remarked that the Emperor evidently
meant to have his head, so that condolences would be
more in order. This was duly reported to Yung Cheng
by eunuch spies ; not an auspicious opening.
Yung Cheng, following in his father's footsteps, began
early to administer vapid and verbose homilies to
his family and Court; a habit which seems to have been
inveterate in all the Emperors and, for that matter, the
* For whom the grateful Emperor created the Yi princedom. A
direct descendant of the house of Yi, in the person of Tsai yuan, con-
spired against the Old Buddha in 1801 (vide China under the Empress
271
. ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
Empresses, of the Manchu dynasty. Only in the case of
the Old Buddiia were these Pecksniffian utterances re-
deemed by the saving grace of humour ; even when deaUng
out unctuous platitudes with a lavish hand, that great
woman always gave the impression that, in performing this
congenial duty, she was chuckling to herself. As a speci-
men of one of Yung Cheng's earlier efforts the following
tirade is worth quoting : " The habit of forming cabals
and parties is thoroughly objectionable. It prevailed to
an appalling extent under the Ming dynasty and, alas, it
still continues. Tlie late Emperor erred ever on the side
of leniency and was loth to put any offenders to death.
Even you, members of my own family, it seems, are not
above this abominable tendency, but if you imagine that
you are going to enjoy the same immunity as you enjoyed
during my father's lifetime, you do err most grievously.
Human nature is always the same; those in office naturally
desire to retain the right to make private friends whereso-
ever they will. But the business of State requires that
all personal predilections must be rigorously set aside.
You all remember when I was a Prince and went about
among you. When did 1 ever try to promote my own
interests or to intrigue on behalf of my proteges ? You
never knew me to pay clandestine visits for unlawful
purposes ; my father recognised my unswerving rectitude,
and therefore made me his heir. Since then, it seems to
me that I have displayed an admirable leniency in not
venting past grudges on those wlio are against me. It is
my earnest hope that if any of you are in the habit of
fomenting conspiracies, you will now desist. If I err in
thus accusing you, see to it that you never merit charges
of the kind in future,"
As may be supposed, this sort of thing was not calcu-
lated to induce brotherly love, and the plots continued as
before. It was unfortunate for the reputation and in-
fluence of the Roman Catholic Church that several of the
272
I
THE COURT OF PEKING
conspiring Princes were known to be on friendly terms with
the fathers at Cotirt, and some, it was believed, had even
been baptised into the faith.
In the first year of Yung Cheng's reign it was decided
by the Board of Rites, upon a memorial of the provincial
literati, that the foreign priests should be excluded from
all parts of China (except Peking) and that their churches
should be destroyed. The priests were accordingly com-
pelled to leave their tlien flourishing missions in the interior
and seek refuge at Macao and Canton. Over three hundred
churches were destroyed. The intrigues of the fathers at
Peking and their interference in the domestic broils of the
Court were no doubt to some extent responsible for the
attitude of the Emperor; but the trouble had been brewing
all through the later years of K'ang Hsi.
Yiin Ssu's principal aiders and abettors were the Princes
Yiin O and Yun T'ang, but all the brothers, except Prince
Yi, were more or less implicated. Yung Cheng decided to
get Yun O out of the way for a time by sending him on a
mission to Mongolia, but he refused to proceed any fur-
ther than Kalgan, and threatened to return thence without
leave. Yung Cheng met this insubordination with char-
acteristic Manchu wiUncss by ordering his brother, the chief
plotter, Yiin Ssu, to recommend a suitable penalty for the
offence. Yiin Ssii cheerfully proposed that Yun O be
deprived of his princedom, shorn of his estates and confined
for all time in the Court of the Imperial Clan. Thereupon
Yung Cheng issued the following decree :
*' Yun O is a mean and contemptible person, whose
conduct is that of a wild and insensate fool. Although he
had the benefit of my father's training, both in literary
pursuits and martial exercises, for over thirty years, yet
he has completely failed to derive any profit therefrom.
His conduct was a constant source of grief to His late
Majesty. So infatuate is he, and so bereft of reason, that
he does not realise his own utter stupidity and worthless-
T 273
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
ness; instead of retiring into private life and thinking over
his misdeeds, he lets his evil designs be noised abroad.
Yiin Ssu's recommendations in this matter meet the case.
All the world knows that I have displayed the fullest
measure of frank sympathy for my brothers all these
thirty years. Ail the world likewise knows how they have
requited my father and me. I shall now be glad to be
favoured with the candid opinion of my Court in regard
to Yiin O's case; but I warn you all not to imitate Yiin
Ssu in uttering high-sounding but specious catcliwords,
for in so doing you would not only be doing yourselves
an injustice, but would insult the memory of your late
Sovereign. It is, of course, conceivable that Yun SsG, in
giving his decision, has spoken from honest conviction,
concealing no sinister motive; but of this I have grave
doubts."
The Princes and courtiers debated the case, and finally
advised that Yiin O should be cashiered and imprisoned,
as Yiin Ssii had recommended. To their memorial Yung
Cheng replied : " \Vlien first I handed over Yiin O's case
to Yiin Ssii, I was curious to see how he would deal with it.
It is to be borne in mind, that Yiin O, Yiin T'ang and Yiin Ti
have always been entirely under the influence of Yiin Ssii,
whose duty it was to train them in the right way. Far
from so doing, he has invariably encouraged them to
disobey my mandates. And now, behold, he urges me
to inflict a severe penalty on an offender who has acted
at his instigation, in the hope that, if 1 adopt his advice,
public opinion may blame me for excessive cruelty to my
brother. He does not appear to realise that no penalty,
however severe, could be excessive in a case of such
flagrant disobedience to the orders of a Sovereign and an
elder brother. Leniency would be misapplied in Yiin 0*s
case, because he would fail to appreciate it; admonitions
have no effect on one who fears not the law. You will,
therefore, prepare for me a full report of Yiin O's past and
274
THE COURT OF PEKING
present record. I myself have no thought of sparing my
brother, but you are at liberty to recommend either a
milder or a severer penalty than that advised by Yun
Ssii, as you may think fit." This inquiry, as was to be
expected, resulted in Yiin O's being stripped of his
princedom and sentenced to imprisonment for life.
In 1724, Yiin T'ang, another of the disloyal brothers,
incited by Yiin Ssu, was impeached for having specu-
lated in land belonging to nomad Mongols while on a
mission to Hsining, and for having caused the people in
that region to rebel by flagrant abuse of power. He was
deprived of his princedom, and the Emperor, whose
morbid fear of a plot against his life increased with every
fresh evidence of his brothers' evil doings, seized the
occasion to deliver himself of the following irrelevant
remarks : " Yiin Ssii hates me because I will not allow
myself to be influenced by personal prejudices. He
endeavours to excite my wrath and to induce me to embark
on a general proscription against my enemies. In this
way he hopes to make me hated by my people and to
bring about a rebellion. But his wish will never be
gratified. The ancient adage has it : ' Any one is at
liberty to slay a rebellious Minister and a bad son.' My
father often quoted this wise saying with special reference
to Yiin Ssii."
Yung Cheng even took the trouble to compose a long-
winded pamphlet setting forth the evil results of parties
in the State working against the Throne's advisers, and
denouncing the conduct of certain of the Princes who
had bestowed parting gifts upon one of Yiin Ssii's party,
condemned to banishment at the post roads, " Yiin
Ssii," he wrote, " is a traitor ever conspiring against me,
who, since my accession, has always tried to counteract
my orders. I have had occasion to refer his conduct to the
Court of the Imperial Clan on more than a score of counts,
but have hitherto refrained from punishing him as he
276
deserves. In spite of this leniency many of my courtiers
blame me for undue severity towards him; the fact being
that YCin Ssu lias befooled them. I can read in their
faces their resentment, yet how many Ministers have
suffered punishment for Yiin Ssii's misdeeds while he has
gone scot-free ! But no cabal can be formed by one man.
and unless Yiin Ssii found sympathisers he would be
powerless. He wins adiierents by a fictitious display of
generosity, which is meant as a foil to my meanness. He
gains a cheap reputation at my expense, but his motives
are plain enough. It seems perfectly hopeless to expect
any amendment from Yiin Ssu, but I repeat my solemn
warnings to the Princes and Ministers."
Yiin Ssii certainly displayed great ingenuity in winning
popularity; he managed to obtain credit for all the
Emperor's acts of generosity and to place him in a bad
light. When head of the Li Fan-pu, he disallowed, on
behalf of the Throne, the Khorcliin Princes' travelling
allowance after their yearly appearance at Court. As head
of the Board of Works he granted exemption from certain
dues without reference to the Emperor, and so on.
Yiin Jeng, the former Heir Apparent, whom K*ang Hsi
had deprived of all his titles and imprisoned for life, was
reported to be dying in his prison at the Coal Hill. Yung
Cheng sent physicians to attend him, but they pronounced
his case hopeless. The Emperor dispensed with the
formality of paying the sick man a personal visit, on the
ground that tiie patient would be obliged to make obei-
sance before his Sovereign, which was contrary to etiquette,
as he was the elder brother. Accordingly, he sent a message
to say that, instead of seeing him, he would perform liba-
tions to his spirit after decease, which was doubtless very
gratifying to Yiin Jeng. His title of Prince Li was formally
restored to him.
On the completion of the orthodox twenty-seven months
of mourning for K'ang Hsi, the Emperor excused his
276
i
THE COURT OF PEKING
Council of Four from further duties and bestowed rewards
on Yiin Hsiang. Of Yiin Ssii he said : " Ever since I
bestowed this appointment upon him he lias neglected all
his duties and shifted responsibility on to his colleagues.
He has never spoken a helpful word nor performed one
useful act. He has done his utmost to poison men's
minds against me, to put obstacles in my path and to
confuse my judgment. For instance, when head of the
Board of Works he was responsible for the arrangements at
my father's obsequies. Custom required that twenty thou-
sand bearers should be engaged to convey the catafalque
to its last resting-place (ninety miles away) at the Eastern
Tombs. He actually dared to memorialise me, saying
that, on the ground of expense, the number might well be
reduced by one half. Unaware of the established pre-
cedents, I weakly agreed. Had not the Grand Secretaries
come to my rescue and explained the demands of etiquette,
a terrible blunder would have been committed. Also, in
his capacity as head of the Mongolian Su peri n tendency, he
tried to prevent the Mongol Princes from coming to Peking
to pay their respects to my father's coffin, on the plea of
unnecessary expenditure; they were moved to tears in the
extremity of their grief, and had the matter not been
brought to my notice, their loyalty to my House might have
been seriously affected. He took it upon himself to weed
out more than half the horses in the Imperial stables,
pretending to economise, but his real object was to call
attention to my father's extravagance in maintaining so
large a stud. The result was that there were not horses
enough for my needs. He was wont to use dirty bits of
the commonest paper on which to memoriahse the Throne.
When it fell to him to prepare the pavilion adjoining the
sacrificial temples, where I changed my robes in the
intervals of the liturgy, the smell of new paint on the
various utensils was so nauseating that while robing I could
scarcely breathe. The tables were all in a very rickety
277
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
condition, and it was unsafe to sit on the chairs. He
showed gross disrespect in the arrangements made for
reciting the prayers at this solemn ceremony. Every
one knows the levity of his behaviour. I have no time to
recount all the instances of his careless sloth and male-
volent vulgarity. Yet have I borne with them all ! Yiin
Ssii is no fool, and knows full well wliat he is about. Who
can guess his motives? In connection with the supply
of red earth required at Moukden for the mausoleum of
our great founder, Yiin Ssu had the effrontery to purchase
all the supplies available and then to sell it to the depart-
ment concerned at a handsome profit to himself. He
deserves my sternest censure, and I must decline to bestow
any reward or honour upon him for his work on my
Council."
Next came the case of Yiin T'ang. At a conclave of all the
courtiers Yung Cheng delivered himself of a characteristic
sermon : " Owing to the abominable conduct of Yiin
T*ang, I sent him to Hsining. There he connived at the
lawless acts of his personal staff, and arrogated to himself
rank higher than he possessed. Accordingly, I sent
General Ch'u Tsung to remonstrate with him and to urge
him to amend his ways. Ch'u now informs me that
Yiin T'ang did not take the trouble to come from his
residence to meet him with the respect due to an Imperial
envoy; he omitted to bend the knee, and when at last
he did condescend to summon Ch'u to his presence he
showed no signs of shame or regret. On the contrary,
he seemed thoroughly self-satisfied and displayed con-
tumelious arrogance. Ch*u*s report says : ' Your servant
commanded him to come out into tha courtyard and to
kneel while I read to him your Imperial mandate. He
came out, but flatly dechned to kotow, rose rudely from his
knees after hearing your decree and remarked : " What the
Emperor says is no doubt true enough ; what need for me
to answer ? 1 shall take the vows of the Buddhist priest-
278
THE COURT OF PEKING
hood. When I am become a bonae, perhaps His Majesty
will believe that I no longer am a rebel against the Throne."
Even his servants seemed quite callous and undisturbed.*
My object in sending Ch*u to Hsining was simply that
he might tell my brother to keep his people in order. I
fully expected him to amend his ways and lead a new life.
It was surely to his own interest to obey the law, but his
nature is both base and proud, and he knows not the respect
due to a Sovereign from a subject. When he talks of
intending to become a bonze and to forsake the world,
does he really imagine that if he did so it would be the
end of his duty to his elder brother, and that thenceforth
he would part company from his Emperor? These are
wild and wanton words indeed. During my father's
lifetime these brothers of mine, Yun Ssu, Yun Chih, Yiin
T'ang, Yiin O and Yiin Ti, by their wicked behaviour and
heartless conspiracies, made His Majesty's life a burden
to him, so that he never knew a moment's peace. After
he had passed away, Yiin T'ang, on arriving here from the
west, did not even take the trouble to salute the Empress
Dowager or myself. Instead of proceeding at once to
the Palace to inquire after my health, he wrote to the
Board of Ceremonies and asked them to inform him of
the prescribed etiquette. On entering the Palace of
Imperial Longevity to do obeisance before his father's
coffin, he saw that I was kneeling before it in worship, but
he kept carefidly out of my way, and his face showed no
signs of sorrow, nor of affection for myself. When I went
forward to meet him, he remained unmoved. La Hsi,
who was standing by his side, pulled him forward towards
me. Yiin T'ang turned and reviled La Hsi, after which
he advanced in my direction, saying ; ' I was trying to
show you all possible respect, when La Hsi began dragging
me forward. I am the Emperor's own brother, yet this
fellow La Hsi treats me like a menial. If I have mis-
behaved, let Your Majesty punish me. If I have done no
279
ANNALS AND MEMOmS OF
wrong, then you ought to behead La Hsi in order to
vindicate the law.* He had lost his temper aiid behaved
in my presence like a common brawler. I could hardly
beUeve my eyes.
" On the occasion of my father's funeral Yun Ti also
showed gross disrespect for the solemn ceremonial and
engaged in altercations with La Ilsi and Fo Lun. On
my issuing a decree to rebuke him Yiin SsG came forward
from out the tent and called out : ' Kjieel down there,'
showing plainly that Yiin Ti obeyed Yiin Ssu in all things,
and that his word was law.
" As for Yiin O, he had received an Imperial mission to
proceed to Urga with a message from me to the Taranatha
pontiff; on reaching Kalgan he feigned sickness and
declined to proceed. To Yiin T'ang he sent private letters
with a gift of horses. Yiin T'ang wrote in reply : ' Alas !
the opportunity has gone by, and we can now only regret
that we have missed the chance.' What could this be
but treason ? Moreover, I know that Yiin O has uttered
incantations against my Ufa.
** Yiin Ssu's conduct is quite incorrigible; he and his
brothers wilfully persist in treasonable and perfidious
conduct. If I were to subject them all to a criminal
trial death would be the only possible penalty. But I
am too tender-hearted to adopt such a course; I desire
my brothers to continue to draw the breath of life, so I
shall not proceed further, in deference to what my father's
wishes would have been."
It seems certain that Yun Ssfl, aided by his brothers,
came wthin an ace of seizing the person of Yung Cheng
and the Throne. Yung Cheng feared to take any strong
measures against the conspirators, because he felt that
there was much discontent against his rule. A vigorous
political campaign was being carried on in the south by
Yiin Ssii's party, and it was not leniency which led the
Emperor to spare his brother. A little later Yun Ssu was
280
THE COURT OF PEKING
again impeached for not repairing the ancestral temple in
a seemly manner, and for not constructing the ancestral
tablet of K'ang Hsi with due reverence. On this occa-
sion Yung Cheng hysterically complained that these cares
were rapidly driving him to distraction. He followed up
this complaint with a decree attributing the inclemency
of the weather to Heaven^s dissatisfaction with his erring
brethren.
Yung Cheng now learned that his Commander-in-chief,
Nien Keng yao, who had deserved well of the State for
his many victories over the Eleuths, was conspiring in the
interests of Yiin Ssu. Gratitude was never characteristic
of the Manchu rulers, except possibly in the case of the
Old Buddha. The Emperor, greatly perturbed, decided
that Nien Keng-yao must be removed at all costs. He was
therefore charged with " indulging in wicked behaviour,"
with having ill-treated the inhabitants of Kokonor, and
suppressed all reference to a famine which had raged
there; he had shown " excessive zeal in slaughtering," and
generally misled the Throne. Yung Cheng first trans-
ferred him to the sinecure of Tartar General at Hangchow,
but every one knew this step was merely preliminary, and
that his final despatch was only delayed because the
Emperor feared to act precipitately, lest he should bring
about a revolt of the troops. But the wretched Commander
lost nothing by waiting, and, meanwhile, the fact that the
armour of his troops was reported to be falling to pieces,
afforded an opportunity for more criticism of the unlucky
Yiin Ssu, who, as head of the Board of Works, was respon-
sible for its condition. " It is only too plain," wrote the
Emperor, " that Yiin Ssu acts deliberately in not providing
my army with proper armour. Our relations are like
those of fire and water, or like two countries at war. His
fixed idea is to be in the right himself and to put me in the
wrong. My father knew his real nature as well as I do.
When his foster-mother's husband, Yachi-pu, was beheaded
28X
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
for flagrant misconduct, my father issued a decree to all
of us brothers, in which he said : ' Heucefon^ard I disown
Yiin Ssu, let him no more be called my son.* At that
time Yun Ssu appealed to me to stop the publication
of the decree, saying that he would ' lose face * if people
knew our father's opinion of him. Accordingly, I put it
away under seal, so as to spare my brother's feelings.
But he is a monster utterly incapable of gratitude."
On receiving the Imperial mandate, Nien Keng-yao
flatly declined to leave his former post, " I am informed,"
says His Majesty, " that he consented to have his luggage
sent on ahead, but has refused to depart himself, although
the people were delighted on hearing of their persecutor's
impending removal. He is now trying to pose as a
meritorious officer and thus to make me appear in an
unbecoming light for unjustifiably dismissing my old
advisers. Let him hand over his charge to his successor
forthwith."
Yung Cheng's maternal uncle. Lung Ko-to, was also
dismissed at this time for being concerned in the conspiracy.
" I have treated both Nien Keng-yao and Lung Ko-to
with absolute trust and regarded them as my right-hand
men. But they have harboured rebellious thoughts and
have rewarded my favour by conspiring against me, and
have besides attacked my reputation. I refrain from
inflicting the severest penalties because I feel that I
myself am to blame for having been over trustful."
With the contemptible meanness and lack of generosity
which seems inseparable from Chinese mandarins in the
mass, the Board of Appointments memorialised the
Emperor as follows concerning Nien Keng-yao's case :
** Your Majesty has shown this wicked sinner all possible
benevolence, but the measure of his offences is full to the
brim. Instead of proceeding straight to his new post
he has had the effrontery to linger at Yi Cheng-hsien in
Kiangsu, on the ground that * its situation is central,'
282
I
THE COURT OF PEKING
and he has dared to address you, saying : ' I shall await
your further instructions here.' It is difficult to guess his
real motives, but his abominable wickedness awakens
universal detestation and exposes him to the sudden
visitation of Heaven. We ask that he be cashiered,
deprived of the Dragon robes and decorations conferred
*upon him in times past, and of the purple reins. ^ We
request that he be summarily arrested and brought to
Peking in chains, there to undergo the severest examina-
tion (under torture) and then to be decapitated, as a
warning to disloyal and ungrateful Ministers." To this
the Emperor made reply : " i previously asked Nien
Keng-yao for an explanation of his outrageous conduct,
and his answer was : ' I have acted in everything in
accordance with precedent and with my position as
Commander-in-chief.' In times past, various Princes of
my house have held tliis post, but, with the exception of
Yiin Ti (who is a bad example to follow), none of them has
ever dared to act with the lawless arrogance displayed
by Nien Keng-yao. He has even gone beyond Yun Ti's
atrocities, and has slaughtered vast numbers of people.
He ventures to adduce Yiin Ti as a precedent, as if Yiin
Ti*s treasonable conduct were justifiable. I now order
Nien Keng-yao immediately to send in proper repUes to
my previous questions. Why is he delaying at Yi Cheng-
hsien and neglecting his duties in this perfunctory way ?
On the receipt of his explicit reply I shall proceed to issue
a decree in reply to the request of my Ministers for his
arrest and decapitation."
Nien Keng-yao had enjoyed almost imlimited power in
the provinces, and his proteges held the most important
posts throughout the country. All of these were now
removed from their lucrative offices and their places
taken by nominees of the opposing factions. It was ever
thus with the Manchu dynasty; each reign witnessed the
* Usually bestowed only on Princes.
288
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
downfall of its predecessor's favourites; and the Court,
anxious to share in the plunder of tlieir estates, invariably
acquiesced.
Yung Cheng was very sensitive to public opinion and
did not wish it to be said that " the bow was put away in
obscurity after the birds had been shot," or, in other words,
that he was ungrateful for services rendered to the State.
Accordingly, he invited the liigh provincial authorities to
memorialise as to what penalty should be inflicted on
Nien; and he was careful to ask them to treat the case
with complete impartiality.
Still hesitating to deal with Yun Ssij, for fear of precipi-
tating a rebellion, it was Yung Cheng's policy gradually
to rid himself of his brother's most prominent confederates.
Two of his first cousins, sons of Prince Kung (a younger
brother of K'ang Hsi), were sentenced to imprisonment,
one for abetting Yun Ssfi and the other nominally for
** making rude noises " in the Emperor's presence on the
steps of the Palace of ** the Peaceful Mean," In the same
manner, Yung Cheng dealt with Yiin T'ang's case, on the
pretext that one of his servants had beaten a graduate in
Shansi. '* During my father's lifetime," said the Emperor,
" Yun T'ang was often admonished for unfilial conduct, and
once he had the effrontery to reply : ' The worst you can do
to rae is to strip me of my paltry fourth class princedom.'
\Vhenever he was given any fatiguing duty to perform
he would say to my father : * If you would only put me in
prison in the company of my two eldest brothers, I should
have a much easier life than I lead at present.' We were
all shocked to hear such language from his lips. When the
late Emperor died there was no vestige of tears in Yiin
T'ang's eyes. Since my accession he has behaved with
incurable haughtiness, and has always disobeyed my
orders. From Hsining he sent a letter to Yiin O, couched
in treasonable language. Wlien I sent a messenger with a
decree to rebuke him, he showed no fear and had the
284
THE COURT OF PEKING
insolence to receive my envoy in his bedchamber, instead
of kneeling to greet him in the outer court. lie has
squandered huge sums in Hsining, hoping to make friends
for his treasonable designs ; the people call him the ninth
Prince of the blood, althougli he is not entitled to any such
rank, being only a Beitze. I order, therefore, that he be
stripped at once of liis title and emoluments, and give
warning that any one addressing him hereafter as Prince
will do so at his peri!."
Lung Ko-to, Yung Cheng*s maternal uncle, was the
next victim ; all the Imperial gifts and honours were taken
from him, which he had received from K'ang Hsi and from
Yung Cheng himself.
The chief conspirator against Yung Cheng's authority,
his brother Yiin Ssu, appears to have been convinced that
the Emperor would not dare to take extreme measures
against him, for notwithstanding His Majesty's outspoken
complaints and warnings, he continued to go his own
unlawful ways. His next move was to send in a memorial
recommending that the pay and allowances of the Imperial
bannermen, and more particularly those of the three
superior banners, should be raised, his evident object
being to ingratiate himself with the Manchus nearest to
the Throne. His Majesty's chief cause of complaint on this
occasion was that Yiin Ssu, in private audience, had
advised against increasing their emoluments. The Im-
perial edict referring to tliis matter plaintively observes :
*' All the disorderly and disreputable members of the
Household Banner Corps recently assembled at Yun Ssu's
house and started a most unseemly brawl. Yet Yun SsH
never reported the occurrence, and it was only on the
following day that I heard of it from my Ministers of the
Household. Forthwith I issued a decree stating that no
strangers could be permitted to enter this part of the
Palace where an Imperial concubine resides (Yiin Ssu's
mother lived with him, by special permission of the
285
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
Emperor). Furthermore, Yun SsQ, on one of his drunken
bouts, recently put to death one of his body-guard and
failed to report the incident. The family of the murdered
man brought complaint, but Yiin Ssu sent a eunuch to
bid them hush the matter up. When I cross-questioned
him about it he prevaricated, and it was only after con-
fronting him with the facts that he hung his head and
ceased to argue. This incident clearly reveals the man*s
liypoeritical nature and his inveterate desire to earn
golden opinions from every one while perpetrating acts of
cold-blooded cruelty, I command the Court to recommend
an appropriate penalty." The Court recommended that
Yiin SsCi be deprived of his Imperial princedom and reduced
to the level of a Mongol Prince; but for the moment
Yung Cheng took no action on this advice.
The Board of Punishments now brought in its final
memorial respecting Nien Keng-yao, who had been brought
in chains to Peking. They declared that the number of
accusations against him made a pile higher than Mount
Tai, while his offences reached depths lower than ever
plummet sounded. He had committed five distinct
acts of treason and sixteen acts of usurpation, one of
which was to have tiie roads sprinkled with yellow earth
in his honour and to have the streets cleared as for an
Imperial procession. He had allowed the green audience
tally (which is only used in the presence of the Son of
Heaven) to be employed by officials seeking an interview
with him. He had the audacity to seat himself before the
dragon tablet of the Emperor, instead of meekly kneeling
upon his knees. He had worn the Dragon robes and
seated himself in the position of the Emperor, facing
south, when receiving the congratulations of his subordi-
nates, who were made to kneel and prostrate themselves
in the dust. He had committed thirteen distinct offences
of gross presumption (one of which was the omission to
publish an Imperial amnesty) and eighteen of greedy
286
covetousness. There were twelve cases of arbitrary action,
fifteen of appropriating Government funds ; nine cases of
deceiving his Imperial master; six cases of unjust suspicion
of subordinates, and five of wanton cruelty. The penalty
for the gravest of these offences, committed singly, was the
lingering death, and decapitation for many of the others.
The memorial asked for his immediate execution by
dismemberment; his father, brothers, sons, grandsons,
uncles, nephews and cousins above the age of sixteen to
be decapitated. All below that age, and all tlie female
members of the family, to be given as slaves to the families
of meritorious officers. The whole of his property to be
confiscate to the Throne and his crimes published for
the information of all men, as a solemn warning for ages
to come, so that traitors and disloyal Ministers should
hesitate to abuse their master's confidence and display
atrocious cruelty.
To tliis bloodthirsty indictment the Emperor replied :
" Nien Keng-yao's treason is manifest to all men; it is
the inevitable consequence of a nature made up of reckless
presumption and gross depravity. But I call to mind his
earlier services to my House during the Kokonor campaign,
and am loth to inflict upon him the extreme penalty. I
command that he be given over to the charge of Achitu,
Prefect of the city, and be allowed to commit suicide. 1
have long been aware of his obstinate disposition and evil
hardness of heart. He has always ignored his father's
admonitions and treated him and his elder brother with
lous contempt. I content myself with cashiering his
father and brothers. The various Imperial gifts bestowed
upon the family are to be returned to me. His sons
are very numerous; one of them, Nien Fu, resembles
Iiis father in character and deeds ; let him be decapitated
forthwith. Let the rest of his sons over fifteen years of
age be banished for life to a malarious region on the
remotest frontiers of Yiinnan. His wife was a member of
287
THE COURT OF PEKING
the Imperial Clan; let her be sent back to her father's
household. The million or more of his confiscated wealth
is to be handed to the Viceroy of Hsian to cover the sums
which Nien has embezzled from time to time. Property
belonging to the remainder of his family is hereby exempted
from confiscation, as an act of grace. Every member of
his clan now holding office is to be cashiered, and as each
of his sons or grandsons reaches the age of fifteen years
he shall be banished for life and be exempt from all benefits
of Imperial amnesties. Any one privily adopting one of
his sons or grandsons shall be subject to the same penalty
as Nien has incurred. His accomplice Tsou Lu is to be
beheaded, and his family banished as slaves to the Amur."
Having persuaded and frightened the Imperial Claa
Court into a state of subservience and removed from
his path the most powerful adherents of the rebellious
brothers wlio had incurred his bitter enmity, the Emperor
now proceeded to take his long-cherished vengeance upon
Yun Ssu. At the same time, he continued to keep a
watchful eye upon public opinion in Peking and in the
provinces, ever careful to put upon his actions a gloss of
the utmost orthodoxy and flawless justice, to go down to
posterity as the Superior Man. Before administering
his justice, therefore, he proceeded to put a good com-
plexion on his actions in advance and to prepare the pubhc
mind.
288
CHAPTER XII
"YUNG CHENG DISPENSES JUSTICE
The Imperial Clan Court, having been purged of all
injudicious sympathy for the Emperor's seditious brethren,
dutifully memorialised him with a request that he should
punish Yiin T'ang, " as a warning to all unfilial and
disloyal persons." Yung Cheng, ingenuously enough,
adopted his usual tactics for killing two birds with one
stone, and ordered Yiin Ssu and Yiin Ti to consider the
case of their accused brother and to recommend a suitable
penalty for his offences. Their report was naturally not
of a nature to satisfy the Court (which understood full
well what was expected of it), and it proceeded to urge
the Emperor to sentence Yiin Ssti to death by decapita-
tion. Its members were, no doubt, anxious to make an
end of these eternal wranglings and inquiries in a matter
which, as they knew, could only end with the legal
murder of the Emperor's brothers.
On receiving this latest memorial of the Court, Yung
Cheng delivered himself of a typical address to an audience
convened at the Lake Palace, at which Yiin Ssii was
present :
" If, on your demand, I put Yiin Ssii to death," said
he, '* and he should hereafter be proved to have been
innocent, you will by your act have murdered a descendant
of our founder and thus place me in the position of an
unjust Sovereign. If any of you feel in his heart that
this man does not deserve death, let him now step out
u 289
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
from his place and kneel on my right hand." Naturally
enough, no one was anxious to accept this invitation, and
all shouted unanimously : ** He deserves to die.'* Yung
Cheng then continued : " I fully endorse your opinion ;
the guilt of Yiin SsQ makes him worthy of death;
nevertheless, I have no intention of beheading him. I
remove him from my Clan because of the imprecations
which he dared to utter in tlie presence of the whole
Court, when he said that he hoped that I and my family
would come to a bad end. I may deal with his wife on a
further occasion."
If the Emperor was sincere about lenient measures, he
soon had cause to change his mind; it came to light that
a Prince of the clan, named Lu Pin, had been a member
of Yiin Ti's party at Hsining and had been employed by
that Prince to convey certai n letters to Yiin Ssu at
Peking. These letters spoke definitely of a plot for the
kilhng of Yimg Cheng, and added disrespectful references
to the Emperor's alleged illegitimacy, respecting which
matter Yung Cheng was peculiarly sensitive. Worse than
all, when Yung Cheng demanded an explanation, Lu Pin
spoke gratefully of Yiin Ssu as his benefactor. The
result was perpetual imprisonment for Lu Pin, while Yiin
Ssii was confined in the Forbidden City in a high-walled
courtyard, two " respectable eunuchs " being told off to
guard him.
At this point of the tragic business, Yung Cheng dis-
played his vindictiveness in a form so derogatory to the
dynasty of a great State that his edicts read like the
utterances of a petulant child reviling its playmates,
rather than the decrees of the world's most ancient Throne.
First of all, he formally prescribed for Yiin Ssii and Yiin
T'ang titles of reproach, by which they were to be known
officially, namely, " That disreputable person " for the
one, and " Black-hearted monster " for the other. As
for Yun Ti, the third and least serious offender, he was
290
TIIE COURT OF PEKING
I
I
dealt with at once, to clear the ground for the principal
culprits, in the following decree :
** Recently I sent Yiin Ti to live near my father's
sepulchre in the fond hope that the contemplation of
that holy spot might move him to remorse. But he
has shown no contrite spirit; on the contrary he becomes
daily more incorrigible. Lately an attempt at rebellion
has been fomented in the neighbourhood of the Imperial
tombs, and most abominable statements have been cir-
culated about my moral character. I therefore order
that Yun Ti be sent back at once to Peking. He will
hereafter be confined in the Palace at the back of the
Coal Hill, close to the hall of Imperial Longevity, where
rest the portraits of my parents. Perchance he may be
moved to repentance by their august proximity. His
son Pai Chi is thoroughly evil and will be imprisoned with
his father."
The Emperor goes on : " * That disreputable person '
and ' Black-hearted monster,' with Yiin Ti, have been
wont to form friendships with the lowest classes of society
in the fomenting of their conspiracy against me; they
consorted with bonzes, lamas, physicians, soothsayers,
astrologers, physiognomists and even with mimes, barbers
and E\iropeans. The bond-slaves of the highest officials
were invited into their houses and treated as honoured
guests, to be used as auxiharies to their malevolent
designs. If they wanted to ruin any member of the
opposite party they would invent the most wicked and
preposterous stories about him, and have them circulated
by these creatures. In this way they expected to mislead
the foolish and unthinking mob. My father was exposed
to their calumnies and had always to be on his guard
against their base plots. On my accession a common
tea-house report was in circulation to the effect that I
was a confirmed drimkard. I was accused of habitually
passing the hvelong night in carousing with Lung K'o-to,
291
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
our revels ending with both of us completely in our cups.
As the result of our alleged orgies, Lung K*o-to was said
to be reduced to such a state of blind intoxication as to
require bearers to carry him out from the Forbidden City.
It was even alleged that he was so completely oblivious
to decorum as to refuse to quit my Palace, and that he
and I, both tipsy, would indulge in common brawls. I
was accused of sleeping off my debauch in my clothes on
the spot where I finally collapsed. When Tsai Ting came
to Peking from Szechuan and was summoned to audience
he soon perceived me to be a man of most temperate
habits. One day, naively enough, he memorialised me
as follows : ' In Szechuan it was common gossip that
Your Majesty was usually intoxicated, but since I have
come to Peking I have observed, after constant attendance
on Your Majesty's person day and night, that you never
touch a drop of liquor.' So, too, Li Chen-yang on
arriving here was received in audience several times ;
before finally taking leave he said to me: 'I have re-
peatedly heard that since your accession you have indulged
habitually in Bacchanalian orgies; but after having had
several opportunities of seeing you at audience, 1 notice
tliat Your Majesty is always at work and your breath
betrays no indication of the liquor habit.* Many other
officials have written or spoken in the same sense, the
fact, of coiu'se, being that ' That disreputable person ' and
liis brother were habitual wine-bibbers themselves and
have been often reproved by me for their shameless
drunkenness. Therefore they callously invented this
accusation, and caused it to be rumoured and believed
all over the Empire that I was a hopeless drunkard.
The whole of my Court knows well that I cannot stomach
wine at all.^ Of a truth, men who will invent such false-
hoods about me are capable of anything.
* Nevertheless, the cliargc was true enough; Yung Clieng was
addicted to drinking bouts, as wa« K*ang Hsi l^fore him.
292
THE COURT OF PEKING
"In yesterday*s Court Gazette I note the following:
' On the occasion of the Dragon Festival the Princes and
Court all paid their respects to His Majesty at Yuan
Ming-yuan, after which tlie Emperor left the Palace and
entered the Dragon barge, while the Court followed him
in thirty other boats. Music was played and His Majesty
presented every one with *' rush %vine " in honour of the
festival. After an excursion lasting some hours the
Emperor returned.'
•* Now, if the Lord of the Universe, who receives tribute
from every region under Heaven, were pleased to take a
boating excursion on a holiday and to invite his Court to
partake of wine, it would only be the perpetuation of an
ancient ceremony and in accordance with the example
set by sage Sovereigns of antiquity. But, as it happens,
I issued special instructions that none of my Court were
to come out from Peking to pay their respects, and I
confined myself to receiving the Princes actually resident
at the Summer Palace. It is highly improper of the
Gazette to insert such false news, and I direct the Board
of Punishments to investigate the matter and to find
out whence the statement emanated. It is necessary to
issue this as a warning to those who calumniate their
Emperor."
The time was now come for less " lenient *' measures.
Yung Cheng therefore proceeded to address his servile
Court in a long and bitter harangue recounting his brothers*
misdeeds, evidently intended as a preliminary to their
happy despatch. The report of this speech is too long
to give in full, but a few of its choicest passages will
serve to show the ingenuous puerilities in which the
Son of Heaven saw fit to indulge. " None of you know
my brothers' characters as I do," he said; " I have had
the misfortune to hve with them for thirty years. By
' bribery and corruption they have built up around them-
selves a solid phalanx of debauched and treacherous
298
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
criminals. There was not a depraved priest, physician,
soothsayer, rowdy, actor or European, who was not of
their gang. There is no doubt at all that these wicked
minions shortened my father's life by their misdeeds,
and for this ' That disreputable person * and his brothers
are chiefly to blame. ... It is very certain that if such
a man were to ascend the Throne he would involve the
ancestral shrines in dire peril. As for the * Black-hearted
monster,' he is only a fat fool, who combines fiabbiness
with clumsy forms of deceit and a shameless wallowing
in debauch. His late Majesty regarded liim as more
brute than man, while all of us, his brothers, looked upon
him as a buffoon and a common butt. No one reahsed
more clearly his blear-eyed stupidity than ' Tliat dis-
reputable person ' ; nevertheless, he used him persistently
to forward his evil designs.
" These things being so, how came it about that, in
my father's lifetime, the people all acclaimed * That
disreputable person ' as a Buddha, when he took no
part in Government affairs and had earned no title to
fame? It was because his evil associates never wearied
of singing his praises and thus induced the unthinking
mob to make an idol of him. If he were really a good
man, no words^of mine could affect the popular judgment.
My criticism would be wasted. Now that I have exposed
his real character I shall be much interested to hear
what resemblance any of you can trace between him and
the Buddha ! In my father's reign it would have been
an easy matter for me to have gained popularity by cheap
displays of patronage; I preferred, however, to remain
in honourable obscurity and to minister to my father's
wants. I never schemed for the Throne, and whenever
any of my brothers offended my father I always inter-
vened to shield the culprit. This was not so much in
the interest of my brothers, as because I dreaded the
effect of excessive wrath on my venerable parent. Had
294
THE COURT OF PEKING
I ever coveted the Throne there would have been no
occasion for me to cherish resentment against my brothers,
once my ambition had been gratified and I had become
the Sovereign. My quarrel with them rests on other
and broader grounds. During my father*s reign lavish
fortune emptied her horn upon me, and it would have
been beneath my dignity to associate, stiU less to quarrel,
with men of my brothers' low type.
"If they have hoped to turn me from my duty and to
make me cease from my merciless campaign against
corruption in high places they nmst indeed take me
for a coward. When the people presume to call * That
disreputable person ' a Buddha, which of his devilish
qualities, I wonder, appeals to their imagination? Is a
monster of impiety and disloyalty worthy of the title of
saint? It he he a. Buddha, he is the first of the type in
history I AVhy is it that baseless rumours are circulated
of the nation's hatred towards me? Am I to suppose
it is because I have punished those who plot against
my life and Throne?
" Our Manchu house has now held its Imf)erJal sway
for a century, and the clans have basked in the benevolence
of my four predecessors. In due course I succeeded to
this goodly heritage, and even as one sun reigns in Heaven,
so only one Sovereign may rule the Empire. It is incre-
dible that my loyal Manchus should swerve from their
devotion to their sovereign lord and allow themselves
to be misled by the seditious arguments of evil traitors
and fratricidal monsters. I am convinced that my present
decree will come to them as a great shock, and that the
wickedness of ' That disreputable person ' and his brothers
will be like the revelation of a lightning flash.
" The former memorial of the Princes and Court, which
urged the immediate decapitation of my three pernicious
brothers, was absolutely warranted by the facts. Death
is the penalty which they merit, and if I decide to execute
295
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
them no one can possibly blame me. But for the present,
I am wilhng that they should draw the breath of life yet
a while longer,"
The Court next advised that the two offending Princes
should be dismembered and that the whole of their
estates be confiscated. It recounted the crimes of " That
disreputable person ** tmder forty headings, of which
two may be quoted as fair samples :
** (1) On the occasion of his mother's death he showed
disgraceful disregard of etiquette, by affecting excess of
grief; even after the hundred days of mourning were
over, he needed to be assisted as he walked. At the
same time, while professing to observe thrifty simplicity
in his diet, he was having luxurious fare brought him
privily to his chamber (which adjoined his mother's
coffin), through the connivance of his brothers. On this
he regaled himself in epicurean style, his table groaning
under its weight of viands. When the days of mourning
were over he had actually put on weight, and his face
indicated every symptom of gross living. (2) His wife
has always behaved in a most unwomanlike manner, and
the late Emperor issued orders that she was to bet^ike
herself back to her own family. One of Yun Ssu's con-
cubines recommended him to apologise to the Emperor
on her behalf, but he angrily replied : * I am her husband.
Wlio ever heard of a husband interceding with another
man about his own womenkind ? ' This same concubine
was so greatly distressed by his habitual and gross
debauchery that she hanged herself."
After preferring a number of equally puerile charges
against the ** Black hearted monster '* and Yiin Ti, and
quoting the dictum of K'ang Hsi that rebellious sons
deserved death as public enemies, the Court requested
Yung Cheng to order the decapitation of the three offend-
ing Princes, " as a warning to traitors for ten thousand
generations." To this the Emperor replied that he found
296
y
THE COURT OF PEKING
himself in a position of extreme embarrassment; evidently,
brothers like tliese were not to be moved by ad\nce nor
to be reformed by example. Many details had been
omitted in the memorial, and their conduct was even
blacker than his Court was aware. If he refrained from
putting them to death he would be guilty of irreverence
to his ancestors. He could not allow any pain he might
ifeel to prevent him from carrying out a disagreeable duty.
Yun Ti's guilt was less than that of his brotiiers', and
perhaps he might yet repent if granted a reprieve. As
to the other two, he was in an awkward position and needed
time for further reflection. He hoped that the Empire
w^ould appreciate the difficulties under which he laboured,
and would believe tliat he was acting solely so as to
secure law and oi*der for the country and the tranquillity
of the ancestral shrines and tutelary deities.
No one knew better than Yung Cheng that a public
execution of his brothers would create a strong public
opinion against him; he knew full well the strength of
their party, and had to be wary, if he wished to avoid
a rebellion. His illegitimacy ^ was matter of common
report, and he was hated for his tyranny and greed, so
* The Chinese annalist " Horn out of Time," already referred to
{vide supra, p. 230), gives the following explanation of the much-
discussed illegitimacy of Yung Cheng. The Emperor K'ang Hsi, not
content with the multitudinous domesticity of the Palace, had a
roving eye and a highly susceptible nature. In one of his excursions
to a temple fair, he was stnick by the beauty of a young married
woman, and having sent a eiinueh to discover her identity, invited the
lady to take up her rcRidence in the Palace, and conferred upon her
husband (named Wei) a lucrative post. Six months after her installa-
tion as nn Imperial concubine of the fifth rank, the Ijidy Wuya (as
she was called) gave birth to a son, who was recognised as K'ang Hsi's
fourth born, but who (as His ^[ajesty well knew) was no son of his.
The Monarch remained devoted to Lady Wuya, and eventually con-
ferred the succession upon her son, who became the Emperor Yung
Cheng. The conspiracy of Yung Cheng*s brothers against him is
explained and justified by this annalist, on the grounds of his illegitimacy
and usurpation, but his narrative contains much internal evidence to
show that he relics upon a fertile imagination for most of his fncts.
297
ANNALS AND AfEMOIRS OF
he hastened slowly. About two months after the issue
of his decree postponing judgment in his brother's case,
the Viceroy of Chihli sent word from Pao Ting-fu, where
** Black-hearted monster ** was imprisoned, that the
Prince liad died of dysentery. The fact was that he
had been strangled by the Emperor's order. In his
decree, rejoicing over the victim's death as a judgment
of offended Heaven, he alludes again to the tale of his
offences : *' Many years ago there was a disreputable and
impecunious native of Shansi in Peking, who became
' Black-hearted monster's ' chosen friend. This man
had received presents of money from the Prince and
was so grateful that, when his patron was banished to
Hsining, he, too, proceeded thither and handed him a
letter in which he had written : ' I should like to devote
myself to the cause of a virtuous Emperor, and do not
wish to be the subject of a cruel and unjust Sovereign,
I mean to stir up rebellion among the troops and people
of Shansi and Ssuch'uan in order to overthrow the present
Emperor and to deliver my good master from bondage.'
Yet whei> ' Black -liearted monster ' heard these terrible
utterances of rankest treason, he merely remarked :
* Oh I we brothers cannot expect to secure the Throne.'
Then, too, when he was at Hsining, he sent back some
of his eimuch staff to Peking and gave them as parting
gifts expensive articles, such as European watches and
other curios. It was plain that he wished to curry
favour so as to further his designs on the Throne. When
I heard of his sickness some time ago I ordered the
officials to send a competent physician to treat the
dysentery from which he was suffering.
** But the cup of liis offences was full to the very brim;
Heaven and my ancestors, against whom he had so
grievously sinned, were about to visit him with death.
Truly, the way of the wicked does not prosper; the
wages of sin is as certain as death, or as the reverberations
*298
THE COURT OF PEKING
of an echo. He has escaped punishment at the hands
of man, but was not fated to escape the wrath of offended
Heaven. The Viceroy is to arrange for his burial, and
his family is to be brought back from Hsining. I am
to be informed wlien their arrival may be expected.
AVTien I summoned ' Black-hearted monster * iiere from
Hsining, I was much astonished to leam that he had
been placed in shackles, although I had given no orders
to this effect. The persons who adjusted the shackles
fastened them very loosely, so that he was able to remove
them from his limbs. I said nothing about this infor-
mality at the time, because I did not wish it to be thought
that I was dealing over harshly with my brother. But
the offence is unpardonable, and the parties responsible
are to be placed in chains and subjected to severe
examination."
One brother having died, Yung Cheng thought to
deceive posterity (his own Court were too well aware of
the facts to be thus hoodwinked) by asking the Ministers
whether they thought he could safely pardon " Disre-
putable person " now that one of tlie conspirators was
dead. OtTicials from all parts of the Empire were asked
to report on this delicate question,
Yung Cheng next ordered the arrest and trial of Ch'u
Tsung, the Viceroy of Kan-su and former gaoler of his
dead brother, on the ground that he had not reported
" Black-hearted monster's " dealings with the European
Mu Ching-yuan, and had even memorialised the Emperor,
saying that the Prince's popularity was a source of
danger to the Throne, and that it would be best to bring
him back to Peking, where he could be more carefully
guarded. The Emperor observed that the Viceroy was
evidently trying to frighten him with empty threats.
" Knowing that he was guilty of gross disrespect in thus
memorialising, he has tried to cover up his fault in a
cheap attempt to win my favour by placing my brother
291)
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
in shackles on the journey from Kansii. His conduct
was calculated to turn public opinion against me for
undue cruelty, and if he meant the man to be in shackles
he should at least have seen that they were not loosely
fastened."
A month later " That disreputable person " was re-
ported to be dying of blood-spitting in his prison at the
Coal Hill, near the Palace. He, too. was put to death by
the Emperor's orders. The Court asked that his corpse
might be decapitated, a punishment which the merciful
Monarch graciously remitted.
Of the third brother, Yiin Ti, who was still confined
near " the august portraits of his father and mother,"
in the Hall of Imperial Longevity, Yung Cheng said :
" Yiin Ti*s guilt is less than that of the two prime offenders.
On a previous occasion he was furious with my father
for placing Yiin Ssii under arrest, and even tlireatened
me for not pleading on his behalf. It was then that he
expressed a desire to die. I am, therefore, sending to ask
if he is still of the same mind." The message was
" When our father was living you said you would like
to die with Yiin Ssfi ; now he is dead, and if you so desire,
you are welcome to take a look at his remains. You are
also at liberty to kill yourself by his side if you see fit,"
To this Yiin Ti replied : " I was befooled by ' That
disreputable person,' and have no desire whatever to
sec him again, now that Heaven has punished him as
he deserved." On this the Emperor observed : " The
above reply would indicate that Yiin Ti is inclining towards
a better mind, but it is not improbable that he only
adopts tliis attitude in order to save his neck, and still
hopes to be revenged against me by and by. It is hard
to say, but for the moment I commute his sentence of
decapitation, and shall watch him carefully in future.
If he does not amend, the sentence will be duly carried
out. As to my brother YQn O, he is only half-witted,
800
THE COURT OF PEKING
and it would be unfair to sentence liim to the same
penalty as the two chief criminals. He will be confined
in prison for life, and for him the extreme penalty is
hereby remitted."
Some years later the Emperor imprisoned his third
elder brother, Yiin Chih, Prince Ch'eng, on the Coal Hill
(tliat favourite site for princely offenders), and he, too,
died by violence. The eldest brother. Yun Ch'ih, was
still confined in his own residence, and died in 1784,
On Ch'ien Lung's accession the surviving Princes were
all released and their titles were restored to them. In
1778, that Sovereign re-opened the process against Yiin Ssu
and Yiin T'ang, and posthumously restored their original
titles, replacing them on the Imperial Clan register.
The remainder of Yung Cheng's reign was disturbed
by sedition all over the Empire, notably in Hunan and
Ssuchuan. Repressive measures of the sternest kind
were carried out and many thousands were beheaded;
nevertheless, scholars and patriots wrote violently against
the Manchu dynasty, pointing out that the clan's internal
dissensions and the Emperor's vindictive policy were a
source of unrest to the whole country. Hundreds of
seditious pamphlets were seized by the authorities, but
they served their purpose in sowing in the minds of the
people seeds of distrust, forerunners of rebellion against
the Tartar rule. The Emperor, who had a keen sense
of the need of moral qualities on the Throne and the
value of popular endorsement of its government, issued
many long explanations intended to reassure the pubUc
mind concerning the death of his brothers. Edicts, in
the form of apologicB for the Manchu dynasty, were
promulgated throughout all the land; they ran into
himdreds of thousands of words. Yung Cheng realised
that the people, and especially the literati^ who had
prospered and rejoiced under the wise and dignified rule
of K'ang Hsi, were already becoming restive under his
801
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
own, and that the ominous word " alien " was afun m
men's mootbs. He made it, therefore, his special Iwsineas
to defend tbe Manchu's alien origin, quoting Menous to
show that some of the best )Ionarchs of China's revered
antiquity (such as the sage Emperor Shun) had come
of a foreign stock.* But the fact was patent that his
misrule was rapidly undermining the prestige of the
houe of Nurhachi, and it may safely be said that, had
it continued, the dynasty would soon have gone under«
His death came as a great reUef to Peking and to tl
provinces alike.
A modem Chinese commentator, referring to
cruelty and base ingratitude of the treatment mete
out to General Nien Keng-yao by his Sovereign,* observes :
" How can a dynasty which produces Emperors of this
type hope to retain the mandate of Heaven ? and where^^
throughout all its annals, do we find instances of loyalty
and generous sympathy for those who have sacrificed all
in its cause? All the Sovereigns of the dynasty — K'ang
Hsi, Yung Cheng, Chia Ch'ing and the rest— are alike in
this respect. Only in the edicts and actions of the
great Tzii Hsi do we find occasional gleams of nobler
impulses, qualities of generosity and loyalty which evoke
the more admiration when we compare them with the
record of her predecessors, face-saving hypocrites and
literary humbugs all."
' Precisely the same arguments were used by the last Regent, wheQ
terrified by the advance of the revohitionary movemcut in 1911.
• At the cfjncliision of a long and very literary farewell message to
this old and trusted ser\'ant ofthc State, when conveying to hira the
Throne's permission to commit .suicide* Yung Cheng observed : " As
I pcnise tne State paper, I weep bitterly; but as Loni of the universe,
I am bound to display unswerving justice in the matter of rewards and
punishments. I remit the penalty of decapitation and grant you the
irivilegc of suicide. With lavish generosity and merciful forbearance
t have spared the lives of the rest of your family, with one exception.
Voii must be stock or stone, if, even at the moment of death, you fail
to shed tears of joy and gratitude for the benefits conferred upon you
by the Imperial master whom you have so foully betrayed.
802
I'
THE COURT OF PEKING
Nevertheless, beyond the turbid atmosphere of his
domestic circle and fratricidal activities, Yung Cheng
was a painstaking and earnest worker, with a good
literary style and scholarly ambition, virtues which have
done much to preserve his memory from utter contempt.
He had a marked penchant for writing annotations on
memorials and impromptu rescripts, and to do him justice
he did it very well. Yung Cheng's rescripts were pub-
lished by his successor, the Emperor Cii'ien Lung; together
with the memorials to which they were appended, they
fill some sixty large volumes, a monumental witness to
His Majesty's industry.^ In certain cases he was wont
to append caustic or ironical comments; in others he
would dismiss the memorialist's statement with a laconic
" Ridiculous " or " Quite absurd." In one instance his
marginal note says : '* You evidently take me for a fool,
but you forget that I was over forty when I came to the
Throne, and that I know quite well how my officials
make their money. Before I came to the Throne I had
heard your name connected with a discreditable case of
bribery. In fact, if I mistake not, you then endeavoured
to secure my influence with His late Majesty by offering
me presents. Have a care; my eye is upon you," To
another memorialist he writes : " I do not know you by
sight, but your reputation is well known to me, and
I admire the efforts you are making to govern your
* The Regent, Prince Ch'mi (ap]x>inted by Tzft Hsi in November 1908,
to administer the Government during the niinority of the child Emixror,
his son, Xlsikin T'uiig) imitated this example during the brief period
of his singularly ineffective Regency. A remarkably stupid man,
and timid withal, he realised the Chinese people's innate reverence for
a scholar, and so endeavoured to gain fame from Uterary rescripts to
memorials. But haviiig no scholarship of his own, he took the wise
precaution of getting these written by Chang Chih-timg, the ablest
pen in the Empire, and hoped for some share of the credit for their
excellence. Unfortunately, Chang CWh-tnng died, and thereafter
the Regent abandoned his habit of literary rescripts, contenting him-
self with aik oceasiojmi " Good," in an infantine Kand, as a marginal
note to some platitude which pleased his fancy.
808
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
provmce." Again, a certain official, on being rebuked by
Yung Cheng, replied that shame and fear had combined
in his mind, so that he knew not how to bear his remorse.
Yung Cheng replied : " I fully believe in your fears, but
I have my doubts as to your shame and remorse. Of
these I shall judge by your future conduct rather than
by your present protestations/' In criminal cases he
was apt to assume the role of counsel for the defence, or
rather of a friendly judge of appeal. In one instance the
provincial authorities recommended decapitation for a
wife who had murdered her husband. After reviewing
the evidence, as presented in the memorial, Yung Cheng
observed : " I have no doubt but that this woman mur-
dered her husband for proposing to her that she should
earn money for him by prostitution; her conduct was
wholly admirable, and deserves no punishment whatsoever.
On the contrary, I order that a memorial arch be erected
in her honour." In all cases where he suspected
treasonable writing, he showed great harshness. Scholars
frequently criticised his unpopular government by in-
nuendo, and on them he invariably inflicted the death
penalty- For instance, when a certain poet wrote ;
" To-morrow at dawn I shall enter the bright capital "
(Ming chao ju ching tu), the Emperor's attention was
drawn to the verses and to the fact that these characters
might also mean (and probably were intended to mean)
" The Ming dynasty enters the Ching, or Manchu, capital."
At any rate, this was the interpretation which Yimg Cheng
chose to place on the line, and the poet expiated his
double-entendre on the scaffold-
Yung Cheng was by nature suspicious and inconstant;
but certain of his favourite Ministers enjoyed his goodwill
to the end, and it is possible that, but for his unfortunate
family troubles, he might have left a better record.
Despite his persecution of the Christian religion, more
than one of the Roman Catholic fathers then living at
304,
THE COURT OF PEKING
Peking has nritten of his public and private life in terms
that imply certain good qualities in his character.^ Also
his handling of affairs, outside those of his family circle,
seems to indicate a certain sense of humour. For in-
stance, one of his favourite Ministers, named T'ien Wen-
ching, was a good administrator, but a poor scholar.
T'ien, aware of his own shortcomings, relied for the
performance of the hterary part of his duties on the
services of a notable scholar, named Wu, whose work
is quoted and admired to this day. When T*ien was
serving as Director-General of the Yellow River Con-
servancy, it was Wu who advised him to impeach Yung
Cheng's uncle, the Duke Lung K'o-to, brother of the
Empress Dowager, an act which secured for him high
promotion and Imperial favour. Mr. Secretary Wu, who
had sources of private information about the Court, had
learned that His Majesty was growing weary of his
uncle's presence and patronising ways,'-* and therefore
advised Ins employer to indite this memorial of impeach-
ment, at a moment when the Emperor was seeking a
pretext for ridding himself of his uncle. T'ien's fortune
was made, but he failed to display the kind of gratitude
that his secretary expected, and Wu, greatly offended,
resigned from his service. From that day, T'ien's me-
morials and despatches lost the literary quahty which Yung
Cheng expected in his higli officials, and drew from the
fastidious Monarch sarcastic rescripts and criticisms as
to their contents and style. Finally, T'ien was compelled
to implore Wu to return to him, which the secretary
consented to do only on condition that he was to be
paid a '* shoe " of silver (50 taels) every morning before
the day's work began. By his aid, T'ien recovered and
» Vide liistoire Gt^neralc de la Chine, Mailla, Vol. XI, p. 870.
* Lung K'o-tii luul bcoii very intlniatc with Yung Chtng Ix-fore his
accession, and hud been instrumental in persuading K'nng Ilsi to
appoint him to the Throne.
S05
ANNALS AND MEMOffiS OF
retained the Imperial favour ; but Yung Cheng was i
aware of tlie autliorship of the literary' gems in T*i<
official documents, for on one occasion, wlien the Minr
had sent in a memorial inquiring after his health.
Emperor's rescript read : *' Our liealth is good; how go^
that of >Ir. Secretary VVu?" Eventually, after Tien'S
death, the Emperor engaged Wu's services for the Palace.
Whatever Yung Cheng's defects, however bad his rule,
he was, at least, not guilty of the ignominious folly which
led a later generation of his dynasty to give their con-
fidence, and delegate their authority, to the eunuch
servants of the Palace, that crime against the State to
which Tzu Hsi (guilty of it herself) ascribed the downfall
of the Manchu power. Yung Cheng kept his eunuclis
in their proper place, employing them as servants and
actors, but allowing them no voice in the adniinistratioi
of the Government nor any recognised opportunities Co
levying blackmail on the official class. Of his attitud
towards the eunuchs of his own household it is records
that, on a certain occasion, one of them, an admiral
actor and raconteur, had delighted the Court by
unusually excellent performance. Upon the concUis
of the play the Emperor sununoned the man to liis *
table, gave him food and wine, and ordered him to
some theatrical stories. Elated by his master's fa-\
the eunuch chatted away, and eventually made alli
to the part of Cheng Tan, which he had just been pi:
(in a famou^mece called " Cheng Tan slaying his h
At last hi
Cheng T
in Kiang;
the Dep
he mean
bestow
^ He iii
eunuchs
bold to remark : " In olden tJiD'
epartment Magistrate of Ch'ani^ *
Your Majesty* tell n- 1 o^
Magistrate 5.f ri//n..F ( '•
-.irat*, a thi
THE COURT OF PEKING
r
forbidden by the dynastic house-law.) The Emperor's
countenance darkened, says the chronicler, till it became
black as thunder. " How dare you, a eunuch minion,
ask Us about Our officials ? What have you to do with
such matters ? ** He then called to his bodyguard : " Have
the creature beaten with the heavy bamboo here and now ;
We will witness his chastisement." The eunuch whined
for mercy, but Yung Cheng was obdurate. After a few
strokes of the bamboo the culprit fainted; the Emperor
then ordered that he be ejected from the Palace and
banished to a pestilential part of Yunnan, as a slave to
the Manchu garrison troops of that frontier province.
Despite his proscription of the Roman Catholic mission
and the expulsion of the priests to Macao and Canton,
Yung Clieng's attitude towards the head of this religion
was courteous and even friendly.^ This may have been
due to recollection of the benefits derived by his father's
and grandfather's intercourse with the Jesuit fathers, or
to a vague sense that the spiritual Chief of men, so devoted
and so learned, deserved the respect of scholars, even
though* for political reasons, the activities of the missions
had to be suppressed throughout his Empire. At all
events, the annals of his reign record more than one
instance of a courteous and conciliatory attitude towards
the Vatican. Witness the following letter addressed to
Pope Benedict XIII in the year 1725.
" A decree to the religious Prince of the West. I have
perused your memorial and have examined the tribute
wliich you have forwarded. Your evident sincerity
pleases me. His Majesty the late Emperor showered
* Chinese chroniclers aver tliat many letters written to each other by
the conspiring Princes were in the Portuguese language, wliich they
had learned from the priests at Court. One of Vung Cheng*s decrees
refers to letters written to Yun T'ang by " his secretary, Maotai tungpao,"
and found sewed into the socks of a groom-messenger, which were
** amazingly like the European cliaraeters," but which none of the
Europeans then in Peking could (or would) recognise.
807
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
his bountiful protection on all alike; his love knew no
limits. At his death every one was smitten with un-
speakable grief. On my accession to the Great Inherit-
ance I strove earnestly to follow my father's good
example in all tilings. You, oh Prince, reside in a far
land; nevertheless, you have sent your special envoy
with a memorial expressing gratitude for the late Em-
peror's benefits and with best wishes for my own prosperity.
Your language betokens a dutiful sincerity and respect.
I higlily applaud your devotion and have shown every
coiu-tesy to your envoy. Regarding the Europeans
resident in China, I fully recognise that all mankind are
members of one family and have frequently told them
that if they behave themselves with becoming circum-
spection, practising a wise aloofness and virtue, and
obeying the laws of the land, I shall ever bestow upon
them my compassionate favour. In addition to con-
ferring this decree upon yourself, I am forwarding by the
hand of your envoy sundry gifts of silks and rolls of satin.
Do you, oh Prince, receive them reverently and appreciate
my friendliness towards you."
And again, when the Pope wrote asking for the release
of two priests who had been imprisoned at Canton for
several years. His Majesty replied, graciously enough,
that, after investigation of their cases, he found they
were not too serious to benefit by the general amnesty
published in honour of his accession to the Throne. He
therefore willingly acceded to the Pope's request, and
added that, even if His Holiness had taken no steps in
the matter, he would have set the prisoners free " to
give proof of his sense of the common brotherhood of
the human race and of his own far-reaching compassion."
There is no doubt that this fussy, terror-ridden Monarch
often meant well enough. One of his favourite Ministers
has left it ou record that in his youth he made for himself
two rules (which fittingly illustrate the nature and value
808
L
THE COURT OF PEKING
of his "far-reaching compassion"). One was, always'
to avoid stepping on the shadow of anybody's head,
since that would bring misfortune to the substance.
The other, never to tread upon an insect.
According to many Chinese chroniclers, Yung Cheng
was murdered by the widow of a Ilimanese named Lu,
who had been dismembered on a charge of treasonable
conspiracy. The story, which finds no place in the
dynastic annals, goes to show that this woman succeeded
in getting access to the pleasure-garden at Yuan-Ming-yuan
and. concealing herself there, lay in wait for the Emperor
and stabbed him to the heart ; after which she committed
suicide.
809
CHAPTER XIII
HIS MAJESTY CH'IEN LUNG
Ch*ien Lung ascended the Dragon Throne at the age
of twenty-five, in 1736, and reigned over China for sixty
years, at the end of which cycle he abdicated in favour of
his son Chia Ch'ing. Judged by the verdict of his con-
temporaries and of posterity in his own country, as well
as by the evidence of European observers, he was beyond
question the ablest administrator and the wisest ruler
that China had known for several centuries. By his good
government, as well as by his successful wars in Sungaria,
Central Asia, Burmah and Tibet, he completely restored
the prestige of the Manchus, which his predecessor had
seriously undermined. In his private life, he appears to
have been distinguished by qualities of sincerity, broad-
mindedness and courage which alone suffice to raise him
far above the level of his predecessors and successors.
He was impulsive, it is true ; intolerant of failure in those
upon whom he conferred high authority, especially in
military affairs; superstitious and naturally ignorant of
China's relative place and power amongjt the nations;
but gifted nevertheless with clear insight, sweet reason-
ableness and a highly sympathetic nature. He combined
in his person, to a high degree, the best qualities of the
soldier and the statesman, but was besides a scholar, a
historian and a poet. In his domestic life also he was
successful in maintaining his parental authority, while
preserving the respect of his sons and grandsons; a
810
Portrait of His Majesty Ch'ikn Llno.
(By W. AkuMdtr, painUf atmektd A> LmU MaranMf/t Kmhauy)
THE COURT OF PEKmO
polygamous autocrat in his relations with women, he
was neither uxorious nor luxurious. After a reign of
unexampled success, he left the Empire stronger and
more prosperous than it had been for several centuries.
For Englishmen, the reign of this great Emperor is
particularly memorable, in that it witnessed the first
Embassy from the King of Great Britain to the Court
of China— that of the Earl of Macartney, in 1795, under-
taken with the object of improving commercial relations
between the Chinese authorities and British merchants
at Canton. Sir George Staunton's " authentic account "
of that Embassy (London 1797) affords instructive
reading to this day, besides giving a most interesting
and sympathetic description of the aged Monarch and
his Court at Jehol and a valuable, because impartial,
impression of the personality of the Grand Secretary
Ho Shen, to whose hands, for many years, was delegated
much of the Sovereign's power, and who was destined,
under Chia Ch*ing, to meet the common fate of Imperial
favourites.
At the time of Lord Macartney's Embassy the Emperor
was eighty-four years of age, and of his numerous sons,
only four were then living, namely the eighth, eleventh,
fifteenth and seventeenth. (The eleventh son, at that
time Governor of Peking, subsequently succeeded to the
Throne under the title of Chia Ch'ing). Some years
before, in 1784, the question of the succession had been
r^sed, and His Majesty had been urged to appoint his
Heir, because several members of the Imperial Clan
were afraid of the growing power and ambitions of Ho
Shen, to whose son the Emperor had given one of his
daughters in marriage. The Imperial Clan were jealous
of the powerful favourite, and the orthodox were anxious
to prevent a possible breach of the laws of succession.
But ChMen Lung was not the man to accept advice on
such a subject; the zealous memorialist paid for his
811
bot our dynasty
i» to lut for d
I Bar Afp
Superriaorate ol
pfovicle Academy doctors vitli
fiwtioo,
" Tbia note is obviously based on my previous decree,
in which I expKcitly stated the reasooa agaiBst a formal
•election of an Heir Apparent, The Commission has
adopted my identical words, bat has omitted to quote
their context. The narrow pedantry of a scholar natur-
ally fails to appreciate the larger issiies of State^ so that
my intention has been misconstrued. But should this
history be read by later generations, it is probable that
the Commission will be calumniated in the belief that
they must have acted upon some treasonable motive in
drawing up such a note. It therefore behoves me to
issue an explicit pronouncement on the subject. Xotv»
in remote antiquity we find the Emperor Yao transmitting
the Throne to Shun, a precedent which was followed by
his ftuccesftors. Unfortunately times degenerated, so that
812
THE COURT OF PEKING
under the Han dynasty the nomination of an Heir
Apparent frequently resulted in fratricidal strife and
civil war. You will recall that the founder of the T'ang
dynasty (a.d. 618) selected his eldest son as Heir, with
the result that he was murdered by his younger brother,
Li Shih-min. In the same way, during the reign of the
Ming Emperor Wan Li (circa 1600) the Court begged him
to select an Heir, and dire confusion of parties ensued,
each official endeavouring to further his own future
interests by securing the favour of the probable successor.
In Wan Li's reign, when an attempt was made on the
Heir Apparent's life by armed men who entered the
Forbidden City, tlie Emperor received his son in audience
and tearfully reproached the Court for supposing that
he had desired his Heir's death. Such a scene between
father and son is enough to make one despair of the State.
" These examples sliow the evil results of a formal
nomination of an Heir Apparent. As regards my own
dynasty, my grandfather K'ang Hsi selected Prince Li
as Heir Apparent. He was placed under the tutorship
of T'ang Pin, an upriglit man, but his conduct degenerated
so woefully after his selection that even T'ang Pin was
unable to check and control him. Mean schemers and
sycophants implanted seeds of discord in the Prince's
mind : endless troubles resulted, and my grandfather's
peace of mind was so much disturbed thereby, that he
finally cancelled the appointment. But even had Prince
Li been a model Heir, his early death would only have
given him two years on the Tlirone. In due course his
son Yung Hsi would have succeeded, but he, too, was a
reprobate of the worst type and was not destined for a
long hfe. Within a few years there would thus have
been two vacancies to the Throne, a result fraught with
danger to the destinies of our dynasty and to the welfare
of our subjects.
** My grandfather realised this and made no further
813
public nomination of an Heir. On his demise the Throne
passed to my father Yung Ch'eng, and for thirteen years
that sage Emperor administered the Government and
gave peace to the Empire. In obedience to the precedent
established by K'ang Hsi, he made no public choice of
an Heir Apparent, although naturally he came to an
early decision on the question of the succession, which
affects the fortunes of our dynasty. In the first year
of his reign he wrote my name and placed it in a sealed
casket wliicli he secreted at the back of the Imperial
tablet, * Grandly upright and gloriously bright,' in the
main hall of the Palace. He also wrote my name on a
paper that he put in a pouch which he always wore.
*' When my father departed on his distant journey (in
1785), I reverently opened the casket, in the presence
of his Ministers, and we found the mandate which ap-
pointed me to the Throne. On our comparing the seal
impression on the document with the other half, which
had been secreted in the Imperial household, the two
portions tallied exactly. The Empire then gave me its
allegiance, as is well known to all mj' subjects. Early
in my reign, in accordance with dynastic house-law, I
selected my second son as my Heir, both because he was
bom to my Empress Consort (and not to a concubine)
and because of his keen intelligence and correct behaviour.
In obedience to my father's example I wrote his name,
placed it in the casket, and secreted it behind the tablet
of my Palace hall. But the fates were unkind, for he
soon left this world. I then commanded my two Grand
Secretaries, O-erh-t'ai and Chang TUng-yii, to remove
and destroy the document in the casket, and I bestowed
on my deceased son the posthumous appellation of
* Orthodox and Discerning.'
" Thus you will see that I duly nominated the child
of my Empress Consort to be Heir to the Throne, but
refrained from announcing my choice to the world.
814
THE COURT OF PEKING
After his death, my seventh son, Prince Clie, also bom
to the Empress, was very dear to me, because of his
sincerity and strength of character, but in a Uttle while
I had to mourn his untimely death. Thereafter, of all
my children, it was my fifth son, Prince Jung, who stood
highest in my affection. He was well versed in Chinese
literature, could speak both Manchu and Mongol, and
was skilled in horsemanship, archery and mathematics.
I was strongly inclined to select him as Heir Apparent,
but never formally recorded his name. He too is dead,
so that, if I had adopted the narrow pedantic view,
and following ancient custom publicly declared an Heir,
we should have seen three Heir Apparents within a space
of thirty years, a state of affairs utterly subversive of
dignity ! In the thirty-seventh year of my reign (1773)
I wrote out the name of my proposed Heir and since
then have always carried the document on my person.
On the occasion of the New Year sacrifice at the Temple
of Heaven tliis year, I bade all my sons attend me during
the ceremony, in the course of which I informed the
Almighty of my choice, and reverently prayed, that He
might be pleased to shed Divine grace upon my Heir
and to regard him with benevolent protection, so that if
he found favour in the Divine sight he might reach a
good old age. But if he whom I had chosen were dis-
pleasing to the Almighty, then might He si>eedily visit
him with destruction, so that I might select another
successor, and that the dignity of our dynastic altars
and the fortunes of our State might be duly protected.
" Early this year, I made a pilgrimage to the tomb of
the founder of my dynasty and that of his son. There,
in the presence of my glorious ancestors, I besought their
august protection. Think not that I do not love my son I
But I love even more the interests of the State. It will
be to the eternal happiness of our Manchu dynasty if
in this matter my successoi*s will follow my example.
815
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
** I have summoned my sons and the members of the
Grand Council to audience this day and have made known
to them this, my mandate. It corresponds exactly with
the words which I uttered in the presence of ray ancestors,
where no falsehood could find a place. Day and night
toil, performing the heavy duties of the Government,!
exhausting myself in manifold directions. How then^j
think you, that I could possibly have failed to make lonj
ago all necessary arrangements in a matter of suchi
importance as the succession to the Throne ?
" Last autumn, at Jehol, I was shooting duck by thf
riverside, when my foot slipped, I fell into the water, j
and my clothes were wet through. Not only did the]
Princes and Chamberlains hasten to my assistance with'
eager inquiries as to my condition, but even the Chinese
Grand Councillors came hurrying to the spot. I treated
the accident as of no moment, and walked back withj
them to the Palace, chatting and smiling all the way. J
No eunuch ventured to stop them from entering thei
forbidden precincts. In the same way, supposing that ij
were smitten with a sudden illness, any of you Ministers
would be at liberty to make his way even into my bed-
chamber, because I have ever treated you as members
of my family, and held daily converse with each of you.
In my reign, there could be no possibility of happenings
such as former dynasties have witnessed, when a eunuch
would nish out from the Palace at dead of night, l>earing
a slip of paper in which the demise of the Throne and
the appointment of a successor were mysteriously recorded.
He who fears such an event to-day is like the man of the
Ch'i State who feared that the sky was going to fall and
crush him !
** In short, although the formal selection and investiture
of an Heir Apparent must be definitely avoided, my
reverent announcement to the Almighty and to ray
ancestors, in all humility and sincerity of heart, provides
816
THE COURT OF PEKING
for all emergencies. In this matter, I have avoided
following the example of past dynasties, which incurred
disasters by tlieir strict observance of the letter of the
law. And thus it comes to pass that the staff of the
existing * Supervisorate of Instruction for the Heir
Apparent ' is maintained in accordance with ancient
custom, but has no duties to perform, the office being
retained as a stepping-stone to promotion for doctors
of the Academy.
*' I do hereby solemnly promulgate this my decree, in
the earnest iiope that my descendants will faithfully
observe it for all time, because thereby, in my judgment,
the fortunes of our dynasty will be established for genera-
tions to come. Lastly, I claim no infallibiHty for my
words : I may be mistaken, and therefore refrain from
expressly forbidding my descendants to follow the ancient
practice which sanctioned the appointment of an Heir
Apparent. But perchance, if they do follow it, and if,
as a result, strife shall arise between father and son, and
fratricidal dissensions culminate in dire disaster to our
dynasty, then will posterity remember the words I have
uttered to-day. Let the Commission duly record this
decree as a preface to their History of Official Ranks,
so that my Imperial wishes may be made known to the
whole Empire for time everlasting. The words of the
Emperor ! '*
How different this lucid and straightforward utterance
of Ch'ien Lung from the insincere phrases and machine-
made platitudes of his predecessor 1 All the recorded
writings of Ch'ien Lung are distinguished by the same
quality of intellectual independence and disregard for
empty or harmful conventions. Take, for example, the
edict in which he declares his intention of vacating the
Throne upon the completion of sixty years of reign,
issued in the 8th Moon of the 59th vear of his reign
(1795) :
817
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
" I have now reigned for fifty-nine years. By the
favour of high Heaven and the protection of my ancestors,
peace prevails throughout my dominions, and new terri-
tories have come to share the blessings of China's civilisa-
tion. During all these years, I have striven to alleviate i
my people's lot and to show myself worthy of Heaven's |
blessings. Again and again have I granted exemptions'
of land tax in times of flood and famine and bestowed
upon the sufferers over ten milUon taels from my privy
purse.
" Next year will witness the sixtieth anniversary of
my succession to this goodly heritage of the Throne :
few, indeed, of my predecessors in this and other dynasties,
have completed a sixty-year cycle. Those among them
who have reigned over sixty years came to the Throne
in early childhood, whereas I was twenty-five years of
age at my accession. To-day I am eighty-four, and my
natural strength is not abated. I rejoice in the possession
of perfect health, and my descendants to the fourth
generation surround me. Immeasurably thankful as I
am to the Almighty for His protection, I feel encouraged
to yet further endeavour. On New Year's Day of my
sixtieth year an eclipse of the sun is due, and on the
Festival of Lanterns (1st Moon, 15th day) there will be
a lunar eclipse. Heaven sends these portents as warnings,
but a Sovereign's duty is to be guided by his conscience
and to be aware of his shortcomings at all times, so that
an eclipse is not needed to awaken him to a sense of duty.
To find favour in the sight of Heaven he must regulate
his conduct. There is no need for empty catchwords
and platitudes on the occasion of such natural events.
" During tlie course of next year, I shall prepare for
my impending abdication, and the new Emperor will
mount the Throne on New Year's Day of the year follow-
ing. In recognition of the warning conveyed by these
eclipses, I purpose to hold no New Year's Court next year,
318
I
i
THE COURT OF PEKING
and the customary banquet to the Princes will be omitted.
During the period of the eclipses, I shall array myself in
every day raiment and doff my Imperial robes of ceremony.
" These phenomena can be foretold, as Mencius says,
a thousand years before they occur, but in the present
case, the coincidence of two eclipses is a fresh indication
of the favour of Heaven towards me, for had this pheno-
menon taken place in the following year, it would have
signified an inauspicious opening for my son's reign. I
feel profoundly grateful to Heaven for its favour, and in
return I hereby cancel all birtliday celebrations in the
capital for next year, and shall content myself with
receiving the congratulations of my Court at Jehol,"
Ch*ien Lung's instinctive reverence towards Heaven
and his ancestors, the good example of his temperate
and industrious life, all his precautions of statecraft and
military activities, were directed towards the consolida-
tion of the Manchu power and of a government which
should confer prosperity upon the Chinese people. Never-
theless, and despite the sincerity of his good intentions,
he had estabhshed beside the Throne, in the person of
his favourite Minister, the Grand Secretary Ho Shen, a
source of demoralisation, an initiative of wickedness and
greed in high places, which was destined (as wc shall
show) to destroy the very foundations of the State.
Amongst Chinese historians and scholars there is a
common saying : " A cycle of virtuous rule was brought
to nought by Ho Shen : the disastrous century of rebelUon
and decline which followed was due to him and to him
alone."
We shall have occasion later to relate the dramatic
story of tliis all-powerful satrap, to whom (as Staunton
says) the people looked as to a second Emperor. For
the present, suffice it to say that Ch'ien Lung's personal
devotion to the highest ideals of government was greatly
prejudiced, even during liis reign, by his blind belief in
819
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
Ho Shen. It was the example of extravagant luxury set
by this gieat Vizier, whicli led to the rapid deterioration
of the Manchu Court's old simple style of living; his
nepotism and venality, displayed in the employment of
corrupt officials, were fundamental factors in the rebellions
which broke out in the reign of Cliia Ch'ing. But Ch*ien
Lung's devotion to his chief Minister knew no wavering;
during the last twenty years of his reign, he allowed Ho
Shen to exercise despotic power and to amass a huge
fortune. To his son, he gave an Imperial Princess for
wife, and to his brother, Ho Lin,^ he entrusted the com-
mand of the Imperial forces and the administration
of Tibetan affairs.
This Ho Lin was directly concerned in the affairs of
Lord Macartney's Embassy, for in 1790 he was summoned
by the Emperor to return from Lhasa to Peking, in antici-
pation of the British Envoy's probable intention of
discussing Great Britain's interests in India, affected by
China's successful campaign of the previous year against
the marauding Ghoorkas of Nepal. The Emperor's edict
concerning China's suzerainty over Tibet and the relations
of the Imperial Resident at Lhasa with the Dalai Lama,
is of permanent interest.
" We are informed," he wrote, " by Cheng Te, who has
just arrived from Lhasa, that Ho Lin is displaying great
skill in the management of Tibetan affairs, and does not
kneel or kotow to the Dalai Lama, who obeys every
order that he may give. We are the more dehghted
to hear that Ho Lin is thus conscious of the dignity
of the State, because of late years Tibet has been steadily
sinking into depths of barbarism and its government
has degenerated into hopeless inefficiency. Now that Ho
Lin has set things on a more stable basis, it will be easier
to enforce our control over the country, and the real
^ Whose attitude towards the British Kiivoy and Im suite la deMuibcd
by Staunton as *' formal and repulsive."
820
THE COURT OF PEKING
power will be vested in our hands. We are now sending
Sung Yiin to be our Resident at Lhasa: he is a Mongol
and is therefore a devout believer in the Buddhism of
the Lamas. Should he fail to show due regard for his
own dignity, the Dalai will surely put fresh obstacles in
his way. We therefore command that he be instructed
not to perform any degrading ceremony of obeisance to
the Dalai Lama. If he wishes to display his individual
respect to the head of his religion, let him wait until
his term of office has expired : then, before leaving Lhasa,
he may, if he thinks fit, ask the Dalai for his blessing."
Ho Lin returned to Peking and was present at the
Emperor's reception of the British Embassy at Jehol.
Staunton relates ^ that although Earl Macartney was at
pains to reassure the Grand Secretary, Ho Shen, that
Great Britain had no intention of interfering in the
contests of the countries neighbouring on India, and that
the dissolution of the Great Mogul's Empire involved no
new dangers to China, nevertheless, Ho Lin accompanied
Ho Shen at all his meetings with the Ambassador, " as
if fearful that any explanation, relative to the Tibet war,
might take place between them." He made no attempt
to conceal " the violent prepossession which he had
imbibed against the English," both in Tibet and earlier
at Canton. Doubtless the influence of this cantankerous
individual was to some extent reflected in tlie attitude
of certain members of the Court, but Ho Shen himself
took a broad view of the Embassy's objects in coming
to China, and remembering the friendly services rendered
by the British at the end of the Nepalese campaign,
was instrumental in persuading the Emperor to waive
the ceremony of the kotow, upon wliich the more con-
servative officials and courtiers were disposed to insist.
Ho Lin's influence and advice were undoubtedly factors
in the Emperor's refusal to accede to Earl Macartney's
* Macartney's Embassy to China, Vol. 11^ p. 2-41.
Y 821
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
requests for the establishment of a British representative
and a trading centre at Peking; for the extension of ship-
ping facilities, and a regular Customs tariff applicable
to British traders at Chusan. Ningpo and Tientsin; and
for the authorisation of missionary labours in China. It
was common report at the time tliat Ho Shen had advised
the Emperor to grant some, at least, of the Ambassador's
requests, but that the aged Sovereign was finally dis-
suaded from this course by his sons, and especially by
the opinions of liim who subsequently became the Emperor
Chia ChUng.
The Imperial ** mandate " to King George III, issued
by His Majesty a few days after his reception of the
British Embassy at Jehol makes strange reading to-
day. How swift and complete has been the process of
the Great Celestial Empire^s decline and humiliation,
since its Sovereign could describe himself in all sincerity,
as ** swaying the wide world." In those days, only a
brief century ago, China's ignorance of the outer world
was bliss indeed.
The following is the text of this historic document :
" You, O King, live beyond the confines of many seas,
nevertheless, impelled by your humble desire to partake
of the benefits of our civilisation, you have dispatched a
mission respectfully bearing your memorial. Your Envoy
has crossed the seas and paid his respects at my Court
on the anniversary of my birthday. To show your
devotion, you have also sent offerings of your country's
produce.
"I have perused your memorial : the earnest terms in
which it is couched reveal a respectful humility on your
part, which is highly praiseworthy. In consideration of
the fact that your Ambassador and his deputy have
come a long way with your memorial and tribute, I have
shown them high favour and have allowed them to be
introduced into my presence. To manifest my indulgence,
822
THE COURT OF PEKING
I have entertained them at a banquet and made them
numerous gifts. I have also caused presents to be for-
warded to the Naval Conmiander and six hundred of his
ofl&cers and men, although they did not come to Peking,
so that they too may share in my all-embracing kindness.
** As to your entreaty to send one of your nationals to be
accredited to my Celestial Court and to be in control of
your country's trade with China, this request is contrary
to all usage of my dynasty and cannot possibly be enter-
tained. It is true that Europeans, in the service of the
dynasty, have been permitted to Hve at Peking, but they
are comp>elled to adopt Chinese dress, they are strictly
confined to their own precincts and are never permitted
to return home. You are presumably familiar with our
dynastic regulations. Your proposed Envoy to my Court
could not be placed in a position similar to that of Euro-
pean officials in Peking who are forbidden to leave China,
nor could he, on the other hand, be allowed liberty of
movement and the privilege of corresponding with his
own country; so that you would gain nothing by his
residence in our midst.
" Moreover, our Celestial dynasty possesses vast terri-
tories, and tribute missions from the dependencies are
provided for by the Department for Tributary States,
which ministers to their wants and exercises strict control
over their movements. It would be quite impossible to
leave them to their own devices. Supposing that your
Envoy should come to our Court, his language and
national dress differ from that of our people, and there
would be no place in which to bestow him. It may
be suggested that he might imitate the Europeans per-
manently resident in Peking and adopt the dress and
customs of China, but, it has never been our dynasty's
wish to force people to do things unseemly and incon-
venient. Besides, supposing I sent an Ambassador to
reside in your country, how could you possibly make
328
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
for him the requisite arrangements ? Europe consists
of many other nations besides your own : if each and all
demanded to be represented at our Court, how could we
possibly consent? The thing is utterly impracticable.]
How can our dynasty alter its whole procedure and system
of etiquette, established for more than a century, in
order to meet your individual views? If it be said that)
your object is to exercise control over your country**!
trade, your nationals have had full liberty to trade at
Canton for many a year, and have received the greatest
consideration at our hands. Missions have been sent by
Portugal and Italy, preferring similar requests. The
Throne appreciated their sincerity and loaded them with
favours, besides authorising measures to facilitate their
trade with China. You arc no doubt aware that, when
my Canton merchant, Wu Chao-ping, was in debt to the
foreign ships, I made the Viceroy advance the monies
due, out of the provincial treasury, and ordered him to
punish the culprit severely. Why then should foreign
nations advance this utterly unreasonable request to be
represented at my Court ? Peking is nearly two thousand
miles from Canton, and at such a distance what possible
control could any British representative exercise ?
" K you assert that your reverence for Our Celestial
dynasty fills you with a desire to acquire our civilisation,
our ceremonies and code of laws differ so completely
from your own that, even if your Envoy were able to
acquire the rudiments of our civiUsation, you could not
possibly transplant our manners and customs to your
alien soil. Therefore, however adept the Envoy might
become, nothing would be gained thereby.
" Swaying the wide world, I have but one aim in
view, namely, to maintain a perfect governance and to
fulfil the duties of the State : strange and costly objects
do not interest me. If I have commanded that the tribute
offerings sent by you, O King, are to be accepted,
324
THE COURT OF PEKING
this was solely in consideration for the spirit which
prompted you to dispatch them from afar. Our dynasty's
majestic virtue has penetrated unto every country tmder
Heaven, and Kings of ail nations have offered their costly
tribute by land and sea. As your Ambassador can see
for himself, we possess all things. I set no value on objects
strange or ingenious, and have no use for your country's
manufactures. This then is my answer to your request
to appoint a representative at my Court, a request con-
trary to our dynastic usage, which would only result in
inconvenience to yourself. I have expounded my wishes
in detail and have commanded your tribute Envoys to
leave in peace on their homeward journey. It behoves
you, O King, to respect my sentiments and to display
even greater devotion and loyalty in future, so that, by
perpetual submission to our Throne, you may secure
peace and prosperity for your country hereafter. Besides
making gifts (of which I enclose an inventory) to each
member of your Mission, I confer upon you, O King,
valuable presents in excess of the number usually be-
stowed on such occasions, including silks and curios—
a list of which is likewise enclosed. Do you reverently
receive them and take note of my tender goodwill towards
you I A special mandate."
A further mandate to King George III dealt in detail
with the British Ambassador's proposals and the Emperor's
reasons for declining them : '* You, O King, from afar
have yearned after the blessings of our civilisation, and
in your eagerness to come into touch with our converting
influence have sent an Embassy across the sea bearing a
memorial. I have already taken note of your respectful
spirit of submission, have treated your mission with
extreme favour and loaded it with gifts, besides issuing
a mandate to you, O King, and honouring you with the
bestowal of valuable presents. Thus has my indulgence
been manifested.
825
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
" Yesterday your Ambassador petitioned my Ministers
to memorialise me regarding your trade with China,
but his proposal is not consistent with our dynastic
usage and cannot be entertained. Hitherto, all European
nations, including your own country's barbarian mer-
chants, have carried on their trade witli our Celestial
Empire at Canton. Such has been the procedure for
many years, although our Celestial Empire possesses all
things in prolific abundance and lacks no product within
its own borders. There was therefore no need to import
the manufactures of outside barbarians in exchange for
our own produce. But as the tea, silk and porcelain
which the Celestial Empire produces, are absolute neces-
sities to European nations and to yourselves, we have
permitted, as a signal mark of favour, that foreign hongs
should be established at Canton, so that your wants
might be supplied and your country thus participate in
our beneficence. But your Ambassador has now put
forward new requests which completely fail to recognise
the Throne*s principle to ' treat strangers from afar with
indulgence,' and to exercise a pacifj'ing control over
barbarian tribes, the world over. Moreover, our dynasty,
swaying the myriad races of the globe, extends the same
benevolence towards all. Your England is not the only
nation trading at Canton. If other nations, following
your bad example, wrongfully importune my ear with
further impossible requests, how will it be possible for
me to treat them with easy indulgence? Nevertheless,
I do not forget the lonely remoteness of your island, cut
off from the world by intervening wastes of sea,^ nor do
I overlook your excusable ignorance of the usages of our
Celestial Empire. I have consequently commanded my
Ministers to enlighten your Ambassador on the subject,
and have ordered the departure of the mission. But I
have doubts that, after your Envoy's return he may fail
* Cf. " Toto divjsos orbc Britannos.''
826
THE COURT OF PEKING
to acquaint you with my view in detail or that he may
be lacking in lucidity, so that I shall now proceed to take
your requests seriatim and to issue my mandate on each
question separately. In this way you will, I trust,
comprehend my meaning.
" (1) Your Ambassador requests faciUties for ships of
your nation to call at Ningpo, Chusan, Tientsin and other
places for purposes of trade. Until now trade with
European nations has always been conducted at Aomen,
where the foreign hongs are established to store and sell
foreign merchandise. Your nation has obediently com-
plied with this regulation for years past without raising
any objection. In none of the other ports named have
hongs been established, so that even if your vessels were
to proceed thither, they would have no means of disposing
of their cargoes. Furthermore, no interpreters are avail-
able, so you would have no means of explaining your
wants, and nothing but general inconvenience would
result. For the future, as in the past, I decree that your
request is refused and that the trade shall be limited to
Aomen.
" (2) The request that your merchants may establish
a repository in the capital of my Empire for the storing
and sale of your produce, in accordance with the precedent
granted to Russia, is even more impracticable than the
last. My capital is the hub and centre about which all
quarters of the globe revolve. Its ordinances are most
august and its laws are strict in the extreme. The sub-
jects of our dependencies have never been allowed to
open places of business in Peking. Foreign trade has
hitherto been conducted at Aomen, because it is con-
veniently near to the sea, and therefore an important
gathering place for the ships of all nations sailing to and
fro. If warehouses were established in Peking, the
remoteness of your country, lying far to the north-west
of my capital, would render transport extremely difficult.
827
ANNALS AND ^fEMOIRS OF
Before Kiakhta was opened, the Russians were permitted
to trade at Peking, but the accommodation furnished to
them was only temporary. As soon as Kiakhta was
available, they were compelled to withdraw from Peking,
which has been closed to their trade these many years.
Their frontier trade at Kiakhta is on all fours with your
trade at Aomen. Possessing facilities at the latter place,
you now ask for further privileges at Peking, although
our dynasty observes the severest restrictions respecting
the admission of foreigners within its boundaries, and
has never permitted the subjects of dei>endencies to cross
the Empirc*s barriers and settle at will amongst the
Chinese people. This request is also refused.
" (8) Your request for a small island near Chusan, where
your merchants may reside and goods be warehoused,
arises from your desire to develop trade. As there are
neither foreign hongs nor interpreters in or near Chusan,
where none of your ships have ever called, such an island
would be utterly useless for your purposes. Every inch
of the territory of our Empire is marked on the map and
the strictest vigilance is exercised over it all : even tiny
islets and far-lying sand-banks are clearly defined as part
of the provinces to which they belong. Consider, moreover,
that England is not the only barbarian land which wishes
to establish relations with our civilisation and trade with
our Empire : supposing that other nations were all to
imitate your evil example and beseech me to present
them each and all with a site for trading purposes, how
could I possibly comply ? This also is a flagrant infringe-
ment of the usage of my Empire and cannot possibly be
entertained.
" (4) The next request, for a small site in the vicinity
of Canton city, where your barbarian merchants may lodge
or, alternatively, that there be no longer any restrictions
over their movements at Aomen, has arisen from the
following causes. Hitherto, the barbarian merchants of
328
THE COURT OF PEKING
Europe have had a dehnite locality assigned to tl)em at
Aomen for residence and trade, and have been forbidden
to encroach an inch beyond the Hmits assigned to that
locality. Barbarian merchants having business with the
hongs have never been allowed to enter the city of Canton ;
by these measures, disputes between Chinese and barbarians
are prevented, and a firm barrier is raised between my
subjects and those of other nations. The present request
is quite contrary to precedent; furthermore, European
nations have been trading with Canton for a number of
years and, as they make large profits, the number of traders
is constantly increasing. How would it be possible to
grant such a site to each country? The merchants of
the foreign hongs are responsible to the local officials for
the proceedings of barbarian merchants and they carry
out periodical inspections. If these restrictions were
withdrawn, friction would inevitably occur between the
Chinese and your barbarian subjects, and the results would
militate against the benevolent regard that I feel towards
you. From every point of view, therefore, it is best that
the regulations now in force should continue unchanged.
*' (5) Regarding your request for remission or reduction
of duties on merchandise discharged by your British bar-
barian merchants at Aomen and distributed throughout
the interior, there is a regular tariff in force for barbarian
merchants' goods, which applies equally to all European
nations. It would be as wrong to increase the duty im-
posed on your nation's merchandise on the ground that the
bulk of foreign trade is in your hands, as to make an
exception in your case in the shape of specially reduced
duties. In future, duties shall be levied equitably without
discrimination between your nation and any other, and,
in order to manifest my regard, your barbarian merchants
shall continue to be shown every consideration at Aomeii.
" (6) As to your request that your ships shall pay the
duties leviable by tariff, there are regular niles in force at
329
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
the Canton Custom house respecting the amounts payable,
and since I have refused your request to be allowed to
trade at other ports, this duty will naturally continue
to be paid at Canton as heretofore.
" (7) Regarding your nation's worship of the Lord ol
Heaven, it is the same religion as that of other Euro-j
pean nations. Ever since the beginning of history, sagej
Emperors and wise rulers have bestowed on China a moral
system and inculcated a code, which from time immemorial
has been religiously observed by the myriads of my
subjects. There has been no hankering after heterodox
doctrines. Even the European (missionary) officials ii
my capital arc forbidden to hold intercourse with Chinese'
subjects; they are restricted within the limits of their
appointed residences, and may not go about propagating
their religion. The distinction between Chinese and
barbarian is most strict, and your Ambassador's request
that barbarians shall be given full liberty to disseminate
their religion is utterly unreasonable.
** It may be, O King, that the above proposals have
been wantonly made by your Ambassador on his own
responsibility, or peradventure you yourself are ignorant
of our dynastic regulations and had no intention of trans-
gressing them when you expressed these wild ideas and
hopes. I have ever shown the greatest condescension
to the tribute missions of all States which sincerely yearn
after the blessings of civilisation, so as to manifest my
kindly indulgence. I have even gone out of my way to
grant any requests which were in any way consistent
with Chinese usage. Above all, upon you, who live in a
remote and inaccessible region, far across the spaces of
ocean, but who have shown your submissive loyalty by
sending this tribute mission, I have heaped benefits far
in excess of those accorded to other nations. But the
demands presented by your Embassy are not only a
contravention of dynastic tradition, but would be utterly
330
THE COURT OF PEKING
I
unproductive of good result to yourself, besides being quite
impracticable. I have accordingly stated the facts to
you in detail, and it is your bounden duty reverently to
appreciate my feelings and to obey these instructions
henceforward for all time, so that you may enjoy the
blessings of perpetual peace. If, after the receipt of this
explicit decree, you lightly give ear to the representations
of your subordinates and allow your barbarian merchants
to proceed to Chekiang and Tientsin, with the object of
landing and trading there, the ordinances of my Celestial
Empire are strict in the extreme, and the local officials,
both civil and military, are bound reverently to obey the
law of the land. Should your vessels touch the shore, your
merchants will assuredly never be permitted to land or
to reside there, but will be subject to instant expulsion.
In that event your barbarian merchants will have had a
long journey for nothing. Do not say that yoti were not
warned in due time ! Tremblingly obey and show no
negligence 1 A special mandate ! "
As is well known, the ceremony of the kotow was
waived by Ch*icn Lung in deference to Earl Macartney's
objections, but the Manchus subsequently declared, and
to this day affect to believe, that, when the Ambassador
entered His Majesty's presence, he was so overcome with
awe and nervousness, that his legs gave way under him,
so that he grovelled abjectly on the ground, thus to all
intents and purposes performing an involuntary kotow.
Finally, two days before his abdication, in 1796, the
Emperor addressed the following letter to King George
III:
" Chu Kuei (Viceroy of Canton) memorialises Us that
the King of England has forwarded a memorial with
tribute. Two years ago, on the occasion of the tribute
mission from the King coming to Peking, We conferred
upon him many valuable presents, so he has now dispatched
a further memorial with offerings of tribute, thus indicat-
331
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
ing his loyal sincerity. We raise absolutely no objection]
to the fact of his having omitted to send a mission on
this occasion, and are graciously pleased to accept his
offerings. In addition, We bestow upon him the following
mandate : Your nation is inaccessible, Ijnng far beyond
the di\'iding seas, but you sent a mission with a memorial
and tribute to pay homage at our Court, and We, in recog-
nition of your loyal sincerity, conferred upon you our]
mandate and valuable gifts, as evidence of our satisfaction.
Now, O King, you have again prepared a memorial and!
offerings, which have been conveyed by your barbarian '
vessels to Canton and transmitted to Us. Your reverent
submission to Our person is manifest. Our Celestial
dynasty, which sways the wide world, attaches no value
to the costly presents which are offered at Our Court :
what We appreciate is the humble spirit of the offerers.
We have commanded Our Viceroy to accept your tribute
in order that your reverence may be duly recognised.
" As regarding Our sending of a punitive expedition
to Nepal, Our Commander-in-chief marched at the head
of a great army into that country, occupied the chief
strategic points, and terrified the Ghoorkas into grovel-
ling submission to Our majestic Empire. Our Com-
mander-in-chief duly memorialised Us, and We, whose
Imperial clemency is world-wide, embracing Chinese and
foreigners alike, could not endure the thought of exter-
minating the entire population of the country. Accord-
ingly We accepted their surrender. At that time Our
Commander-in-cliief duly informed Us of your having
dispatched a mission into Tibet, with a i>etition to Our
Resident, stating that you had advised the Nepalese to
surrender. But at the time of your petition Our troops
had already gained a complete victory and the desired
end had been attainetl.' We were not obliged to trouble
^ The Chinese expedition against Nepal was commanded by Fu
K'ang-an, Ch'ien Lung's ablest General. It started from Kokonor in
aas
>
THE COURT OF PEKING
your troops to render assistance. You allude to this
matter in your present memorial, but are doubtless ignorant
of the precise course of events in Nepal, as your tribute
mission was on its way to Peking at the time of these
occurrences. Nevertheless, O King, you entertained a
clear perception of your duty towartlslls, and your reverent
acknowledgment of Our dynasty*s supremacy is highly
praiseworthy.
" We therefore now l>estow upon you various costly
gifts. Do you, O King, display even more energetic
loyalty in future and endeavour to deserve for ever Our
the 2nd Moon of the Emperor's 57th year (1798), and entered Tibet
viA the Tant-la Pass (cf. Abbe Hue's Travels in Tibet), where u fierce
wind usuoJly blows, but Fii K*nng-aii reported that on the occasion
of his troo)js crossiii^' the puss the weather was bright and there was
no wind. lu gratitude to the spirit of tlu!^ mountain for having vouch-
safed such good weather to the expedition, Ch'ien Lung ordered that
the Tant-la should be included anwngst the mountains of the Kmpirc
which arc entitled to receive an Imperial sacrifice.
In July of that year the Chinese forces marched into Nepal, invading
it from three sides. The Ghoorkas sent a mission to seek aid from Great
Hritain, whereupon Cornwallis dispatchtxi an officer to Khatimmdu
to act as peacemaker. But by the 7th Moon the Imperial troopK
had defeiited Nepal in six battles, and when they were only one day's
march from Klmtmandu the Nepalese tendered an abject submission.
The Chinese did not linger in Nepal, the season being far advanced,
but returned to Til>et in the 81h Moon, after exacting an undertaking
to bring tribute to Peking once in every live years in the form of tame
elephants, horses and musical instruments. The Nepalese had invaded
Tibet &t the request of the Red Priesthood two years previously (1791)
ostensibly on the ground that the duties imposed on salt at the Nepalese
frontier were excessive, and that the commodity was adulteratea with
earth. On this occasion the Commander of the Chinese forces. Pa
Chung, had declined battle, and had induced the Tibetans to promise
the Nepalese an annual subsidy of 15,000 oimces of silver if they would
withdraw. At the same time he reported to the Throne that he liad
defeated the Nc|>alcse and that they liad accepted A^nchu suzerainty.
In the following year, 1792, t!ie promised subsidy of 15,000 taels not
being forthcoming, the Nepalese again invaded I'ibet. Pao Tai, the
Resident at Lhasa, made no preparations to resist them, but conveyed
the Panshen Lama to Lhasa, abandoning Hou Tsang to the invaders,
who sacked the sacred city of Tashilhunpo and conveyed its treasures
back to Nepal, at the same time leaving a strong force inside the
Tibetan frontier.
333
AXXAJLS AND MEMOIRS OF
to Our cftmest
Our Imperial
padoiK affection, so that we nmj
KK^ve to pacify distant tribes aad to
ddDcncy.
** Cbu Kuei » to hand thk mandate to your Agent, for
tnaanuaBon to yourself, in order that you may be encour-
aged to display still greater gratitude and reverent &ub-
miaaon hereafter, in acknowledgment of Our indulgence.
^ It is contrary to Our dynastic ordinances for Our
offknaK to enter into social relations with barbarians,
and Chu Kuei acted therefore quite properly in returning
the presents which were sent to the former Viceroy and
Superintendent of Customs at Canton.**
in his private life, and in the administration of his
household, Ch'ien Lung combined a high sense of his
Imperial dignity with frugal habits. Throughout his long
life he retained his devotion to the chase, for the wilds of
Manchuria and Mongolia, for the simple, open-air life
wliich had made his forefathers the hardy men they were.
It would be interesting to study the coincidence of the
decay of the Imperial hunting parks, the decline of manly
exercises amongst the Manchu aristocracy, with the gradual
ascendancy of the eunuchs that begins definitely to assert
itself in the reign of Ch'ien Lung*s successor.
As the head of his family and of the Palace household,
Ch'ien Lung exercised a very strict supervision over his
domestic affairs until old age and the increasing cares of
State combined to relax his energies in this direction.
In private as in public life, the secret of his success lay in
personal attention to detail, indefatigable energy, a broad
mind, and a personality in which a strong sense of order
and discipline combined with many sympathetic qualities.
Ch'ien Lung was essentially a statesman ; but he was also
a good sportsman, with a touch of the poetic temperament.
As the traveller gazes to-day on the melancholy ruins of
YUan Ming-yiian, or the hunting parks at Jehol and
Peking, he cannot but wonder that a race which could
884
THE COURT OF PEKING
luce so wise and so virile a ruler, and send its armies
lialf across Asia, should to-day be represented only by the
besotted and effeminate creatures who walk so delicately
and so uselessly as Manchu Princes.
Ch'ien Lung hated extravagance, and until the close of
his reign, when the contagion of Ho Shen's purple and fine
linen had begun to breed luxury in the Imperial house-
hold, he set the example of thrift and simple fare. At
the same time, tiiere was nothing of the Puritan about
him, nor of the total abstainer; he loved a pretty woman
and a good dinner, but held the Oriental faith, that both
were gifts of the gods, not to be easily won, nor lightly
esteemed. Throughout his sixty years' reign he never
once omitted the custom of offering sacrifice of propitiation
to the kitchen god, who on the 23rd day of the 10th Moon
proceeds heavenwards, to make his annual report on the
family's behaviour during the year. The Palace in wliich
the sacrifice used to be performed is the K'un Ning-kang
(" Earthly Repose "), and the ceremony took place on a
brick platform or k^angt in the centre of the hall. Drums
were placed in readiness, and it was the custom for the
Empress first to proceed thither and await the Emperor's
arrival. He himself then beat the drum and sang the ditty
known as : " The Emperor's search for worthy officials."
The household were drawn up in lines, and on the con-
clusion of the song, crackers were fired to start the kitchen
god on his mission. The custom was discontinued by Chia
Ch*ing.
Ch'ien Lung was no ascetic kill-joy. To the east of the
Lake of Happiness, at the Summer Palace of Yiian Ming-
yuan» in a garden called the " Park of Universal Joy,"
he was fond of giving theatrical entertainments to his
Court. At the New Year he used to have booths erected
along the main road of tlie garden and there organised a
market fair for the amusement of the Court. There were
curio and porcelain stores, embroidery shops, dealers in
885
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
silks, as well as restaurants, wine- taverns and tea-houses.
Even pedlars and hawkers were allowed to come and ply
their trade. The shops were managed by eunuchs, and the
jade and other articles were supplied from the large estab-
Hshments in Peking, under arrangements made by the
Supervisor of the Octroi, who selected what goods should
be sent.^ High officials and their wives were admitted
to tliis fair, and allowed to make purchases or to order
food or tea at the restaurants, just as they pleased. Every-
thing was done exactly as at a real market fair : waiters
and shop attendants were brought from the chief restaur-
ants in the city, care being taken to select only those of
good appearance and clear pronunciation. As His Majesty
passed down the line of booths, the waiters would shout
out their menus for the day, tlie hawkers would cry their
goods, and the clerks would be busy calhng out the figures
whicli they were entering on the day-books. The bustle
and animation of this scene used to delight the Emperor.
The fair continued daily till tlie end of the 1st Moon,
when the booths were taken down. This pleasant custom
WAS also abandoned by Chia Ch*ing. whose temperament
was morose and opposed to all forms of gaiety.
According to tlie annalists, Ch*ien Lung displayed in
his domestic affairs the same thrifty virtues which dis-
tinguished the great Tzfk Usi, and some of the same Uttle
weaknesses. He was fond of certain dainties, and on his
travels loved to experiment with new dishes; for rich,
greasy ones he had a particular Uking. It is recorded in
one of several old diaries in the possession of a Manchu,
whose family has held high positions at Peking for several
generations, that on one occasion, while journeying through
the Yangtsze provinces, His Majesty desired to try a famous
Yangchou recipe for beaneurd. Finding it to his taste,
^ TzCi Hm instituted a biniilar custom at the Summer Palace during
the period (before the coup d'etat of 1898] of her retirement from State
affairs.
336
THE COURT OF PEKING
he asked the cost, and on being told that it was only
thirty cash (about a penny) directed that this cheap and
excellent fare be added to the menus of the Palace at
Peking. After returning to the capital, he discovered,
however, that the eunuchs entered the dish in the house-
hold kitchen account at twelve taels (then £3). When
he asked the reason they informed him that " southern
delicacies are not easily prepared in the north."
These housekeeping " squeezes " were a frequent source
of worry to Ch'ien Lung, as they were later to Tzu Hsi.
They contributed to make posts in the Imperial Household
amongst the most coveted in the Empire. Such posts
were only open to Manchus; in recent years the annual
income of a senior Secretary of the Household was esti-
mated at over a million taels. Any attempts to cut down
the perquisites of these offices (such as were made by the
parsimonious Tao Kuang) naturally made the Emperor
unpopular with the Imperial clansmen, many of whom
were directly or indirectly beneficiaries in these Palace
squeezes.
It is recorded that one cold winter's day, receiving
an official named Wang Yu-tun in audience, Ch'ien Lung
asked him whether he had had anything to eat before attend-
ing Court at dawn, to which Wang rephed. ** We are
very poor. All the breakfast that I can afford consists
of two or three eggs." At this the Emperor exclaimed :
" You dare to tell me you are poor, yet you confess to
eating three eggs at a time ! Eggs cost me 75 cents a-piece
— I should never dream of ordering three.'* Wang did
not dare to tell the Emperor the true price of eggs, so he
said : " I was speaking of an inferior type of egg, not the
sort which would be suitable for Your Majesty's table.
My sort can be bought for about a cash apiece." The
Emperor understood and gave orders that the Palace eggs
were hencefonvard to be charged at a more reasonable
figure.
« 837
^
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
Where women were concerned. Ch'ien Lung was, natur- '
ally, polygamous and patriarchal, after the Oriental j
manner, but ever mindful of the proprieties and jealous i
of his Consort's dignity, and for the rest, courteous and
gentle, and generous. His domestic life was free from
bickerings and scandals and his children were well brought!
up, for he knew how to combine the suaviter in modo with
tliGfortiter in re. According to the annaUsts, His Majesty
was wont, in the moments perdus of his manifold official'
and domestic duties, to indulge occasionally in emotional!
adventures and even escapades. There were entr'actes]
in the dignified drama of his public life. The following]
story, for instance, is one of several — not necessarily truepj
but certainly believed at the time.
La the earlier years of his reign the fame of a certain
literary courtesan, named San Ku-niang, had penetrated
even to the Palace. Her gate was thronged with Princes ■
and high officials : a word from her was esteemed as a bigh^
honour. So great was her influence that she was able
on more than one occasion to intercede successfully on
behalf of scholars and officials who had incurred the
Emperor's displeasure.
One night the Commandant of the Peking Gendarmerie
summoned one of his Lieutenants and handed him an arrow
(the sign of authority for summary arrest), bidding him
convey San Ku-niang to prison. The Lieutenant was
much alarmed, but dared not disobey. Having effected
an entrance to the lady's house, he proceeded upstairs to
her bedchamber. At the door he found a handmaid, to
whom he communicated his orders. Soon a soft voice
was heard from within, saying : " Sir, you are my
honoured guest : it would not be seemly for me to appear
before you, except clad in my gayest raiment. Pray
wait a few minutes whilst I change my dress, and I shall
be happy to welcome you."
After a considerable time had elapsed, the Lieutenant
338
I
THE COURT OF PEKING
began to fear that the lady had made good her escape
by a back door. So he called out, to make sure, whereupon
she answered : " Whoever heard of a prisoner escaping
from the clutches of the Commandant of Gendarmerie ?
Wait but a little longer and I shall be ready to go with
you."
At last San Ku-niang came forth, and handed to the
Lieutenant a pearl in a casket. This he politely declined.
She then gave him a small box, covered with Imperial
yellow silk. " Take this," she said, ** and present it to
your chief. It will perhaps make my presence unneces-
sary." The Lieutenant looked uncomfortable, not know-
ing what to do, but the lady reassured him. " You can
but try; if the Commandant is not satisfied, come back
for me. There is plenty of time. This box has travelled
all over the Empire " (it was one of the kind used for
forwarding Imperial decrees) ; " there is really no deception
about it." The Lieutenant took the box and wrapped it
up carefully. " Might I ask," he inquired, " if you had
a visitor just now?" "Yes," was the reply, "he was
a person of high position, but he has left the house by an
imderground passage which runs beneath my boudoir."
The Lieutenant trembled and turned pale. He returned
to the Commandant, gave him the box and told him what
liad passed.
Next morning, the Commandant was summoned to
audience. The Emperor said to him : " I know that you
are a zealous official, but you should look at things from
a broader aspect and refrain from doing petty detective
work. Such behaviour lacks dignity and will get you
into trouble."
The Commandant kotowed and expressed his contrition.
From that time forward the Peking police refrained from
displaying too much zeal in the matter of domiciliary visits.
Travellers who have visited Peking may remember the
889
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
lieautiful ruins of the Mahomedan Mosque which until
last year stood just outside the south wall of the Lake
Palace of the Forbidden City. Until five years ago services
M'ere still held in this Mosque by a Chinese Mahomedan
who had made the pilgrimage to Mecca, an aged man,
supported in his ruined shrine, by a handful of the faithful ;
but he died in 1908, and thereafter, the inner wall and
pillars fell in, so that the place — still beautiful in the last
stage of ruin — became a pathetic monument to the splen-
dours of a by-gone day. It was pulled down in May last,
by order of President Yuan Shih-k*ai, ostensibly because
it had become unsafe and because the site was required
for the erection of barracks, but really because its upper
storey dominated the Palace enclosure at the point where
tlie President's residence is located, and might have been
used, by mutinous troops, for " sniping" purposes. The
liistory of the building of this Mosque, by the Emperor
Ch'ien Lung, is as pathetic in its way as was the ruined
shrine, and it has this merit that its main facts are
unquestionably true.
During the first campaign in Sungaria, Ch'ien Lung
heard rumours of the remarkable beauty of the wife of
one of the tribal chiefs, a Mahomedan named Ali Arslan,
then in arms against him. She was known all over
the western frontier-land as the "Model Beauty"; and
celebrated for the softness of her skin, upon which she
never used cosmetics. At a farewell audience given to
his Commander-in-eliief, Chao Hui, Ch'ien Lung casually
told him of the reports he had heard of this lady and bade
him do his best to secure her for his Court. After the
successful end of the war, when the Prince, her husband,
had committed suicide, Chao Hui took her prisoner and
brought her to Peking. He sent couriers ahead to inform
the Emperor of his success. Ch'ien Lung, greatly pleased,
gave orders that special honours should be shown to lier en
route, and that every care be taken lest the hardships of
940
THE COURT OF PEKING
the journey should impair her beauty. Besides this, he
ordered Chao Hui to see to it that she did not commit
suicide.
On arrival at Peking she was quartered in the western
Palace by the southern lake.^ She was officially known as
tiie Hsiang (Fragrant) Concubine, but more commonly
referred to as the Stranger (K*o) Concubine. At first she
seemed quite contented, indifferent to her former husband's
death and the ruin of her tribe. But when Ch'ien Lung
approtichcd her, she remained coldly silent, refusing to
utter a word in reply to iiis questions.
Ch*ien Lung bade some of his concubines, in whose
powers of persuasion he had confidence, to tell her of the
high destinies which awaited her. Her only reply was to
draw a dagger from her sleeve. Asked what this meant,
she rephed : " My tribe is destroyed and my husband is
dead. Long since I have resolved on death, but when I
die, it shall not be alone, like any meek peasant girl perish-
ing by the roadside. 1 mean to avenge my lord's memory
by slaying his enemy. If the Emperor forces me to become
his concubine, I shall kill him and myself too." The
Palace women, horrified, bade her attendants take the
dagger from her. She smiled : " AVhatever you may do,
I shall find a way. As for you. if you do not cease from
troubling me, I shall kill one of you first."
Despairing of persuading her, they reported what she
had said to the Emperor. He saw that for the moment
it was hopeless to try to win her, but he often visited
her apartments and sat for a short time in her company,
beheving that time would heal her wound and that she
would ultimately come to regard him with favour. At
the same time he had her carefully guarded, to prevent
her from making any attempt on his fife. When she
^ The building iu which she lived and mourned is now the main
gatc-hall of the President's Palace, known as the Hsin Hua-m^n, or
Gate of New China.
341
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
found that she was continually watched, she seemed to]
abandon the idea of suicide : but one day after she had I
been in the Palace about two years, her attendants reported '
that on the occasion of the Moslem New Year, she had
been foiuid weeping bitterly. It was then that Ch'ien
Lung gave orders for a mosq\xe to be built just outside the
Lake Palace, on the south side, which she would be able '
to see from her residence, the Tower of the Jewelled Moon.
Houses and shops were built there exactly like those ofj
her native Sungaria, in the hope of giving comfort to her '
wounded spirit. The spot was known as the Moslem
Encampment.
Now the Empress Dowager, then in her eightieth year,
had great influence over her son. She was sorely distressed
at Ch*ien Lung's infatuation, and feared for him the risk
of assassination. So she said to him ; " As the woman is
obstinately resolved not to yield to your advances, and
as she is sick of life — why not put her to death ? Or at
least send her back to her own home, and trouble yourself
no more about her." But the Emperor could not bear
the idea of losing her, so, hoping against hope, he continued
to wait. At last, on the day of the winter solstice, when
he was due to be absent from the Palace and to spend
the night in the Hall of Fasting at the Temple of Heaven,
the Empress Dowager determined to act.
She waited until the Emperor had quitted the Palace,
and then sent a messenger to bid the *' Model Beauty "
attend her at the Palace of Motherly Tranquillity.
When she had come into the presence, the outer gates of the
Palace were made fast. " I hear that you will not submit
to His Majesty," said the Empress sternly. " What is
it that you propose to do? " She replied, " I mean to
die," " So be it ! I am ready to grant you the privilege
of committing suicide, here and now." The unhappy
woman expressed her gratitude by kotowing several times.
" Your Majesty the Empress Dowager is showing me
842
THE COURT OF PEKING
I
undeserved kindness in thus meeting my wishes. I
submitted to the ignominy of being compelled to make
this long journey under escort, in the hope that I should
not die alone, that I might be able to avenge my husband's
memory by a deed which would stagger the Empire.
But this cannot be, for I am too closely guarded. What
then is the use of my continuing this useless and aimless
existence? Is it not far better that I should re-join my
late lord in the other world and close my eyes, satisfied,
iu death ? I thank Your Majesty for your grace in
acceding to my wishes, and, in the realms of Hades,
shall not forget your benevolence." As she made an
end of speaking the tears welled from her eyes. The
Empress, greatly touched, bade a eunuch convey her
immediately to a room in one of the wings of the Palace,
where she hanged herself to a beam.
The Emperor was at the Hall of Fasting, but a confi-
dential eunuch came running to tell him that his beloved
concubine had been summoned to the presence of the
Empress Dowager. Fearing the worst, in great distress
of mind, he set out in all haste for the Palace, although
in so doing he violated the rule which required him to
remain in the Hall of Fasting till the morrow. On his
arrival, finding the doors of the Empress Dowager's Palace
barred, he stood there weeping, till the gates were opened
and a eunuch said : " Her Majesty desires that you will
repair to her presence,'* He entered, and the Empress
took him to the side room where the concubine was
hanging from the rafter, quite dead. There was no sign
of pain or struggle on her beautiful and placid face.
Ch'ien Lung was greatly grieved at her death, and had
her buried with the honours of a concubine of the first
rank.
During the last decade of Ch'ien Lung's reign, the
Government of China was practically concentrated in
348
ANNALS AND M£M01RS OF
the hands of the Grand Secretary, Ho Shen, and of his
proteges and partisans in the provinces. As his power
increased, so did his ambition. During the three years
which elapsed between the Emperor*s abdication and his
death (1796-99) his word was law in the land, and his
fortune grew to an extent unparalleled in the history of
China. He levied a fixed percentage on the pay of the
troops and instituted a regular tariff for the sale of offices,
so that it was said of him (as of Prince Ch'ing imder
Kuang Hsu) that his back door was a market-place for
peacocks' feathers and buttons. His private residence
was far more magnificent in its furnishings than the
Emperor's Palace, and he had amassed a wealth of jade
and jewels greater than all the Imperial treasure. It
was inevitable that in a land where money is the beginning
and end of politics, this man's vast fortune should expose
him to the gravest dangers so soon as the protection of
the Emperor was withdrawn.
Ho Shen's origin was a humble one, though he showed
no signs of it, his education and manners being sufficiently
good to impress and charm Lord Macartney and his staff
at Jehol. He was originally a sergeant of the Palace
guards, and being strong and handsome in appearance,
was specially selected to escort the Imperial sedan.
From one of the diaries of the Manchu clansmen, above
referred to, we take the following description of the manner
in which he first won Ch'ien Lung's favour. When the^
Emperor was about fifty years of age, it happened one
day that he was leaving the eastern gate of the Forbidden
City in his chair, and as he was carried along, he was
reading a memorial which had just reached him regarding
an outbreak of rebellion in Ssu-ch'uan. The Everlasting
Lord's face was clouded as he read, and his bearers over-
heard him saying : " If the tiger or the rhinoceros escapes
from its cage, if the gem be injured in the casket, who is
to blame ? " This well-known quotation, from the Dis-
844
THE COURT OF PEKING
I
courses cif Confucius, means tJiat the party responsible
for a misfortune must expect to bear the blame. None
of the bearers understood the allusion, but Ho Shen
who was riding alongside said to them : " * Yeh ' (the
Master) means that officials holding responsible posts
must be made accountable for every dereliction of duty."
Ch'ien Lung heard this reply, and was pleased at the
man's quick intelligence. He called to Ho Shen : *' You
are only a sergeant, but you have evidently read your
Four Books to some purpose. Attend for audience
after Our return to the Palace." The Emperor was so
greatly delighted with his conversation at the audience
which followed, that he gave him unparalleled promotion.
His ready wit and prompt replies to Ch'ien Lung's epi-
grams, which he capped with a pointed antithesis, appealed
to the Emperor's literary tastes. He rose to be Viceroy,
President of a Board and Grand Councillor, until at the
last his power was supreme in the Empire. His educa-
tion, from the scholar's point of view, was superficial,
but he concealed iiis lack of learning under a remarkable
talent for epigrams. He was appointed tutor to Prince
Chia, who succeeded Ch'ien Lung on the Throne. Ho
Shen disliked the young Prince, whose character was
surly and generally unsympathetic, and did his best to
dissuade Ch'ien Lung from selecting him as his Heir.
It is recorded that on one occasion he lost his temper
with his pupil and kicked him slightly. The insult was
never forgotten or forgiven by Chia Ch'ing, and Ho
Shen lived to regret that he had not adopted a more
conciliatory attitude towards the Heir to the Throne.
Until the death of Ch'ien Limg, however, it was Ho
Shen, and not the future Emperor, who dominated the
situation. After his abdication, Ch'ien Lung adopted
the title of " Tai Shang-huang," or " Exalted Emperor
who has vacated the Throne," but he continued to take
an active part in State affairs, and for the remaining
845
THE COURT OF PEKING
P
three years of his life was always present at Imperial
audiences, besides giving his decision on all decrees. At
audience he sat in the Imperial seat, facing the south,
while his son, Chia Ch*ing, sat on a small stool facing the
west. It is recorded in the diary above mentioned, that
one morning, Ho Shen, as doyen of the Council, came in
as usual for audience, and knelt in waiting for a long
time. His Majesty, the ex-Emperor, sat with closed
eyes, as if in deep slumber, but all the while he could be
heard muttering to himself.
The Emperor Chia Ch'ing listened intently, but could
not catch a word. At last Ch'ien Limg opened his eyes,
saying : " What are the names of those men ? " Ho Shen
promptly replied : " Kao T'ien-te and Kou Wen-ming.**
Ch'ien Lung closed his eyes again and repeated the names
several times, after which he motioned to Ho Shen to
leave the hall and not anotlier word was uttered. No
other audience was held on that day,
Chia Ch'ing was greatly astonished, and a few days
later summoned Ho to secret audience. ** What was His
Majesty saying to himself the other day, and what did
those six syllables mean which you uttered in reply ? "
Ho answered : " His Majesty was reciting a famous
Tibetan mystic spell, which means death to the person
against whom it is uttered, at what ever distance he may
be, even though he be perfectly well at the time. Your
slave heard His Majesty uttering this incantation, and
knew that the persons whom His Majesty wished to ban
were the leaders in the White Lily conspiracy : therefore
in answering him, I spoke their names." Chia Ch'ing
laid this incident to heart, for Ho's proficiency in Budd-
histic arts of incantation struck him as dangerous. After
Ch'ien Limg's demise, two years later, this was one of
the things which he remembered against Ho Shen.
846
CHAPTER XIV
THE DO\\T»^ALL OF HO SHEN
As already stated, the old Emperor Ch'ien Lung con-
tinued after his abdication to supervise all important
business of State, and showed no signs of failing health
until the autumn of 1798, when he was attacked by
paralysis. He lingered on until February 7, 1799,
when he died, at 8 a.m., on the third day of the Chinese
new year, in the Hall of Mind Nurture.
The opening of Chia ChMng's reign had not been
auspicious; it seemed as if the zenith of prosperity had
been reached in the sixtieth year of Ch'ien Lung (1795),
and with that Monarch's abdication a period of decline
set in. Rebellions had broken out in Hunan, Hupei
and Kueichou, and the \Vhite Lily sect had become a
power in the land. ChMen Lung had the mortification
of feeling that he was leaving a disturbed Empire to his
son, who was now in his thirty-ninth year, a man without
natural ability, of suspicious and vindictive temperament.
On the day after his father's death, Chia Ch'ing issued
a decree complaining that the military operations against
the rebels were being dragged on without appreciable
result. With good cause he observed : *' The Com-
manders-in-chief do not seem to be in the least anxious
to put down the rebellion, since they are able to enrich
themselves and wax fat at the expense of the disturbed
districts. They report mythical victories, and are lost
to all sense of sh ame. Manch u bodyguardsmen and
847
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
secretaries are all only too glad to proceed to the seat of
trouble, but their zeal is not due to any patriotic motive.
Penniless officials come back from service at the front
with amply lined pockets. On their return to Peking
they apply at once for leave to revisit their family tombs,
not from a sense of fihal respect, but in order to invest their
ill-gotten gains in tlie purchase of land. All this money
comes ultimately from the xmfortunate people, plundered
to satisfy their insatiable greed. No wonder, then, that
more and more recruits join the rebels, and that none can
foresee an end to the troubles. Not only are the rebels'
numbers as great as ever, but their ranks are steadily
increasing.
** My late father lost both sleep and appetite because of
his anxiety at the spread of the rebellion, and with his
last breath he asked whether there were any news of a
victory at the front. In liis valedictory mandate he left
beliind no instructions concerning other matters, pre-
sumably because he left me with full authority to deal
with them in my discretion. Until these lawless sects
have been suppressed I shall feel myself unfilial towards
my late father's memory. If my Grand Councillors and
Generals in the field are all disloyal to the Throne, how
can I comfort the soul of my father in Heaven? Is it
the fact that they arc indifferent to the fate which is
about to visit them, and are content to be disloyal them-
selves, as well as making their Emperor unfilial ?
" I cannot allow further leakages of funds to enrich the
official class. Taxation cannot be increased, and the
Government revenues should be ample for all needs.
My father in his extreme old age became too lenient
and bestowed high rewards upon the least report of a
success. In the case of a reverse he would merely ad-
minister a mild rebuke, and reinstate the offender so soon
as he had retrieved his error. During the last few years
Yung Pao alone was sent to prison for cowardice, and even
848
F
THE COURT OF PEKING
le was promptly released. It is very certain that Yung
Pao is not the only coward in our ranks ! Every trifling
success is exaggerated and serious defeats are glossed
over. Possibly the idea was to save my father distress,
which at his age would have followed upon evil tidings,
but in military matters accuracy is essential. There were
always reports of terrible carnage on tlie rebels* side, but
the figures were a tissue of falsehoods.
*' These abuses cannot be allowed to continue. I insist
that I be informed of the true state of affairs. AVhat good
can come of representing a disgraceful defeat as a glorious
victory ? I am Lord of the Empire, and I require the
truth above everything. All I care about is peace and
plenty, absence of rebellion, and the contentment of my
subjects. I shall show no mercy for misconduct in the
field ; all my commanders will do well, therefore, to purge
themselves of error and to clear tlieir niinds of cant. Let
them exert themselves to restore the halcyon days of peace,
otherwise they will be dealt with by martial law. My
words will be followed up by action; do not imagine that
your new Sovereign can be hoodwinked I "
The above decree was specially directed at Ho Shen
and his party, which included the majority of high officials,
both civil and military. Four days later a decree was
issued, in response to memorials from tl\e ever servile
Censoratc, wliich stripped Ho Shen of all his ofliecs and
commanded his imprisonment in the Board of Punish-
ments, together with Fu Ch*ang-an, the President of the
Board of Revenue. Ho Shen was Comptroller-General
of two boards, and held a plurality of offices. Chia Ch'ing
placed his elder brother. Prince Ch'eng, on the Council
and made him Comptroller of a Board, although this was
contrary to dynastic house-law. Further sweeping
changes were made, and many of Ch*ien Lung's trusted
Ministers were summarily dismissed before he had been
dead a week. Such hasty action, wliile the Court was in
849
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
deep mourning, was regarded by the orthodox as ex-
tremely unfilial. Chia Ch'ing endeavoured to justify his
action on the ground that, had his father been alive, he
would have cordially endorsed the curt dismissal of those
whom he had delighted to honour. We have already
alluded to the frequency with which, under the Manchus,
the favourites of the old regime have been dismissed by the
new, but Chia Ch*ing acted with almost indecent haste.*
Two days later, on the 9th, he issued the following
decree concerning Ho Shcn's offences : " Ho Slien re-
ceived extraordinary favours from His departed Majesty,
and was promoted from the low position of Imperial
guardsman to the highest offices, which he has held for
nigh on twenty years. He has been steeped in the lavish
bounty of my late father to an extent unparalleled in the
history of the Court. The arduous duties of Government
have now devolved on me by inheritance, and my father's
demise finds me ' sleeping on a straw mat and pillowed
on a clod.' ^ My thoughts dwell ever on the Confucian
precept : ' For three years after a parent's death none of
his former surroundings sliould be changed.* But all
within and without the wide seas realise my late sire's
reverence for Heaven, his obedience to ancestral tradition,
his diligence in government, and affection for his people.
His example stands out as a shining light for my house
and dynasty to follow for all time; how, then, should a
period of three years suffice for obedience to his behests?
I could not find it in my heart to dismiss from office any
of my father's Ministers, even were they guilty of offences,
I should take into consideration any extenuating circum-
stances to mitigate their punishment. I am sure that
His Sacred Majesty is at this moment fully conscious of
my sincerity and concurs in my sentiments.
^ When Chia Ch'ing died, struck by lightning, the orthodox regarded
it as Heaven's chastisement for his luck of filial piety.
' A classical metaphor for a son's mourning.
350
THE COURT OF PEKING
" But as regards Ho Shen, his crimes are too grave to
admit of possible pardon, for he has been impeached on
many counts by the Censorate, I therefore placed him
under arrest two days ago, and shall now proceed to
state his offences seriatim for general information.
" On the 8rd day of the 9th Moon of the 00th year of
Ch'ien Lung, Ho Shen presented me with a jade sceptre,
intending thereby to signify that I had been nominated
successor to the Throne. He thus betrayed a State
secret, in the hope that I should consider myself beholden
to him for advancing my claims with the late Emperor.
" In the spring of last year the late Emperor was at
the Summer Palace, and summoned Ho Shen to audience.
He actually presumed to ride on horseback through the
central gate, past the main Imperial Hall, right up to the
entrance of my father's apartments. Could any action
equal this in base presumption, as if he had forgotten
what was due to liis Sovereign and father ! Pleading an
affection of the leg, he would enter the Forbidden City in
a chair borne by bearers. He was the observed of all
observers as he passed calmly in and out of the Gate of
Divine Military Prowess, without the smallest vestige of
shame or compunction.
" He even dared to appropriate to his own use, as
secondary wives, women who had been employed as
handmaidens in the Palace.
" After the outbreak of the Hupei and Ssu-ch'uan re-
bellion, propagated by seditious sects, my father used
eagerly to await news from the front, sitting up until late
into tlie night, taking neither food nor sleep. But Ho
Shen deceived him, deliberately suppressing and even
falsifying reports from the field, so that the operations
have dragged on and on.
" My father appointed him Comptroller-General of the
Board of Civil Offices and Punishments, and at the same
time, because of his knowledge of finance, appointed him
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
to supervise and direct the proceedings of the Board of
Revenue. The result of this was the estabUshment of
a one-man power; soon none dared oppose him.
" Last winter my father's health was bad, so that his
handwriting on rescripts was sometimes illegible. Ho
Shen actually presumed on one occasion to say : ' Better
tear off that rescript and use one that I have written
instead.'
" Last month Ho Shen suppressed an official report from
Kokonor concerning robbery under arms by bands of
Mahomedans, who had murdered two Tibetan merchants,
in the employ of the Dalai Lama. He returned the
memorial to the sender and made no report to the Throne.
" After my late father's death I gave orders that any
Mongol Princes and Dukes who had not had the small-
pox should be excused from coming to Peking. Ho Shen
disregarded these orders, and stopped all 3Iongol Princes
from coming, whether they had had smallpox or not.
In so doing, he violated the Throne's policy of showing
courtesy to vassals. His motives defy conjecture.
" The Grand Secretary Su-ling-a was stone deaf, far
gone in senile dotage. He was, however, the father-in-
law of Ho Lin, Ho Shen's brother, and for this reason the
Throne was never advised of his utter incapacity. Wu
Sheng-lan, the Vice-president, and Li Kuang-yiin, Director
of the Imperial stud, were originally tutors at Ho Shen's
private residence, which alone accounts for their ex-
traordinary advancement. In fact. Ho Shen w£is a dictator,
and did not hesitate to dismiss secretaries on the Grand
Council at his own sweet will.
" Ho Shen's property has just been examined. It
appears that he has built himself a mansion of Imperial
cedar wood, the use of which constitutes lese majesii on
the part of a subject; the style of architecture is in exact
imitation of the late Emperor's Palace of Imperial Longe-
vity in the Forbidden City, whilst the pleasure gardens
852
I
THE COURT OF PEKING
and pavilions are copied from the scheme of decoration
used in the ' Terrace of the Fortunate Isles ' at the
Summer Palace. Into his motives in this matter let us
not inquire too closely !
*' Amongst his jewels and precious stones he has collected
two hundred pearl necklaces, a number greatly exceeding
those in the Imperial Palace. He possesses one particular
pearl far superior, both in size and lustre, to that worn by
me in the Imperial hat of State. ^ In his collection there are
jewels which were meant exclusively for the Emperor's
use and to which he had no right ; the number of his uncut
stones is legion, far surpassing those of the Imperial house-
hold. The inventory of his hoard of bullion is incomplete,
but the amount is certainly several million ounces.
" Such a career of venality and corruption may be
called unique. Ho Shen has acknowledged the truth of
each separate count of the above indictment, after under-
going a severe examination ^ at the hands of the Princes
and Ministers.
** The fact now stands clearly revealed that Ho Shen is
a deep-dyed traitor, lost to all moral sense, who has be-
trayed his Sovereign and jeopardised the State. As self-
constituted dictator he has usurped supreme authority,
* The famous pearl worn in the Impt;rial hat was known as the K'anff
Lung Cliiao Tzfl (" The azure dragon instructing [Mjsterity "). The pean
in lio Shell's colleclion here referred to was even more famous. It
was called the Cluitg Ta Kuang ining ( " Of glorious good omen" ), and liad
been brought to the Ming Emperor Yung-Lo from Ceylon by one of his
eunuch envoys in the 15th century. It disapjx-arcd from the Palace,
stolen bv the eunuch Wei Chung- hsien, in 1625, and remained in the
South tifl 1781, when it was sent as tribute toCh'icn Lung from Ch£kiang
and appropriated by Ho Shen. There was an ancient prophecy con-
cerning it, that its loss would always mean ruin to the dynasty. After
Chia Ch'ing had contiseated it from Ho Shen's estate, he referred to this
prophecy. The last occasion on wliieh it was seen at Court was at the
Empress Lung Yii's reception to the ladies of the Diplomatic Body in
1911, when the child Emperor Hstian T'lmg wore it in his cap. Rumour
declares that it was stolen in August 1011 by a eunuch named Shen
Lo-t'ing.
* Under torture.
AA
858
ANNALS ANB MSMOIRS OF
He has lent himself to the most flagrant abuses, but his
venal greed and insatiate lust for lucre are comparatively
light crimes as compared with the depths of his treason.
" To my father, who lavished favours upon him, he was
guilty of most wanton ingratitude. Had any of his
colleagues impeached him years ago, my father, in his
divine wisdom, would surely have decreed his immediate
decapitation, but not a word was ever breathed against
him. My officials may now pretend that their silence was
due to a loyal desire to avoid causing distress to my aged
father, but I know all too well that the real reason lay in
their fear of Ho Shen's power. That alone kept their lips
sealed.
" Ho Shen's offences against my father are innumerable,
exceeding in number the hairs of the head. If I condone
them, how can I comfort the soul of my father in Heaven ?
The necessity for painful measures is forced upon me; I
shall be glad to know the opinion of my Viceroys and
Governors in the matter. My metropolitan officials have
already been ordered to advise as to the sentence to be
inflicted; Viceroys and Governors are hereby ordered
to submit their views, together with any further details of
Ho Shen's crimes that may be within their knowledge."
When the Great Man falls in China he brings down
many in his ruin. Chia Ch'ing's blood was up; he com-
menced a general proscription against the proteges of Ho
Shen in high places, making careful selection of those with
squeezable estates. The first victim was the Manchu
Governor of Shantung. The decree concerning him said :
" Amongst the memorials received by Imperial courier
to-day from I-chiang-a, Governor of Shantung, I find a
private letter addressed to Ho Shen, which states that
the Governor had learned that the late Emperor had
' become a guest on high,' and goes on to exhort Ho Shen
to subdue his grief and devote himself to his duties. He
ignores me entirely, saying nothing about the awful loss
354
THE COURT OF PEKING
which I have sustained, though even the ordinary social
relations of private Hfe and common politeness require
that a line of sympathy and condolence be addressed to
a son who had just lost a father. I-chiang-a, in fact, sets
himself to console Ho Shen, bidding liim moderate his
grief, but to me he sends only a routine memorial asking
after my health, after which he proceeds to report on the
affairs of his province, as if nothing unusual had occiured.
The Provincial Treasurer, "SVu Hsiian-kuang, is a Chinese,
and not a Manchu Uke I-chiang-a, but he has had the
grace and good feeling to send me a memorial expressive
of the deepest sympathy and couched in most touching
terms. Immediately on hearing of the late Emperor's
death he wrote beseeching me to take comfort, writing,
in fact, as a Minister should write to his Sovereign.
I-chiang-a, a Manchu and the son of a Grand Secretary,
cannot plead ignorance of etiquette, especially as he
served for many years as Secretary of the Grand Council.
He treats my father's death with callous hardness, and
by thus tactfully condoling with Ho Shen, shows all too
plainly that my father was nothing to lum in the past
and that I am nothing to him in the present. It is Ho
Shen whom he worships and flatters. He is a monster
of black ingratitude, and I transmit to him hereby my
stem rebuke, besides demanding an explanation and
referring his case to the proper Ministry for the determina-
tion of a penalty.'*
In due course I-chiang-a forwarded an explanatory
memorial, but it failed to appease the Emperor. " He
now puts forward the cunning quibble that the official
intimation of my father's death had not reached him.
He adds that he has never had any personal relations
with Ho Shen, and wrote merely to express the hope
that this national loss would inspire Ho Shen to display
zeal and devotion for the State. All this is simply
ridiculous; what devotion to the State could be expected
3d5
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
from a man like Ho Shen, whose crimes have now been
made manifest to the world, and whose whole career is
one long record of self-seeking corruption ? If I-chiang-a
were really unacquainted with Ho Shen, will he kindly
inform me into whose pocket went the extra receipts under
the heading of tribute rice, in regard to which matter
he has already been denounced ? I-chiang-a has been
guilty of grave offences. He is hereby cashiered and
ordered to Peking to await my further pleasure."
Referring to the tribute from the provinces, Chia Ch*ing
declared that Ho Shen had retained nine-tenths of it,
and that Ch'ien Lung had been disgracefully cheated.
He issued a decree forbidding any further remittances
of tribute in kind from the provinces, excepting only
medicines, sables and pearls from Manchuria, ginseng and
porcelain. He particularly objected to the annual pre-
sentation of Ju-i (" As you like it ") sceptres from each
province to the Throne, and remarked that to him these
articles were anything but pleasing, inasmuch as the
people were taxed to provide them.
At the Emperor's word, Ho Shen's friends and followers
now began to fall away from him. The Viceroy of Chihli,
Hu Chi-t'ang, who owed all he had to Ho Shen, turned,
after the manner of the mandarin, on his patron in dis-
grace, and thus memoriaUsed the Throne : " Ho Shen is
bereft of moral sense ; he cannot be regarded as a human
being. His dastardly treason to the Throne and cruel
oppression of the people have put him on a level with the
rebels in the west. Infatuate in his madness, he knows
no law, human or divine; basely ungrateful, he wallows
in crime. I beg to recommend that he be sentenced to
the lingering death. I have also ascertained that in his
usurping arrogance he has built himself a lordly sepulchre
at Chi-chou, as magnificent as the Imperial tombs."
After receiving these thoroughly impartial views from
the Viceroys and Governors, Chia Ch*ing (whose talent
356
THE COURT OF PEKING
for long-winded reiteration exceeded even that of Yung
Cheng) proceeded once more to recapitulate the list of
Ho Shen*s crimes. He recited twenty of them with
much wealth of detail, and observed that there were more
behind, though the whole Court was well aware that the
fallen Minister*s one vital crime was his enormous wealth.
Once more» playing to the gallery and posterity, the
indignant Monarch asks the Court to deliberate upon an
adequate sentence.
Of Ho Shen*s fellow-victim and offender, Fu Ch'ang-an,
he observes : " Fu Ch*ang-an*s grandsire, sire, uncle, and
brothers all received hereditary honours from the Throne.
Fu Ch*ang-an himself served for years on the Grand
Council; his daily relations with Ho Shen were of the very
closest kind. He knew full well the nature of Ho Shen*s
disgraceful greed; moreover, as he was constantly in
intimate attendance on my late father, privileged to have
access to his presence when alone, he could, had he so
wished, have informed His late Majesty of Ho Shen*s
treasonable and ambitious designs, and my father would
have realised that such a warning, based on intimate
knowledge, was worthy of confidence and serious attention.
Ill that case, there can be no doubt that Ho Shen would
long ago have suffered the penalty of death, and the
State would not then have had to deplore the present
disastrous condition of affairs.
** If he really thought that the shock of such a revelation
would have been dangerous to my aged father, why did
not Fu Ch'ang-an report the matter to myself? But
during the three years that have elapsed since my acces-
sion, not a syllable has he ever uttered about Ho Shen's
guilt; his silence proves him to have been an accomplice
and abettor. Had he even hinted to me of Ho Shen's
crimes, I should have spared him to-day. As it is, the
schedule of his confiscated property, though vastly less
than that of Ho Shen, discloses total assets considerably
857
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
exceeding ten million taels, which must surely be regarded
as excessive for a man in his position. His remorseless
greed is second only to that of the chief culprit. I com-
mand, therefore, that the two cases be treated identically,
and a report submitted accordingly."
On the 17th, a fortnight after the death of the old
Emperor, the Grand Secretaries and Ministers submitted
their report. Many of them owed their advancement
in life to Ho Shen, but the sliip was sinking and the rats
made haste to leave it. The fallen Minister's friends
fell from him~none so poor to do him reverence. They
advised the Throne to inflict the lingering death on Ho
Shen and decapitation on Fu Ch'ang-an, the former being
found guilty of high treason and the latter of having been
an accomplice before the fact. Ho Shen's usurpation of
supreme power constituted, they declared, a capital
offence, excluding him from all hope of mercy at the
hands of the law.
Chia Ch*ing had now obser\'ed the usual hypocritical
decencies, and saved his face in the orthodox manner by
placing on his Court the nominal responsibility for the
official murdering of Ho Shen and the plundering of his
vast estate. His object being to possess himself of the
wretched Minister's ill-gotten wealth, he could afford to
dispense with the lingering death, so long as death in some
form were inflicted. His next decree, therefore, took into
gracious consideration " the undesirability of executing
the chief Minister of State like a common felon in the
public square, and, because the Court was in mourning,
allowed him the privilege of committing suicide, as a
mark of liigh favour, and out of regard to the dignity of
the nation." As to Fu Ch'ang-an, '* as his property does
not amount to a tenth of that illegally amassed by Ho
Shen, his punishment is commuted to confinement pend-
ing decapitation." * As a refinement of clemency, the
* A sentence equivalent to imprisonment for life.
858
^
THE COURT OF PEKING
Emperor ordered that Fu Ch'ang-an was to be taken
under guard to Ho Shen's place of confinement and there
compelled, on his knees, to witness his late chief's suicide,
after which he was to be escorted back to prison.
Ho Shen's brother. Ho Lin, had received an hereditary
dukedom from His Majesty Ch'ien Lung in recognition
of his meritorious services in Tibet, and his name had
been inscribed amongst those of the heroes of the dynasty
in a side-shrine of the Temple of Ancestors. Chia Ch*ing,
after contemptuous references to Ho Lin's capacity and
career, ordered that his dukedom be taken from him and
that his shrine in the august company of the nation's
Iieroes be dismantled and overthrown.*
One of Ho Shen's sons had married an Imperial Princess,
Chia Ch'ing's sister, and as it would have been incon-
sistent with the dignity of the Imperial family to reduce
him to the rank of a plebeian, he was permitted to retain
an hereditary earldom, on the understanding that he was
to be confined to his own premises and behave himself
circumspectly. Other members of the family were de-
graded, and the whole clan was removed from the highest
Manchu banner— to which Ch'ien Lung had promoted it—
and ordered to revert to the Plain Red division.
Ho Shen met his end with the calm dignity of a brave
man and a philosopher. He was commanded to kneel
and listen to Chia Ch'ing's long-winded decree ordering
iiim to commit suicide. On its conclusion, he said : *' His
Majesty is most gracious; I thank him for his clemency."
Then, after kotowing in the direction of the Palace, he
addressed his son and Fu Ch'ang-an. To the latter he
said: "We two have served our old master together;
it is in accordance with ancient practice that the Minister
* In the eyes of the orthodox, Chia Ch'ing by this act reached the
lowest depths of filial impiety, and became a criminal in the siglit of
God and men. This sin was sufHcient in itsrif to account for the
subsequent visitation of Heaven's wrath upon him.
859
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
should follow his lord to the Nine Springs. I shall now
attend His sainted Majesty, as of old, and receive his wise
counsel. The present Emperor has loyal servants about
him and is well rid of men such as you and I.'*
Then he mounted the daifs and hanged himself, tying
the noose without assistance, nis last words were : *'His
late Majesty will feel indignant wrath in the Halls of
Hades." This was at 1 p.m. In a minute or two life
was extinct. When the news of his death was brought
in haste to the mean-spirited Cliia Ch'ing, they found liim
kneeling before his father's coffin offering propitiatory
libations of wine.
Peking was greatly excited, and the official world went
in terror of a wholesale proscription, such as took place
when the eunuch Wei Chung-hsien held sway at the end
of the Ming dynasty, Chia Ch'ing was urged by his two
elder brothers to issue a reassuring decree. Knowing
himself to be extremely unpopular, and fearful of assassina-
tion, he followed this advice. He said, in his best manner :
'* Ho Shen is dead. Unless the Empire's chief cause of evil
were pulled up by the roots, how could my Government be
purified and officialdom purged of its corroding influence ?
His case is concluded, but he held at his disposal many
of the highest posts, and his partisans in Peking are legion.
The provinces swarm with the sycophants who fawned at
his gate and bribed their imlawful way into his favour.
Should I proceed to investigate every case I would have
to indite at least seventy per cent, of the higher officials,
which is clearly impracticable, for there would be no
means of making the punishment fit the crime. The times
are out of joint. So many and great abuses exist in our
Government that time fails me to recapitulate them, I
have mentioned the worst in my decrees regarding Ho Shen.
Bat if my officials misconstrue my motives and begin
denouncing their private enemies to me on trivial grounds,
inventing plausible evidence for the wreaking of old
860
THE COURT OF PEKING
grudges, there will be no end to the reign of terror and no
one will be safe. I have no desire to be at the head of a
party, nor to allow my Government to be divided into
opposing groups, each animated by vindictive feelings
towards the other.
*' I dealt severely with Ho Shen because his usurping
ambition jeopardised the safety of the State; his venal
corruption and subterraneous trafficking were compara-
tively trivial offences. After I decided to strike I struck
promptly and without mercy. But if only warning be
taken for the future, I am ready to let bygones be bygones.
I trust, therefore, that none of you will harbour nervous
fears. Most of you are men of second-rate abilities, but
if you will exert yourselves conscientiously in the service
of the State, there is no reason why you should not im-
prove in course of time. Some of you in your haste have
gone astray; you must now cleanse your hearts and
purge yourselves of error in the hope of becoming respect-
able members of society and not mere wastrels and en-
cumbrances. Trembling obey this my mandate ; let the
whetstone of conscience make you keen to conform to my
desire for the dawn of a better day ! " (With many more
platitudes to the same effect.)
Chia Ch'ing's decrees are sufficient in themselves to
show that his first idea, upon the death of his father, was
to deprive Ho Shen of his power and his fortune, and this
from purely vindictive and avaricious motives. But be-
cause " face-saving " traditions and the elaborate parade
of elementary justice retained with him and with his
Court an atavistic force of instinct, the judicial murder
of his Chief Minister and the plundering of his worldly
goods had to be carried out with due observance of time-
honoured formalities and retributive justice. There could
be no doubt that he and his immediate adherents, jealous
of Ho Shen's wealth and power, had long since planned the
impeachment and destruction of Ch'ien Lung's favourite,
361
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
but when the time came, they were careful to cover the
infamy of their proceedings with a fine texture of plausible
justification. The Emperor's sole motives were jealousy
and greed, but he compelled his victim, under torture, to
invest them with the virtue of righteous indignation.
In the ransacked and chaotic jumble of the Grand
Council's archives, a portion of the original report sub-
mitted by the Council on the indictment of Ho Shcn has
recently been found. Unfortunately, most of tliis docu-
ment is missing, but what remains is extremely interesting.
The first portion is a memorandum of His Majesty's orders,
verbally communicated, concerning the several matters
on which the Imperial Commissioners were directed to
cross-examine the prisoner, under torture if necessary.
It is imnecessary to reproduce the whole of tliis dossier,
but the Emperor's first two questions may be quoted as
proof of his grasping and thoroughly sordid intentions.
The first question was : " Amongst the mass of
property seized in your various residences I find a quantity
of ceilings and panellings of Imperial cedar wood, the use
of which by a subject is tantamount to gross Icse majesty.
All the furniture and fittings of this woodwork are an
exact reproduction of those in the Palace of Tranquil
Longevity. What was your motive in committing these
acts of treason ? Did you aspire to the Throne ?
Ho Shen's reply (real or alleged) amounted, as did all
the rest of his statements under " cross-examination," to
an unqualified and humble confession of guilt. There can
be no doubt that if he made the statements recorded
against him, he did so because he knew that his doom was
sealed, and wished to save himself and his persecutors
further trouble. His answer to the above question is set
down as follows :
" Your slave had no right to have in his private residence
ceilings and panellings of Imperial cedar, with screens
and woodwork in imitation of those in the Palace. The
362
I
I
1
THE COURT OF PEKING
fact is, I sent a eunuch named Hu to the Palace to have
the fittings copied. The cedar wood I purchased myself,
but it is true that I took from the Palace several pillars
of crystal and glass. For this your slave deserves to die
the death."
The second question was : " Amongst the great assort-
ment of pearls and jewels which were seized yesterday at
your residences and handed over to me for inspection, I
find over two hundred exquisite Court necklaces of pearls.
I, the Emperor, only possess about eighty Court necklaces,
including those formerly worn by my grandfather and
great-grandfather. Your necklaces outnumber mine three
to one. Amongst your large single pearls there is one
much larger than the one 1 wear in my official hat. You
have no right to wear such a pearl. How did you acquire
this immense collection ? Besides, you have innumerable
quantities of other gems, more lustrous and larger than any
I possess. Is not this of itself convincing proof of your
covetous wickedness?"
To this Ho Shen replied giving the names of the various
officials from whom he had received presents of pearls
and other jewels, chiefly military commanders.
For the rest, the wretched man either confessed, or
was reported to have confessed, that all the other charges
against him, as set forth in the Emperor's indictment,
were true. lie had " appropriated Imperial handmaidens
of exceptional comeliness for his own purposes"; he
had ridden on horseback in the Forbidden City; he had
revealed State secrets and suppressed despatches from
the seat of rebellion; he had prevented the Mongol
mission from coming to Peking, and done many other
evil things, for all of which, " he deserved to die a thousand
deaths."
But all these interesting formalities, in the case of a
man irretrievably condemned before this farce of an
" inquiry " began, were nothing more than by-play, as
863
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
the Court was well aware; an empty parade of legality
intended to serve the purposes of " historical accuracy "
in the djoiastic records. The real object of the inquiry
was to elicit from Ho Shen the total amount of his property
and the places in which it was to be found. In this matter
he was less frankly communicative ; after three " examina-
tions," the list of his possessions included 60 million
ounces of silver; 27,000 ounces of gold; 56 necklaces
and bracelets of pearls; 456 rubies and 113 sapphires.
The large Court necklaces were not included in the
official schedule, because the Emperor had confiscated
them for his own use on the day that they were handed
to him for inspection. (The famoxis pearl-embroidered
jacket, frequently worn by the Empress Dowager
Tzu Hsi, was similarly confiscated from Ho Shen's
collection.)
Ho Shen had to be repeatedly and severely beaten
before he declared the total amount and the hiding-places
of his wealth. Eventually, after the Eighth Prince and
two Grand Secretaries had personally superintended the
" inquiry " and the application of severe torture, Ho Shen
disclosed the fact that most of his treasure was buried in
his garden outside the city. Prince Ting, a grandson of
Ch'ien Lung, was sent to dig it up, wliilst the Eleventh
Prince, with two other Grand Secretaries, made a thorough
search of all the victim's city residences. The Court was
hot on the scent for loot.
Eight days later the treasure-hunters sent in their
report. Ho Shen's property was classified under 109
schedules, 20 of which showed a total value of 223 millions
of taels (roughly at that time, 70 milUons sterUng). These
figures, the result of an official valuation, were quoted
in an Imperial decree, and may be regarded as approxi-
mately correct. His entire estate, roughly calculated on
the same basis, must have been worth about 900 millions
of taels. The bullion confiscated was handed:
364
ded^over to the J
THE COURT OF PEKING
Board of Revenue, ostensibly for the campaign against
the rebels in Ssu-clvuan and Hupei.
The official inventory, under the first 26 schedules
of Ho Shen's estate, deals principally with his main
residence, which Chia Ch'ing, in his disinterested zeal for
the purity of the State, presented to his younger brother.
Prince Ch'ing,^ The gardens to the east of it, adjoining
the Lake of the Ten Pagodas (Shih ch'a hai). were given
to another of his brothers, Prince Ch*eng, and until quite
recently belonged to his descendant, the ** Beileh " Hsiao.
The flower garden, presented to Ho Shen by Ch'ien
Lung himself, was one of the wonders of the capital. It
contained sixty-four pavilions, some of them decorated
with Imperial yellow tiles, and had high towers at its four
comers, after the design of the Palace precincts, which
was undoubtedly inviting disaster. In these towers Ho
Shen kept a considerable force of night watchmen under
arms to protect his vast wealth ; there were 420 altogether
in the pleasure garden.
Ho Shen's wealth was indeed sufficient to excite the
jealous cupidity of a small-minded man like Chia Ch'ing.
To be very rich is always dangerous under an Oriental
Court, but the hoarding instinct is usually stronger than
the fear of death itself in a race with which the horror
of poverty seems, through ages of the fiercest life-struggle,
to have accumulated the blind force of unreasoning
instinct. The manner in which the Great Man invested
and concealed his riches was typical of his class, and not
without interest as illustrating the economic conditions
then obtaining. To-day, the much-looted modern man-
darin has discovered new and safer means of investing
his money— in the fixed deposits of European banks and
' The western half of Ho Shen's residence is now the property of his
grandson by adoption, the venal Prince Ch*inji, whose corrupt practices
were notorious throughout the latter part of the reign oJ Tzii Ffci. The
eastern half, divided from it by a street, is the Palace of Prince Ilsiao.
365
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
real estate at the Treaty Ports; but until 1900, the
methods adopted by Ho Shen were those common to the
wealthy official class.
According to the 26 schedules above mentioned, Ho
Shen was the owner of 75 pawnshops, 18 curio-shops,
two storehouses of white jade and two of silk. In his
fur treasury there were 1907 rare fox skins and 67,000
other pelts. He had a separate storehouse for sables
and fur coats, in which were found 1417 fine sable robes
and over 4000 other fur garments, together with large
quantities of sable-lined boots and hats. His wood
treasury was a building of 22 rooms, containing 8640
pieces of the choicest woods. The contents of the pawnshops
and curio-shops alone were valued at 60 millions of taels.
His private residences were furnished with a magnificence
which the China of to-day knows only by tradition, the
magnificence of art treasures accumulated through long
centuries, but which, looted in successive rebellions,
or sold by their impoverished owners, have gradually
found their way into the hands of foreigners and left
the country for ever. The list of curios found in Ho
Shen's principal residence included amongst others the
following objects ;
11 bronze tripods of the Han dynasty,
18 jade tripods.
711 antique ink slabs (some of the Sung dynasty).
28 Imperial gongs, of jade.
10 ancient Japanese swords.
88 European clocks, inlaid with gems.
140 gold and enamel watches.
226 pearl bracelets.
288 large rubies, 4070 sapphires,
10 trees of coral, 8 feet 8 inches high.
22 statues, in white jade, representing the Goddess
of Mercy, the Lohaus, etc.
866
THE COURT OF PEKING
solid gold Lohans, 2 feet 4 inches high,
sceptres " Ju-i " of solid gold, each weighing
forty-eight ounces.
607 jade sceptres, several of them engraved upon the
handle with original verses by the Emperor
Ch'ien Lung.
8411 small jade sceptres.
500 pairs of chopsticks, ivory and gold.
A gold table service of 4288 pieces; another
similar service of silver.
99 large soup-bowls of topaz ; 154 of jade.
124 wine beakers of white jade.
18 plates of jade and eighteen of topaz, forty inches
in diameter.
2390 snuff-bottles of jade, cornelian and topaz.
1 solid rock of jade, carved and engraved with poems
of the Ming Emperor Yung Lo and His Majesty
Ch'ien Lung, about 8 feet long.^
Even the wash-basins, spittoons, and chamber utensils
of the great man's house were of solid gold, or jade —
only a few were of silver. Of small screens he had 23 of
solid gold, and 40 of gold and lacquer; 24 large lacquer
screens; 144 couches decorated with gold work and
lacquer, inlaid with gems. Finally, in the treasury of this
house alone and in the garden caches they found gold
bars to the value of 35 million taels, besides 28,000 articles
of jewellery, large and small.*
* This objet de vertu is now in the Metropolitan Museum at
New York; it was taken (rom Tzil Hsi's apartments at the Summer
Palace by an ollicer of the allied forces in 1900, and sold by him to an
American connoisseur and diplomat. The Old iiuddha was very
fond of tills cnrii>, mid was mucn distressed, on her return from exile to
Peking in January 19D2, to find that it had been looted.
* It is interesting to observe that the valuation placed on Ho Shea*S
property under these 26 schedules — roughly a quarter of his estate —
taken at the rate of cxcliangc at that period, would suffice to pay off
the whole Boxer indemnity.
867
ANNALS AND iiEMOIRS OF
Small wonder if the Court officials were zealous in the
work of compiling these interesting schedules, and small
wonder if His Majesty Chia Ch'ing placed his own brothers
(under the watchful eyes of Grand Secretaries) to make a
full record of such splendid plunder. Once the work of
the Imperial looters had been done. His Majesty depre-
cated any further references to the matter, or to the
ultimate disposal of Ho Shcn's property. Nevertheless,
some four months after his death, a certain Lieutenant-
General of a Banner Corps, named Sa, ventured to
memorialise, saying that a good deal of leakage had
occurred in compiling the oflicial returns of the various
properties, that there was still much treasure hidden, and
that a good deal more had found its way, as hush money,
into the pockets of the Imperial Commissioners who
" tried the case." To this the Emperor replied in an
edict, assuring the memorialist that he must be mis-
taken (Chia Ch*ing had no intention of muzzling the ox
that trod out such good corn). Once more the tactless
Bannerman returned to the charge, evidently hoping
to be well rewarded for his zeal. He declared that Ho
Shen*s treasury accounts had been in the hands of four
female secretaries, and that a cross-examination of these
women Avould bring many things to light. But Chia
Ch*ing needed no further light on this subject. His decree
rebuking the unfortunate Sa is interesting reading. The
following is taken from its concluding paragraphs :
" Yesterday We appointed Prince Ch'eng, in company
with the memorialist, to summon the four female secre-
taries to an investigation, so as to clear up the matter at
once. The result is, as We expected, that they all deny
the existence of any more treasure. Our original surmise
as to the completely fictitious nature of Sa Pin-tu's
information has thus been amply justified.
" None of the Princes or Ministers have ever suggested
in Our presence that portions of Ho Shen's hoard had
868
THE COURT OF PEKING
been secreted or removed. It was left for Sa Pin-tu to
deliver himself of these wild surmises, which clearly
indicate his beUef that We are animated by avaricious
motives, and that We desire to accumulate vast wealth
during Our reign. In his folly he has imagined that he
would greatly interest and please Us with his stories about
further hoards of treasure to be found,
" Now be it known that the only object in confiscating
a Minister's property is to provide a solenni warning for
the guidance of grasping officials. There is not the
faintest idea of Our starting a wholesale proscription, so
as to divert other ill-gotten gains into the Imperial coffers.
The actual amount of Ho Shen's treasure is a matter of
supreme indifference to Us; We are concerned only to
vindicate the principle of official honesty. Even sup-
posing for a moment that much of Ho Shen's property
still remains unaccounted for, and has been wrongfully
diverted to the possession of other private persons, We
would make the obvious retort that its hiding-place
cannot \ie very distant and that, no matter who has
acquired it, it remains accessible if need be. Its present
owners cannot conceal it indehnitely nor spirit it away.*
" W^hy, then, should We trouble ourselves about making
too meticulous an inventory, or permit further ramifica-
tion of this inquiry, which would convey an impression of
covetous extortion ? "
So Ho Shen died, because of his great wealth, and all
his treasure was scattered. Chia Ch'ing did his work
thoroughly. A month after the proscription and punish-
ment of the deceased Minister's family, when he was busy
with the counting of the spoils, one of his brothers. Prince
Ting,^ discovered another magnificent Court necklace of
* The meaning of this was plain ; it conveyed on indirect intimation
to those concenied, tliat His Majesty had his suspicions concerning
the division of the si>oils and that he wanted a larger share of the
bullion, which was forthcoming.
* Eldest grandson of Ch'ien Lung.
BB 869
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
pearls of which no mention had been made in the cross-
examination of Ho Shen. It was his favourite and par-
ticular treasure, the apple of his eye. Whilst unable to
conceal his delight at the find, Chia Ch'ing deals a spiteful
final blow at Ho Shen's son, his brother-in-law, for not
having declared the existence of this necklace. His edict
reveals almost incredible depths of meanness, and may
fittingly be cited as the last word in the history of Ho
Shen :
" After the exposure of Ho Shen*s abominable crimes
and corrupt practices. We ordered Prince Ting to make
a further inventory of his property. Mien En now informs
Us that he and his fellow Commissioners have discovered
an Imperial Court necklace of pearls, which he has sub-
mitted for Our inspection. When contemplating this
article We are simply astounded, inasmuch as a Court
necklace of pearls may only be worn by an Emperor, and
no subject of the Throne is even entitled to own one. If
it be now suggested that Ho Shen might have intended to
present this necklace as tribute. Our reply is that in that
case the pearls would not have been strung on dark
yellow braid. We are thoroughly convinced that he had
retained it for his own use.
" We therefore bade Prince Ting institute inquiries in
the Ho Shen household, several members of which have
now stated that although Ho Shen never wore this neck-
lace by daylight, he would often put it on at night, when
no strangers were present, and would then stand before
the mirror contemplating himself with evident satisfac-
tion. He would assume various attitudes, smile and
mutter to himself, and walk up and down the apartment,
assuming the gait of His late Majesty and even imitating
his sacred voice. His words were generally indistinct,
but the witnesses declare that they could hear the word
'Chen' (the Imperial 'We'), as if, indeed, he beheved
himself to be the Emperor.
870
0± a*. -.. *-i
THE COURT OF PEKING
** It is, in Our opinion, perfectly plain that he enter-
tained designs of usurping the Throne. Had these facts
come to Our knowledge before the 18th day of the 1st
Moon, We should assuredly have decreed Ho Shen*s
decapitation, even if We had spared him the lingering
death and dismemberment.
** However, he has already been permitted to commit
suicide, and thus luckily escaped the extreme penalty of
public execution. We do not, therefore, insist on his
corpse being hacked to pieces.
" As to his son, Fengshenyinte, the husband of an
Imperial Princess, had he known of the existence of this
necklace and had refrained from informing Us, We should
have ordered his dismemberment as an accessory before
the fact. But a most rigorous cross-examination has
elicited from him naught but repeated denials of all know-
ledge of its existence, and of Our grace We are pleased
to order that no further investigation of the matter is
required. Nevertheless, We cannot allow him to retain
his hereditary rank, and We therefore deprive him of his
ancestral earldom, merely allowing him to hold brevet
rank as a Supernumerary Minister of the Presence. Prince
Ting has shown much energy in the investigation of Ho
Shen's property, and is to be referred to the Ministry
concerned to determine a suitable reward.**
871
CHAPTER XV
CHIA CH'ING: THE BEGINNING OF THE f END
The example and results of Ho Shen's venal practices,
and the presence at the provincial capitals of many of
those who had studied the art of Government under his
patronage and direction, speedily produced unmistakable
symptoms of demoralisation throughout the public service,
which, in its turn, resulted in widespread disaffection
and unrest amongst the people. The mandarins who
administered the Government under Chia Ch'ing were
conspicuously inferior, in efficiency and moral character,
to those Avho had held high offices under Ch'ien Lung. In
China, more than in any other country in the world,
because of the solidity of the patriarchal traditions of
Government, the thoughts and deeds of the masses reflect
in a high degree the moral qualities of the official class.
The Chinese people are like the rest of humanity in that
they cannot be made moral by Acts of Parliament, or
wise by the inauguration of a Repubhc; but as regards
the maintenance of public order and the pursuit of industry
in preference to predatory activities, they are very greatly
influenced by the moral qualities or defects of those placed
in authority over them. If Chia Ch*ing had been a man
of the same stamp as his father; had he pursued and
despoiled Ho Shen and other offenders from a sense of
duty and for the purification of the State, the public
service would, no doubt, have recovered from the poison
of corruption and gross living with wliich Ch'ien Lung, in
872
THE COURT OF PEKING
his old age, had allowed Ho Shen to infect it. But, except
in matters of personal revenge and covetous greed,
Chia Ch*ing displayed neither initiative nor intelligence.
Grasping, suspicious and thoroughly insincere, he lacked
the quality of firmness and the sense of justice requisite
to make a successful ruler of China; and his officials
faithfully reflected their Sovereign's methods in their
administration of the provinces. As a result, the spirit
of rebellion, ever latent in the struggling mass of China's
congested population, wliich manifested itself at the
l>eginning of his reign, continued to grow and spread, until
it became a chronic ailment of the body poHtic and an
unmistakable indication of the approaching end of the
Manchu power. Officials, civil and militaiy, whom Ch^en
Lung would have recalled and executed for their failure
to suppress local risings, were allowed by Chia Ch'ing to
sow fresh seeds of disaffection, by wholesale and indis-
criminating proscriptions of the wealthy, wherever an
insurrection afforded them some pretext for filling their
own pockets. And Chia Ch'ing shared this plunder, whilst
bemoaning the evil destinies of his country in platitudinous
decrees.
The insurrection of the White Lily society resulted
in the devastation of four provinces before the new Em-
peror, after eight years of anxious struggle, felt himself
secure upon the Throne. It eventually subsided in 1807,
after wholesale extermination in suspected districts; but
in 1812 an attempt was made upon the life of the Emperor
at Peking, which revealed the existence of another wide-
spread anti-Manchu organisation, and prepared the
Government for the serious outbreak which the '* Heavenly
Reason " secret society was already planning in Honan.
The would-be assassin was a Manchu, named Ch'eng
Tc, employed as cook to the Imperial Household. Waiting
for the Emperor on his way to the Summer Palace, he
suddenly rushed towards the palanquin, sword in hand.
373
ttndoobtedly
of the gaud, who galloped to his side just in time to over-
power his aMaSaat.
Cbia Chfng, suapecting that the assassin had been
hired by kinsmen of the Ute Grand Secretary, Ho Sben,
had him examined with every refinement of lingering
torture, but could extract nothing from him to prove the
existence of an organised plot. AH the man would say
was : ^^ If my plans had succeeded none of you would be
where you are now." He was finally put to death by the
slow slicing process, after his two sons had been beheaded
before his eyes.
The annals of the dynasty contain no explanation of
this attempt on the life of the Emperor; nevertheless,
there is evidence to show that Ch'eng Te was one of a
band of conspirators who, in the following year, made a
determined attempt to seize the Palace and to overthrow
the dynasty. The facts were made known to the Governor
of Shantung, through a report forwarded to him by the
District Magistrate of that province, who had arrested
one of the leaders of the conspiracy, and elicited from him
the information that the man Ch'eng Te had been a
member of his band. The Governor thought it best to
preserve a discreet silence on this matter, lest Chia Ch*ing
should punish him for not having discovered and nipped
the conspiracy in the bud. It was undoubtedly organised
by some of Ho Shen's faction, acting in concert with the
anti-dynastic societies in the provinces.
It was on the 15th day of the 9th Moon in the year 1818
that a considerable force of armed men suddenly forced
their way into the Palace, and for a time actually held
its gates. Their plans for gaining access to the Forbidden
City were well laid, but, as usually happens with Cliinese
874
THE COURT OF PEKING
risings, they had no capable leader, and once inside the
Imperial precincts there was no definite plan of concerted
attack. Chia Ch*ing was absent at the time, on his way
to perform sacrifice at his father's tomb. His subsequent
decree on tlie subject states the main facts accurately
enough, as follows :
*' Without warning, at noon of the 15th day of the 9th
Moon, a band of rebels dared to enter the Palace by the
Gate of Azure Thunder, where they were successfully
stopped by eunuchs. An hour later another party
climbed over the inner wall of the Forbidden City and
entered the Palace, where my son. Mien Ning,^ was at his
studies. Seeing that the situation was dangerous the
Prince picked up a fowling-piece and drew his sword. He
picked off the rebel leader, who, with a white flag in his
hand, was directing operations. My son pleads guilty
to rash presumption in having fired, but adds that the
situation was desperate. He acted with true courage
and commonsense, most remarkable in a young Prince
still engaged in his studies.^ No sooner had the alarm
been given than he rushed out and killed two more rebels,
and by his prompt action caused the band to scatter in
alarm. In spite of this, my son apologises for his pre-
sumption in words which display admirable good taste
and modesty. I can hardly guide my pencil as I write,
for my eyes are blurred with tears, so deep is the gratifica-
tion which I feel at his conduct. The sacred enclosure
of the Forbidden City contains the spirit tablets of my
ancestors and of my late father, and the Empress Consort
is living there now. My son has bravely defended its
sanctity and has acquitted himself with rare loyalty and
filial duty. I confer upon him the title of Prince of the
^ Who subsequently reiffned as the Emperor Tao Knang.
■ The Prince was then thirty-one years of age. Chia Ch ing kept him
and his brothers in tutelage much longer than was usual, warned oy the
example of K'ang Hsi's rebellious family. Though married at the age
of fourteen, he did not set up an independent establishment till 1816.
375
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
First Order, with the title of ' Wise,' and double his
emoluments, raising them to T. 12,000 per annum. My
third son. Mien K'ai, deserves praise also for the help he
rendered. If my Ministers display merit I reward them
as a matter of course. Naturally, therefore, if my own
sons display courage and loyalty, I can hardly refrain from
suitably recognising their deserts. This is only common
fairness, and I trust that my Ministers will realise this
and be inspired to equal bravery.
** A further memorial from my brother. Prince Yi, and
others reports that the attack was suppressed by 3 p.m.,
the number of rebels taken aUve being altogether two
hundred. I would observe, however, that the list of their
names only mentions thirty-one persons, and I should
be glad to know what has become of the other hundred
and sixty-nine. This memorial is sadly lacking in
lucidity.
" My brother, Prince Ch'eng, after cross-examining
several rebels, learns that there is still a band of some live
hundred of them outside the Imperial City, but he does
not state whether these took any part in the disturbances
or how their presence came to be revealed. I desire
information on this matter. On the occasion of so sudden
an irruption of desperadoes, who have dared to enter the
sacred precincts and lurk in the Imperial kitchen, the
Princes and Ministers have shown remarkable courage.
Those who made arrests in the inner enclosure of the
Palace deserve the highest praise; next in merit are the
defenders of the outer precincts. In the bestowal of
rewards and honours those who were slain in repelling
the attack are to be included under the first class; the
severely wounded under the second class, and those
shghtly wounded under the third class. All names must
be given irrespective of rank, and no favouritism shown.
Upon my arrival, my second son is to meet me inside the
gate of the Palace, and to prostrate himself in obeisance
376
I
^^
»
PI
■
'1
H ^^^1
";^'^^ '
i
"fl.»
V\' t'"■■^
M^r^ - T-x
iiflBB
1
^^1
^^^^^H
^^1
>i
^^^^^1
^^1
'-.1
t ^^HRB^^ ^^Pl^^H ^1
■I
1
THE COURT OF PEKING
for the honour I have bestowed upon him. He is excused
from awaiting the cortege outside the city."
Chia Ch'ing countermanded his visit to the tombs and
hurried back to Peking. In the course of a characteristic
penitential decree he made the following remarks on the
causes of national demoralisation :
" My dynasty has now ruled over this Empire for one
hundred and seventy years ; my glorious predecessors have,
each in his turn, displayed a bountiful affection for their
subjects, treating them ever as beloved children. No pen
can descril>e their sage virtue and justice. Although I may
have failed in reaching their standard of perfection I have
not been a cruel or grasping ruler. This sudden disaster is
quite inexplicable to me ; it is, I suppose, a proof of my
own scanty merit and a punishment for my many offences.
The revolution broke out suddenly, but it must have been
long in preparation. The besetting sin amongst my
officials may be summed up in two words : ' Incurable
procrastination.' I keep warning you all till my lips are
sore and my tongue is dry, but you take no notice, and
continue to govern in the old casual way. Because of
this a calamity has befallen us, unparalleled under this
or any other dynasty, infinitely worse than the episode
which occurred under the Mings, when a man armed with
a cudgel made an attempt on the life of the Heir Apparent
of AVan Li.* I cannot bear to speak of this thing any
more. All I can do is to repent me of my errors and to
purify my heart, in order, on the one hand, to show my
gratitude to high Heaven and, on the other, to lessen my
subjects' disaffection towards their ruler.
" If you, my officials, desire truly and loyally to serve
my great Manchu dynasty, then must you become as
little children and toil zealously for the State, in order to
redeem my errors and to reform the habits of the people.
If, however, it please you better to remain sunken in
* Vide supra, p. 48.
877
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
degeneracy, then you had better hang up your official
hats and seek refuge in retirement for the remainder of this
existence. Cease from placidly accepting the emoluments
and sweets of office, like the mourner who takes the place
of the corpse and presides at the funeral feast, in dignified
nonchalance, for thus you will only enhance your Emperor's
guilt. I have written so far, but tears gush forth and
blot the paper. Let this be made known everywhere."
The name of the leading conspirator was Lin Ch'ing,
whose influence over his numerous adherents of the
Heavenly Principles Society seems to have been (like
that of the Boxer leaders in 1900) largely mystical and
religious. His avowed aim was the foundation of a new
dynasty, witli himself as the Heaven-sent ruler of Cliina.
Preparations were being made for a general rising on the
15th day of the intercalary 8th Moon,* but the plot was
discovered, in April 1812, by the Manchu Prefect at Tamsui
in Formosa, who happened to arrest one of its moving
spirits, engaged there in spreading anti-dynastic sedition.
This man disclosed the aims of the secret society, and named
Lin Ch'ing as its leader. The Prefect informed the
Governor of the conspiracy, but the Governor took no
steps to warn Peking, for fear of getting into trouble
himself.
On the day before the attack on the Palace, a PoUce
Inspector at Lu K'ou-ch'iao, six miles south-west of
Peking, sent an urgent message to the Governor of the
city informing him that Lin Ch'ing had given orders to his
men to enter the capital next morning. Again, the
Governor, fearing to be the bearer of alarmist news, took
no action in the matter.
As the result of the investigation held and the evidence
of the prisoners, it transpired that several of the Palace
eunuchs had taken part in the conspiracy. Chia Ch'ing's
* Intercalary 8tli Moons seem to be especially selected by the
astrologers of secret societies for the oiitbreafe of rebcIlionR.
878
THE COURT OF PEKING
decree on the subject is interesting, inasmuch as it reveals
the increasing demoralisation of the Imperial Household.
It reads as follows :
" Before the attack on the Palace certain seditious
characters had been arrested in Shantung and Honan
on charges of murdering otBcials. They confessed under
examination that they belonged to the Heavenly Prin-
ciples Society, and that their leader, Lin, was hiding in
Peking. I was about to give orders for his arrest, when
the Forbidden City was invaded by armed rebels, all of
whom have been captured. It was learned that their
leader, the aforesaid Lin Ch'ing, was in hiding at a village
near Peking, and his capture was effected. He admits
that he was the originator and organiser of the con-
spiracy. He propagated treasonable doctrines and
planned to have me assassinated; iiis guilt is heinous in
the extreme. I am deeply grateful to the protection of
Heaven and of my ancestors for frustrating his designs,
and command that he be punished with the utmost rigour
of the law. I am greatly astounded to learn that several
eunuchs, Lin Te-ts'ai and others, belonged to this heretic
sect. That minions in the service of the Palace should
dare to join a society so pernicious and abet its treasonable
designs by opening the Palace gates to the rebels, reveals
an unprecedented degree of guilt. The eunuchs under
arrest must be examined separately under torture, and
the whole truth extracted, without evasions or false
witness. These guilty eunuchs must all be sentenced to
dismemberment, of course, and their famihes will share
their fate. The eunucli ringleader, Lin Te-ts'ai, is to be
held until my return to the Palace, when I sliall examine
him myself, together with his chief accomplice. When
I have rigorously cross-examined them, they will be duly
punished by the lingering death."
On the following morning Chia Ch*ing re-entered
Peking, taking the opportunity of exhibiting himself to
879
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
the people by riding on horseback instead of being borne
in the Imperial palanquin. He immediately set himself
to the congenial task of examining the culprits under
torture. The names of other ringleaders were revealed
and the objects of the society, which was frankly anti-
Manchu, disclosed. It was originally called the Eight
Diagrams Sect, and had a great number of adherents in
the northern provinces. In some respects its methods
and ritual resembled those of the Boxers of 1900.
After ordering the dismemberment of the leading
criminals, the Emperor recorded his further \'iews on the
eunuch question, as follows :
" I have personally examined the guilty eimuchs, who
assure me that they had no accomplices in their crimes.
There are seven of them in all. There are several grades
of eunuchs; all those in attendance on my person are
extremely well behaved. These who are now imder
sentence have only been employed about the Palace in
the humblest duties and have never had access to my
presence. Their names are unknown to me and they have
never formed part of my suite at the Summer Palace. M
Nevertheless, the Ciiief Eunuchs are greatly to blame for
not exercising a more vigilant control. When I asked
the culprits why they had plotted treason, all hung their
heads and were silent. Then I asked whether I had ever
ill-treated them, to wliich they rephed : * Your divine
boimty is hmitless, how could we harbour any ill-feelings
against you ? ' They kept on saying : * Lord Buddha,*
(meaning me), ' save us.' It is, indeed, sad that they
should have allowed themselves to be corrupted by evil
influences outside the Palace. In future no eunuchs _
are to be allowed outside except for a limited number of |
hours, and in no case except in groups of three or four.
By this means I hope to prevent subterranean intrigue
and visits to the residences of officials. I am glad to think
that the guilt of these owl-like monsters is confined to a
880
THE COURT OF PEKING
very few. The other eunuchs ought to be grateful for
their master's bounty and refrain from harbouring un-
worthy fears and suspicions. I shall never punish the
innocent. Let this decree be inserted in my Palace
annals.
*' The 6th day of next Moon is the anniversary of my
birth, but I have lost face by recent events and have now
no heart to receive congratulations. Rebellions are
raging and seditious sects flourish; what heart could I
have for revelry ? It would be the shadow without the
substance. It has been your custom to present me with
jade sceptres of good luck, which I have invariably
returned to the donors. The recent conspiracy certainly
docs not denote * good luck,' and I beg that my otiicials
will offer me no more such * luck ' tokens. I grieve to
think that you still desire to celebrate my birthday, but
feel that I must sanction your request. In the mean-
while, I hope that each of you will commune with his
heart in the night watches, asking himself what manner
of man he desires to become, and what ambitions he
cherishes. Do not jeopardise your careers I I have lost
face by these events and am aweary of these perpetual
admonitions."
[There is evidence in contemporary writings that
the Court was equally weary, and that Chia Ch'ing
had by this time written himself down as a complete
failure.]
The demoralisation of the Court and the Emperor's
lack of statesmanship were signally demonstrated in
connection with the special embassy, under Lord Amherst,
sent by Great Britain in the summer of 1816, for the
purpose of arranging at Peking for improved trade
relations and facilities at Canton, where serious differences
had arisen between the East India Company's agents and
the Chinese authorities. The history of that mission,
and the reasons which led to its failure, have been fully
881
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
described in Eliis*s Journal (Ix>ndon, 1817) and other
works. Suffice it to say that the breadth of vision which
led Ch'ien Lung to dispense with the ceremony of the
kotow in the case of Lord Macartney's Embassy was
lacking in his ignorant and arrogant successor. China's
mihtary strength had greatly deteriorated in the twenty
years that had elapsed since Lord Macartney's day, but
the self-sufficient conceit of her ruling class had increased
with their corruption and inefficiency. The truth of this
statement is sufficiently revealed by Chia Ch'ing's edicts
in regard to Lord Amherst's mission.
In the 7th Moon (end of August) 1816, the official
Chinese point of view was thus recorded in an Imperial
decree :
" Imperial mandate to the King of England : Whereas
your country, though lying far beyond the wide seas,
was sincerely desirous of attaining the blessings of civilisa-
tion, in the fifty-eighth year of Ch'ien Lung, when my
sainted father was on the Throne, you sent a special
mission to pay homage. At that time your Ambassador
performed the ceremony required of him with the greatest
respect and committed no breach of decorum or etiquette.^
It was his high privilege, therefore, reverently to receive
the gracious kindness of His late Majesty. He was ad-
mitted into his pi*esence and was given a banquet and
many presents.
" You have now sent another mission bearing a memorial
and offerings of your produce. Your respectful homage
has met with my appreciation, and I was glad of the coming
of your mission. I examined into the details of the cere-
monial adopted on the previous occasion, and bade my
Court arrange for your Envoy's reception by myself.
' This is a deliberate perversion of the fuels. The ceremouy o{ the
kotow was definitely waived bv CVicn Lung after repeated, but futile,
attempts on the part of his AlJnisters to induce Lord Macartney to
perform it.
882
^S>.-fc *_ V-V-i ■
THE COURT OF PEKING
and to provide a banquet and presents, in exact accordance
with the ceremonial prescribed by His late Majesty. On
the mission's arrival at Tientsin, I ordered that a banquet
should be given there in my name. To my great surprise
your Ambassador, on returning thanks, failed to conform
with the prescribed etiquette. Nevertheless, I bore in
mind that a lowly ofl&cial of a distant nation could hardly
be expected to show familiarity with our ceremonial
usage, and I was pleased to pardon Iiis remissness.
" I commanded my officials to inform your Envoy, on
his approaching the metropolis, that his predecessor, your
former Ambassador, in the fifty-eighth year of CliMen
Lung, did duly perform the whole prescribed ceremony,
including the genuflexion and kotow. How, then, could
any deviation from this course be permitted on the present
occasion ? Your Envoy replied to my Minister that he
would certainly perform both genuflexion and kotow at
the time of his audience, and promised that there should
be no violation of etiquette.^ My Ministers duly informed
me, whereupon I issued a decree commanding your
Ambassador to attend for audience on the 7th day of the
7th Moon. On the 8th day I arranged for a banquet in
the Hall of Perfect Rectitude and Enlightenment, when
the bestowal of presents was to take place, after which he
was to be regaled with a further entertainment in the
Garden of Universal Joy. On the day following, the 9th,
he was to be received in farewell audience and to be taken
over the grounds of the Summer Palace. On the 11th
he was to proceed to the gate of the Main Hall of the
Forbidden City, there to receive my mandate and gifts
for presentation to yourself, after which he was to be
entertained at a banquet by my Board of Ceremonies.
* Vide EHis*8 Jourtml, p. 172. On the 27th of August a note was
addressed to CWa Ch*ing's Ministers, statincr L<jrd Amherst's final and
irrevocable determination not to perform tnc kotow, a determination
in accordance with all his previous declarations.
888
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
On the 13th he was to be ordered to take his
departure.
" My Minister informed your Ambassador of the dates
and details of the above programme. On the 7th, the
date fixed for audience, the mission had reached my Palace
gate, and I was about to take my seat on the Imperial
Throne, when your Chief Ambassador suddenly announced
that he had been attacked by a sudden illness and was
imable to move. Admitting that this might possibly be
the case, I merely commanded the presence of the two
subordinate Envoys, but they also simultaneously excused
themselves on the plea of sickness. Such gross discourtesy
is utterly unprecedented; nevertheless, I administered no
severe reproof, but confined myself to ordering tlieir
immediate departure from Peking. As the mission was
not received in audience, your memorial, strictly speaking,
should not have been presented, but I remembered that
your country is afar off, and that the feelings were praise-
worthy whicli led you to memorialise Us and send tribute.
Your Envoys are alone to blame for their gross breach of
respect; I fully recognise the spirit of reverent submission
which animated you. I have consequently accepted the
whole of your tribute, including maps, pictures, and
portraits, and I duly acknowledge your devotion. More-
over, in my turn, I confer upon you a white jade and a
green jade sceptre, a Court necklace, two pairs of large
pouches to be worn at the girdle and eight small ones,
that my bounty may be made manifest.
** You live at such a great distance from the Middle
Kingdom that these Embassies must cause you consider-
able inconvenience. Your Envoys, moreover, are wholly
ignorant of Chinese ceremonial procedure, and the bicker-
ing which follows their arrival is highly displeasing to my
ear. My dynasty attaches no value to products from
abroad; your nation's cunningly wrought and strange
884
THE COURT OF PEKING
wares do not appeal to me in the least, nor do they interest
me. For the future, O King, if you will keep your
subjects in order and strengthen your national defences,
I shall hold you in high esteem, notwithstanding your
remoteness. Henceforward, pray do not trouble to
dispatch missions all this distance ; they are merely a
waste of time and have their journey for nothing. If
you loyally accept our sovereignty and show dutiful
submission, there is really no need for these yearly
appearances at our Court to prove that you are indeed our
vassal. We issue this mandate to the end that you may
perpetually comply therewith."
England in 1816 was busy with matters weightier even
than the indignities offered to Lord Amherst's Embassy
and the grievances of the East India Company at Canton,
but China lost nothing by waiting for the day of reckoning
which the arrogance and bad faith of the mandarins had
now rendered inevitable. It was clear that the dignity
of Great Britain could not tolerate indefinitely the ignorant
presumption of the Cliinese, nor the ill-treatment of British
subjects at their hands. With the abolition of the East
India Company's charter, seventeen years after Lord
Amherst's ignominious dismissal from Peking, Lord Napier
appeared at the gates of Canton; on that day began the
long and painful process of disillusion, which, through
bloodshed and humiliation, was to convince the rulers of
China that their attitude of complacent superiority and
over-lordship of the world was untenable.
If the Emperor Chia Ch'ing's decrees on the subject of
the Amherst Mission are compared with the British records
of what actually occurred at Peking, the fact stands out
clearly that both the Emperor and the British Envoy
were deliberately hoodwinked and misled by the Chinese
and Manchu officials deputed to arrange with Lord
Amherst the details of the presentation ceremony. The
cc 885
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
[purblind mandarins, who had advised the Throne to insist
on the perfonnanee of the kotow, were afraid to " lose
face " by having to confess that they were unable to
persuade the British Envoy to accept it; ^ they therefore
lied to the Emperor about the Mission's attitude, and to
the Mission about the Emperor's, until at the last, in
order to extricate themselves, they were compelled to get
rid of the foreigners at all costs. This they did by making
it appear that the Envoy had been disrespectful to His
Majesty, and by taking steps that the Mission should be
illtreated and insulted.
Notwithstanding the wording of his mandate to the
King of England, Chia Ch'ing felt that he had been griev-
ously ill-used, and that by the departure of the Mission he
had lost much face. He proceeded, therefore, as usual, to
scold his Ministers, in the following querulous decree :
'* On the occasion of the tribute Mission from England
landing at the port of Tientsin, I commanded Su-leng-e
and Kuang Hui to give a banquet in my name and to
compel the members of the Mission to return thanks for
the same by the three genullexions and the nine prostra-
tions. If these obeisances were duly performed the
Mission was to be conducted to Peking, but in the event
of any failure to observe the proper ceremonial, or if it
were clumsily rehearsed, the officials above named were
to memoriahsc and await my further commands. The
Embassy's ships were not to be permitted to leave, so
that they might be available to take the Mission back by
the way it had come.
" My orders have been wilfully disregarded. The
Mission has been allowed to come up to Peking, and the
ships have taken their departure without leave from me.
^ Vide Ellis's Journal, p. 173. It is interesting at this date to recall
the fact that had it nut been fur the jpresence and Brmness of Sir
George Staunton, who had been a member of Lord Macartney's suite
at Jenol, Lord Arnhcrst would have yielded to the Chinei^c and kotowed.
886
THE COURT OF PEKING
Herein lies a gross dereliction of duty on the part of these
two ofiicials.
" Furthermore, I commanded Ho Shih-t'ai and Muk-
denga to proceed to T'ungchou, where they were to direct
the Mission to rehearse the ceremony. For this I gave
them till the 6th day of the 7th Moon, by which time, if
the Mission had acquired proficiency in the requisite
etiquette, they were to be brought on to the capital; if
not, the tribute Mission was to be denounced and my
decision requested forthwith. On the 5th instant I
received a vaguely worded memorial from Ho Shih-t*ai
and his colleagues, and on the 6th the Mission was escorted
into Peking. At 1.30 p.m. on that day I took my seat
on the Throne in the Hall of Diligent Government and
summoned Ho Shih-t*ai and Mukdenga to an audience.
First I inquired as to the rehearsal of the ceremony at
T'ungchou. Hereupon the two officials removed their
hats and with repeated kotows confessed that no rehearsal
liad taken place at all I I asked them why, this being the
case, they had not carried out my instructions and
denounced the Mission to the Throne. Ho Shih-t*ai
answered : ^ ' When the audience takes place to-morrow
I will guarantee that the ceremonial will be performed in
full.' For this blundering they are responsible, and just
as much to blame as the first two officials. On the morning
of the 7th 1 partook of breakfast, and at 6.80 a.m. issued
a decree saying I was about to proceed to the Throne
Hall, where I would receive the Mission in audience. To
this Ho Shih-t'ai at first repUed : ' The Mission is delayed
on the road ; so soon as it reaches the Palace gates I will
inform Your Majesty.' In a little while he reported
further, saying : * The Chief Ambassador has had a severe
gastric attack; it will be necessary to postpone the
' On the same dav, Kiiang Hui reassured Lord Amherst saying tliat
** the affair was settled, and he might be perfectly easy. The ceremony
would not be mentioned again."
887
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
audience, giving him time to recover/ At last he reported :
' The Ambassador is too sick to appear at audience at all.'
" I directed that the Ambassador be taken back to his
lodging, and supphed at once with medieal aid, after which
I desired the immediate attendance of the Deputy Am-
bassador. To this Ho Shih-t'ai replied that the Deputy
Ambassador had also been attacked by sickness, and
that both would attend together on the Chief Ambassador's
recovery.
" Cliina is lord and sovereign of the world ; was it
possible for Us to submit calmly to such a wanton display
of irreverent arrogance? Therefore I issued a decree,
commanding the expulsion of the Mission from China.
Nevertheless, I inflicted no punishment upon the Am-
bassadors ; I bade Kuang Hui escort them back to Canton
and see to it that they set sail from there. It has only
now been reported to me by the Grand Council that the
Mission had had an all night's journey from T'ungchou to
the ante-chamber of the Imperial Palace at Yiian Ming-
yiian, and that the Ambassador, whose Court dress had
not arrived, had strongly protested at the idea of appearing
before His Imperial Majesty the Emperor in travelling
clothes. Why did Ho Shih-t'ai not inform me of these
facts? If it was because he overlooked them at the
moment, he could easily have asked for another audience
that evening or the next day. He did nothing of the
sort, and allowed me to remain in ignorance until I
was proceeding to take my seat on the Imperial Throne.
The guilt of Ho Shih-t'ai and his colleague greatly
exceeds the errors of the other two. Had they informed
me of the true state of the case I should have post-
poned the ceremony to a later date, I am astounded at
the way in wliich my stupid officials have mismanaged
this business, and I feel that I have completely lost ' face '
in the eyes of my Court. All I can do is frankly to
acknowledge my mistakes.
388
THE COURT OF PEKING
" I shall deal with the four officials' punishment ^ after
the Board of Civil Office has recommended an appropriate
penalty. In the meantime, I record the facts for the
information of my officials throughout the Empire and the
Mongol Princes."
It was months before Chia Ch'ing recovered from this
loss of face.
' One was deprived of his post of Board President; another was
reduced from the rank of Comptroller- General of the Household to
that of an official writer of the eighth rank. The other two, highly
placed Manchus both, were cashier^.
8dd
SR XVI
TAO KUANG. THE IMPACT OF THE WEST
When Chia Ch'ing died, struck by lightning, in 1821,
he left to his son, Tao Kuang, an Empire from which the
glory of his father's reign had departed. No more vic-
torious armies would march, under Manchu leaders, to
wars of conquest in Central Asia. For the future, China
was to be harassed by rebellions witliin and by attacks
from without, but the Manchu's power of ruling the
country was steadily waning. The canker worm of
effeminacy had already eaten deep into the heart of the
Manchu military organisation; its garrisons in the pro-
vinces were fast losing the virility of Nurhachi's days and
mth it the respect of the Chinese. In the pubHc service,
as we have shown, corruption and cowardice were rapidly
doing their work of demoralisation : and all the while,
new forces and new foes were preparing to destroy the
splendid self-sufficiency of the Middle Kingdom. Until
now, China had settled her affairs, and paid the price of
her rulers* sins, within her own borders : if she had had
invaders and suffered the domination of aliens, at least
they had been Asiatics, and the sons of Han had even-
tually conquered the conqueror by the moral force of
their superior civilisation. But now, new conquerors
were advancing who, in addition to material strength of
a kind undreamt of in China's star-gazing philosophy,
were to dispute even the moral superiority of the Canons
890
THE COURT OF PEKING
of the Sages, and finally to take from China her great
inheritance, her contempt for the outer barbarians, her
false pride and pinchbeck supremacy, fast set in its
massive frame of complacent ignorance.
Wlien Tao Kuang came to the Throne, in his thirty-
ninth year, it seemed at first as if he might fulfil the
promise of courage and decision which he had given at
the time of the rebel attack on the Palace in 1813. As a
youth, he had shown energy and much fondness for sports;
it was recorded in the Palace annals that in the year 1790,
being then a boy of nine,* he accompanied his grandfather
Ch'ien Lung on a hunting trip to Jchol and so dehghted
the Emperor with his skill at an archery competition that
the aged monarch presented him with a Yellow Jacket
and allowed him to wear it. But the process of degenera-
tion, at Peking and in the provinces, had gone too far
to be checked by the single-handed efforts of any Sovereign,
and the men about Tao Kuang's Throne were remarkable
neither for virtue nor for statesmanship. He reigned,
tant Men que mal, for thirty years, but after the first ten,
he displayed little energy in State affairs, gradually
relegating them to his two principal advisers, the Manchu
Grand Secretary Mu Ch'ang-a and the Imperial Tutor,
Tu Shou-t'ien. At the close of his reign, when the pride
of the Dragon Throne had been humbled by the British
barbarians at Canton and Nanking; when the widespread
elements of unrest and discontent were about to blaze
out into the great Taiping rebellion (from which the
Manchu power would never have emerged had not the
"barbarians" upheld it); when the Empire was visibly
tottering to its ruin— Tao Kuang*s mind was chiefly
concerned with two matters, first : how to keep down the
'* squeezes " of the eunuchs in his Imperial Household
accounts; secondly, how to prevent the Censorate from
* By the Giinese reckoning of age, which makes a child a year old
at birth. Tao Kuang was lx)m in 1782,
891
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
wearying him with their long-winded and futile denuncia-
tions of abuses which he was powerless to check.
It was Tu, the Imperial Tutor, who devised the method
for muzzling the Censorate which Tao Kuang adopted,
with results satisfactory to his own comfort but injiu'ious
to the State. The Emperor had asked him to suggest a
way of punisliing a certain Censor who persisted in pro-
pounding questions displeasing to His Majesty. Tu
replied : " That is not a diflicult matter. Whatever the
subject of the memorial may be, let Your Majesty issue
a decree finding fault with some particular mode of
expression or error in its wording, and order that the
writer be handed over to the Civil Office for the deter-
mination of a penalty. The Censorate will realise that
if Your Majesty is not prepared to overlook trifling errors
in composition and caligraphy, your displeasure is likely
to be seriously visited on those memorialists who venture
to deal with high questions of State ! Nobody will be able
to suggest that Your Majesty is opposed to criticism,
but in future criticism will automatically cease,"
Tao Kuang was pleased to follow this advice, and in a
little while the Censorate ceased to urge its views upon
the Emperor, This suited his chief advisers, who were
able to handle affairs in their own way and without daily
denunciations. The Emperor never suspected that the
advice was given with this motive, being himself of a
trusting and straightforward disposition. When Tu died,
Tao Kuang lavished posthumous honours upon him,
frankly confessing that his advice liad become more or
less indispensable. It was Tu who also set the fashion
of ** ploughing " literary degree candidates for blemishes
in caligraphy, irrespective of the merits of their composi-
tions. In this way he degraded the standard of learning
and scholarship and with it the general standard of
intelligence and efTiciency in the public service.
As illustrating the tone of the public service towards
89a
1
s
8
I
I
(J
H
I
THE COURT OF PEKING
the end of this well-meaning but unfortunate monarch's
reign, the following verses, sent by an anonymous wit to
the Grand Secretary Ts'ao Chen-yimg arc interesting :
" If you wish to intrigue successfully and to rise in the
world, make you friends at Court, by occasional gifts of
money ;
'* If you would be reckoned a hero, avoid all reference to
vexed questions, be noncommittal and invariably humble;
** The key to success in a high official is to take things
easily, neither asserting merit nor protesting loyalty;
" In aU your duties be plausibly evasive; never criticise
adversely and never condemn ;
** Just as in the country a peaceful district enjoys good
harvests, even so, an absence of friction conduces to
official advancement;
" In dealing with your colleagiies, be yielding and
soft-spoken ; cover up their defects, but avoid praising
their virtues;
" By so doing you may comfortably rise to be a Grand
Sccrctar\' : your wife will receive a patent of honour and
your son a sinecure;
" You will leave behind you a fragrant memory im-
perishable ; and if you are not canonised as ^ Learned
and Loyal,' you will at least go down to history as
* Learned and Polite/ "
It was the same Grand Secretary Ts'ao who, when
asked to ad^Hse an aspirant to office on the best means
of securing preferment, cynically rephed : " It is really
quite simple; just go on kotowing, and never commit
yourself to any final opinion on any subject." Ts'ao
indulged in cynicism because, though he could no nothing
to stem the tide of decadence, he himself was honest and
patriotic, as the times went. His family made a large
fortune from the salt trade of Anhui, much of which
escaped payment of the Government's dues; but when
the Viceroy of Nanking, hard put to it for funds, required
398
ANNALS AND >IEMOmS OF
to subdue the rebellion, drew his attention to these leakages
he replied : " Institute your reforms, by all means, and
pay no heed to my family's means of livelihood. I have
never heard of a Grand Secretary dying of starvation.'*
If the annals speak truly, Tao Kuang's most marked
characteristic was his housewifely thrift, which in his old
age verged on parsimony. Although, like most of his
house, he was fond of the pleasures of the table, the best
dinner was unpalatable to him if he thought that he was
paying too much for it. He had all the frugahty and
fussiness which subsequently distinguished the Empress
Dowager, Tzu Hsi, but without her genial bonhomie.
He gradually cut down his domestic expenditure in the
Palace to about 200,000 taels (say £00,000) a year, so
that the Secretaries, Chamberlains and eunuchs of the
household were hard put to it to make a bare living.
Some of their manoeuvres were as determined as the
Sovereign's stinginess. It is recorded that on one occasion
His Majesty desired to have some macaroni soup, made
in a special way, and gave orders accordingly. Next day
the household humbly reported that it would be necessary
to build a special kitchen for the preparation of this dish
and to place an official in charge of it. For this they
submitted estimates amoimting to over 600,000 taels,
as well as a yearly expenditure of 15,000 taels. The
Emperor frowned : ** Never mind about it : I know a
good eating-house, outside the Ch'ien Men, where they
make this soup excellently, you can buy it for forty
cash a bowl. I shall send a eunuch every day to buy
some there."
A few days later the Minister of the household came
again and reported that this particular eating-house had
closed its doors. The Emperor sighed : " I have always
refused to waste a cash on my food," he said, " but it
does seem hard that I, the Son of Heaven, cannot be
allowed to procure any little delicacy I want."
894
THE COURT OF PEKING
Tao Kuang was not destined, as was his son, to see
his capital invaded and his Palace burned by the outer
barbarians; but his father's fatuous arrogance, and his
own incapacity to realise the seriousness of the new
dangers that threatened his Empire, cost liim and his
advisers a first heavy instalment of humiliation by
loss of territory and of " face," The events which led
up to the Treaty of Nanking and the cession of Hongkong
to Great Britain do not come within the scope of the
present work. It may be observed, however, now that
the opium question in China has become a question of
religious and sentimental polemics in England, that the
action taken by the Viceroy Lin at Canton in destroying
the British merchants' opium was due. not to moral
considerations, but to his imcompromising contempt for
the foreigner and all his works. Our first war vnth China
has been persistently described as an " opium war " by
persons vocationally identified with opium abolition as a
prominent plank in the missionary platform ; nevertheless,
the fact remains, clearly demonstrable to all who are
not carried away by their prejudices, that neither the
Peking Government nor the Viceroy at Canton regarded
the opium question from any point of view other than
the pohtical, fiscal and economic. One party at Peking,
under Mu Ch'ang-a, was in favour of legalising the drug
(as Sir H. Pottinger advised) just as it was in favour of
granting many other reasonable trade facilities to the
foreigner- The other party, the irreconcilable conser-
vatives and chauvinists, were all for excluding it, on
precisely the same grounds as they opposed the opening
of new ports to trade. Lin Tse-hsii, the Viceroy of
Canton, was the real cause of the war, because his attitude
of contemptuous insolence and his methods of barbarism
were not such as any self-respecting nation could tolerate.
The following extract from a letter addressed directly
to Queen Victoria by this stiff-necked patriot of the
395
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
old school, contains, in a few lines, the whole pitiful
tragedy of China's collapse before the impact of the
West-
" You savages of the further seas have waxed so bold,
it seems, els to defy and insult our mighty Empire. Of a
truth it is high time for you to ' flay the face and cleanse
the heart,' and to amend your ways. If you submit
humbly to the Celestial dynasty and tender your alle-
giance, it may give you a chance to purge yourselves of
your past sins. But if you persist and continue in your
path of obstinate delusion, your three islands (sic) will
be laid waste and your people pounded into mincemeat,
so soon as the armies of his Divine Majesty set foot upon
your shores."
Lin addressed this dispatch to the Queen of England
in the style wliich Chinese officials habitually use in ad-
dressing their equals, and not in the form of a memorial
to a crowned head. It Avas not a wise policy for one to
adopt who proposed to destroy the British fleets with
stinkpots.
At Peking, counsels were sharply divided between
making peace on the terms demanded by the British and
war a oulrance. The rabid conservatives were then, as
they are to-day even in Young China, all bombast and
bravado, and they fiercely denounced Mu Ch'ang-a and
his policy of truckling to the barbarians. There were
amongst them, as there are to-day, sincere patriots who
sinned in ignorance, and there were brave men, like the
Manchu commander of the Tartar garrison at Chinkiang,
who fought valiantly and died for their blind faith in the
invincible supremacy of the Middle Kingdom. In the
beginning of 1841, the Emperor's opinions, after several
vacillations, were identical with, and probably inspired,
those of the Canton authorities. In January he issued
a decree (similar to those of Tzu Hsi in 1900), ordering
his faithful people to drive the hated foreigner into the
896
I
THE COURT OF PEKING
sea. But within a few months, after Chusan and Ningpo
had fallen into the hands of the British, wiser counsels
began to prevail.
A typical example of the Chinese patriot of those days
was Wang Ting-lin, Grand Secretary and Grand Coun-
cillor. With all the strength of a masterful and sincere
nature, he opposed Mu Ch'ang-a's peace policy and advo-
cated war at all costs. He impeached Mu at audience,
comparing him to the historic traitor Ch*in Kuei of the
Sung dynasty;^ and protesting against the signing of any
treaty of peace with the barbarians. He criticised severely
the Emperor's action in cashiering the Viceroy Lin Tse-
hsii, and frankly expressed his opinion that Mu Ch'ang-a
was working for his private ends, actuated by personal
grudges. The Emperor refused to listen to him, and,
shaking his sleeve in token of dismissal, rose from the
Throne. Wang, moved to the point where etiquette is
forgotten, clung to the Emperor's robe and continued to
pour out impassioned words. Tao Kuang looked away
and left him, without reply. Wang Ting-lin thereupon
went straightway to liis own house, indited a valedictory
memorial impeaching Mu, begged the Emperor to behead
him in order to satisfy the national conscience, and hanged
himself.
So died a sincere but misguided patriot. But the
sequel was equally significant, illustrating the cross-
currents and inscrutable depths of Hfe in the Forbidden
City. On the morning after Wang's suicide an ofBcial
named Ch'en, one of Mu's partisans and a Secretary of
the Grand Council, noticed that Wang did not appear
as usual for audience. As soon as his routine duties
were ended, he hurried to Wang's house to ascertain the
cause of his absence. There, in the main hall, he found
the body still hanging, it being the unwritten law that
* Wlio weakly advocated niakiiig peace with the Ch'in Tartars,
His statue is still spat upon by the vmgar in the temple where it stands.
897
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
when a member of the Council commits suicide (no in-
frequent penalty of greatness in China) the body must
not be cut down until the Emperor has been informed
and issued his further orders in the matter,
Wang's son showed the valedictory memorial to Ch'cn,
who read it and said : " The Emperor was very angry'
with His Excellency your father yesterday. If you
present this memorial, your father will obtain no post-
humous honours and your own career will be ruined.
You had better suppress it." A fellow-provincial of
Wang's, also of Mu's party, came in at this moment and
concurred in the advice which Ch'en had given. Wang's
family tliereupon begged Ch'en to indite and substitute
another memorial; Ch'en did so, adding that Wang had
died suddenly of heart failure. Tao Kuang, greatly
grieved and full of remorse for what had happened, con-
ferred high posthumous honours on his faithful servant.
Afterwards, when Ch'en showed the valedictory memorial
to Mu, he was much startled and expressed deep gratitude
for what Ch'en had done. His gratitude was genuine and
resulted in Ch'en's rapid promotion. In ten years he rose
to be President of a Board.
The Chinese, firm believers in the Asiatic doctrine which
visits the sins of the father upon the children, even unto
the third and fourth generation, point to the fact that
Mu Ch'ang-a's descendants have fallen upon evil days.
Mu's son was a superintendent of the Imperial Granaries
— ^the Bannermen's Tribute Rice Intendency— but his
grandson is a well-known actor of more than doubtful
reputation, who plays female parts and is known in the
tea-houses by the nickname of the " Virtuous Young
Gentleman " — a Chinese Charmides. The moral sense
of the literati considers tliis a fitting sequel to the career
of Mu Ch'ang-a, whose only proved offence was that he
advised making peace with enemies whom he knew to
be stronger than anything that China could bring to bear
898
THE COURT OF PEKING
against them. Wang's sons were greatly blamed for
suppressing their father's patriotic memorial.
The Treaty of Nanking was Mu Ch'ang-a*s work, and it
served beyond all doubt to postpone for a time the
appearance of a British force at the gates of Peking.
After the suicide of Wang Ting-Un, there was only one
of the Grand Council who opposed Mu's policy, and this
in a half-hearted manner.
When the draft of the proposed Treaty of Peace was
handed in by Mu, the Emperor took it away witli him
from the Council. He spent the rest of that day and
most of the night in pacing up and down the corridor
of his Palace, deep in anxious thought. Several times
he was heard to mutter " impossible " and to sigh deeply.
At last, at 3 a.m., he stamped his foot and proceeded to
the audience chamber, where he affixed the " vermilion
pencil ** to the draft. This done, he sealed it securely in
an envelope and sent it by the hand of a eunuch to the
oHice of the Grand Council. " The Councillors have not
arrived," said the eunuch, " the Palace gates are still
closed." " Wait there," replied Tao Kuang, " until Mu
Ch'ang-a arrives. Give him this envelope but don*t let
any one else see it." The document sanctioned the sig-
nature of the Peace Treaty, but it was only with great
reluctance and bitterness of soul that Tao Kuang accepted
it. Sucli was the effect of the first serious impact of the
West on the Dragon Throne.
It was in the summer of 1840 that the British fleet
first blockaded Canton and, saiUng northwards, seized the
island of Chusan, which led to tlie degradation of Lui
Tse-hsu and to the appointment of the Manchu Ch*i Shan^
to be Imperial Commissioner at Canton. It was Ch*i
Shan who agreed to the cession of Hongkong (occupied
* Commonly kno\ni in contemporary writings {vttfe Hue's Tibet) as
Ki shan or Ki shen (Boulger). He was the grandfather of Jui Ch'eog,
who surrendered Wu Ch'aiig to the rebels in October 1911.
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
by the British on 26th January, 1841) in exchange for
the rendition of Chusan. Tliis surrender so enraged Tao
Kuang, at that time under the influence of the war party,
that he deprived Ch'i Shan of liis Grand Secretarysliip
and refused to recognise his negotiations. The Throne
(as above stated) insisted on war to the knife and the
extermination of the barbarians. Ch'i Shan, according
to the Chinese chroniclers, did his best to retrieve the
situation by a characteristically Oriental acte de giterre.
He sent privily to the British Conmiissioner (Elliott)
offering him a beautiful concubine and curios, in the
hope of cancelling his territorial negotiations; but the
barbarians were not amenable to reason in this form,
for they proceeded to bombard Bocca Tigris. It was at
this stage that Ch'i Shan memorialised the Throne, frankly
stating his opinion that furtlier figiiting would only make
matters worse. *' We possess no impregnable defences,"
said he, " and our military equipment is utterly useless.
Our troops are feeble and our subjects disloyal. If we
engage in hostilities, disaster will overtake us. For the
present, wisdom dictates the adoption of measures of
expediency."
Subsequent events and their residts, as embodied in
the Treaty of Nanking (August 1842) justified Ch'i Shan.
Towards the end of Tao Kuang's reign, a great soldier^
and statesman made his appearance on the scene, who
was to acliieve fame in years to come and to assist the
great Empress Dowager Tzu Hsi in restoring, for a time,
the prestige of the Manchu dynasty. This was Tseng
Kuo-fan.^ Concerning him an interesting story is told
by the Chinese annalists, illustrating the inveterate faith
in omens, which Tao Kuang shared with all the Sovereigns
of the Manchu dynasty.
One night, greatly troubled by tidings of internal
rebeUion and the persistent truculcncc of the British,
' Vide China wider the Empress Dmuiger, p. 64 ei teq.
400
h
THE COURT OF PEKING
he dreamed that the Forbidden City was invaded by a
band of ruffians : armed with staves and swords, they
pressed upon the Imperial Throne and overturned it.
It seemed to him, in his dream, that he stood there,
alone, confronting the rebels and helpless to resist them.
He called for help, but all his attendants had fled. He
was just about to fly from the Palace in hopeless shame
and confusion, when a man rushed forward, dispersed
the rebels, and replaced the Throne in its former position.
The Emperor, overjoyed, was on the point of thanking
his rescuer, when he awoke. He never spoke of this
dream, but often thought of it, and his deliverer's features
were clearly impressed on his memory. Two years after-
wards, when a batch of newly elected Hanlin doctors was
presented at Court, he recognised in one of them the
hero of the dream. This was Tseng Kuo-fan, whose
rapid promotion was from that moment assured.
Another story, told by the Chinese to account for
Tseng Kuo-fan*s meteoric advancement, may, or may
not be true, but in any case it throws some light on the
relations existing between the Sovereign and his chief
advisers and on the secret of Mu Ch'ang-a's great influence
at Court.
Mu, knowing Tseng Kuo-fan as a member of the Hanhn
Academy, had a high opinion of his talents. One day
when the Emperor was discussing with him the Uterary
ability of the Academicians, Mu replied : " There is
literary talent in abundance, but Tseng Kuo-fan is almost
the only one worthy of high office. He has remarkable
knowledge of State affairs and never fails to notice every-
thing.** Mu subsequently told Tseng what he had said,
and a few days later there came an order from the Emperor
for Tseng to attend for audience. He went out to the
Summer Palace and was given the menu for the day,
which by prescribed custom, officials received at special
audience must take with them to the audience chamber
DD 401
ANNALS AND .MEMOIRS OF
aiid formally present to the Emperor. He was escortetl
by a eunuch to a small chamlier and directed to await
the Imperial summons.
The day wore on to sunset, but no summons came. At
last a message was brought, ordering him to present himself
again on the following morning. Tseng, quite at a loss,
hurried to Mu*s residetice, to ask him the meaning of the
procedure. For a while Mu was perplexed, but suddenly
a light seemed to flash upon him. " Were there any
scrolls or books in the room in which you waited? '* he
asked. " Yes, the walls were covered with scrolls, but
I was so nervous about my audience that I never noticed
them,"
Mu stamped his foot : " That's bad," said he. He then
summoned his confidential servant and handed him a
bank note for 400 taels. " Take that to the Palace and
find out into which room Tseng tajen was shown to-day.
Then bribe the eimuch in charge to allow you to copy
every one of the scrolls on the wall. Come back as soon
as possible.**
Turning to Tseng, he said : " You had better stay here
to-night ; we will go to the Palace together in the morning."
About midnight the messenger returned and handed a
copy of the scrolls on the wall to Mu. They were all
autograph homilies by the last three Emperors, advice
on the art of government and admonitions to officials.
They contained allusions to various events and to many
officials of the three reigns. Only a man possessed of
exceptional knowledge of Chinese political history could
explain these allusions. His Majesty had wished to test
Tseng's abilities and to ascertain if Mu*s commendation
of him was fully warranted. Mu handed the document
to Tseng : " Study this carefully," he said ; " you will find
it a ladder to promotion."
Next day, when the hour of audience arrived, the
Emperor questioned Tseng for nearly an hour concerning
402
THE COURT OF I'EKING
the various matters recorded on the scrolls, and was
greatly pleased by Tseug*s apt answers.
Tao Kuang's successor, his fourth son, who misgoverned
the Empire under the reign-title of Hsien Feng, was the
worst example of debauched degeneracy in the history
of the dynasty. Here again tlie Chinese chroniclers tell
a tale which, if true, shows how the wit of one man,
intelligently applied to things apparently trivial, may
upset the counsels of kings and affect the destinies of
millions.
Towards the end of his reign, Tao Kuang, concerned
as to the succession, had practically decided to confer it
upon his sixth, and favourite, son, Prince Kung, a young
man infinitely superior in character and intelUgence to
him who eventually became Heir to the Throne. It
happened, however, that the latter's tutor, Ts'ao Chen-
yung, knew of the Emperor's predilection, and, naturally,
desiring to enhance his own position, cast about for some
means of inducing the Sovereign to change his mind and
to confer the succession upon his pupil. In this he was
successful.
The Emperor, following the dynastic tradition, had
given orders one day that his sons should go hunting in
the Southern Park, Etiquette required that a Prince
who had not completed his studies should ask his tutor
for permission to absent himself for the day. The fourth
Prince therefore attended at the lecture room in the
Palace, and found his tutor there alone. The Prince went
up, and making the bow wliich ceremony requires, asked
for leave. Ts'ao asked for what purpose, and he an-
swered : '* The Emperor wishes me to take a day's
shooting." Ts*ao whispered to him : " A-ko,^ take my
advice : when you reach the park, sit you and watch the
others shooting. Do not fire a shot, and give orders to
' Tl\c Manchu word used in addressing or sjwaking of Princes,
meaning literally " Elder Brothnr."
403
THE COURT OF PEKING
your huntsmen not to set any traps. If tlie Emperor asks
you for your reason for this, at the end of the day, tell
him that at this spring season it is not right to take life,
because both l>easts and birds have their young to take
care of, and such slaughter is a violation of natural har-
mony. Take care not to quarrel with your brothers but
do not endeavour to emulate them. If you, A-ko, will
only remember tliis, you are certain to win His Majesty's
approval, for I know his disposition. On this hinges
your whole future, either one of glory or comparative
obscurity. Be careful; do not forget."
The Prince carried out these instructions, and Prince
Kung secured the largest bag. He was elated, and seeing
his brother's beaters standing empty-handed around hini,
chaffed him on having taken no part in the chase. He
then asked him his reasons for not shooting. ** Oh, for
no particular reason. I am not very well and did not
feel like violent exercise.'*
When the Princes returned in the evening, and reported
to their father, only Hsien Feng had an empty bag. To
Tao Kuaiig's questions he replied exactly as his tutor
had told him to do. The Emperor was greatly delighted,
and said : " This is the conduct of a superior man," and
from that day decided to make liim his heir.
In later years, when Tao Kuang had passed away, Hsien
Feng raised his tutor to the rank of Assistant Grand
Secretary, but lie died before attaining to still higher
honours. The Emperor wept bitterly and proceeded in
person to offer a sacrifice to his remauis, besides conferring
upon him the highest posthumous honours given to a
Chinese during the last century.
So Hsien Feng, winning his father's favour after the
manner of Jacob, reigned in his stead and liastened the
swift decline of the Manchu dynasty.
404
CHAPTER XVII
HSIEN FENG AND TUNG CHIH :
THE FACILE DESCENT
The inner history of the Court and Government of
China, from the accession of Hsien Feng in 1851 down to
the death of the Empress Tzu Hsi in 1908, has already
been told m China Under the Empress Dowager. The
following chapters are supplementary to that work, and
intended only to throw some additional light on the men
and chief events of that period, and particularly on the life
of the Court.
In the persons of the two Emperors, Hsien Feng and
T'ung Chih, father and son, the tree of demoralisation
brought forth its predestined fruits, whose evil savour
was to infect the Forbidden City henceforth until the
passing of the dynasty. Hsien Feng came to the Throne,
at the age of nineteen, a thoroughly dissolute and depraved
specimen of humanity, physically and morally con-
temptible. He lived to see his Empire ravaged by the
Taiping rebellion and preserved only by the timely help
of the despised European. He died, a fugitive from
Peking, his capital desecrated for the first time in the
history of the Manchus by the presence of invaders, his
Palace burned and his treasures looted. Peking, that for
over two hundred years had known security under the
Manchu rule, learned under Hsien Feng the first of many
bitter lessons, receiving in the mild visitation of the
405
ANNALS AND MKMOIRS OF
Anglo-French armies a warning and a foretaste of the
grievous calamities that have now left it a city of tlic
destitute.
Before two years had passed of the ten years of his ill-
starred reign, Hsien Feng*s Throne was tottering under
the repeated blows struck at it by the triumphant forces
of the Taipings ; the rebel chief had proclaimed himself
Emperor and established his capital at Nanking. What-
ever was left of virility and patriotism at Peking gnashed
its teeth in impotent rage, not so much because of the
imminence of the danger, as because of the hopeless
depravity of the Sovereign and the men whom he delighted
to honour. Rome was burning whilst China's Nero not
only fiddled, but danced obscenely to his own music.
Whilst province after province passed through fire and
sword to acknowledge the sway of the Rebel Emperor,
the Lord of Heaven busied himself with the provision of
new lights for liis harem or joined liis evil genius, the
notorious Minister Su Shun, in orgies of unspeakable
debauch in the low haunts of the Chinese quarter.
The following well- authenticated story illustrates the
frame of mind in which the Emperor and the Court
of the Great Pure Dynasty prepared to meet the most
serious crisis of the Taiping Rebellion, at the moment
of the fall of Nanking (March 1853). It recalls vividly
to mind the attitude of the eunuch-ridden Mings, eating,
drinking and making merry when Li Tzu-ch'eng and his
army were at the very gates of the capital. The parallel
is completed by the fact that, thanks to the evil influence
of men like Ho Shcn and Su Shun, the eunuchs' power
in the Palace had been slowly but surely increasing since
the death of Ch'ien Lung, and was now a conspicuous
factor in the corruption of a Court sunken in luxury and
gross living.
The spring of 1853 had been appointed for the selection
of handmaidens of Manchu stock to enter the Palace.
i06
_•. _ r
•vjrTi~m
THE COURT OF PEKING
The Court Chamberlains and eunuchs had listed and
collected a large number of nominees for the harem, and
on the day after that which brought the news of the fall
of Nanking, a long line of these young women stood
waiting, at dawn, outside the gate of the Palace of Femi-
nine Repose. Amongst these girls was one, the daughter
of a retired Manchu Ueutcnant, named Tuan, who wept
bitterly at being compelled to leave her father, now a
widower, sixty years of age and very poor. She had been
able to supply him with the necessaries of life by giving
lessons and by needlework, and now she feared he would
die of sheer want, for he had no sons or brothers to help
him. But there was no way of escaping from her present
[josition : her name had been included in the list of
handmaidens eligible, and the captain of her Banner was
responsible for her appearance.
The news of the fall of Nanking naturally and forcibly
disturbed the even tenour of Hsien Feng's day, and
compelled him to discuss with the Grand Council a situa-
tion so fraught with danger to his Government and House.
Even Su Shun himself was greatly disturbed, the Censorate
buzzing Hke a wasps' nest and memorials pouring in.
The moment was unpropitious for dalUance; audiences
must be held and orders given. It was nearly sunset
before the business of the day was done and Hsien Feng
could give a thought to the bevy of women expectant at
his gates. They had stood about waiting patiently all
day, many without food and all very nervous ; by evening
most of them were completely exhausted and many were
in tears.
One of the eunuchs in charge rebuked them for weeping,
and said : *^ His Majesty will soon l>e coming to inspect
you. How dare you behave in this unseemly way?
Has the whip no terrors for you ? " On hearing this they
all trembled and wept the more, and none dared reply to
the eunuch except the motherless maiden, who answered
407
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
him in a clear, firm voice, saying : ** I have been forced
to leave my home and to enter the Palace. If I am
selected for service here, it means that I shall be imprisoned
for the rest of my days and never see my father again.
In life we shall be separated; in death divided. Can you
wonder if I weep? Any one with a heart must do so.
I am not afraid to die, and care nought for your threatened
punishment I Have not the Taipings seized the Yangtsze
Valley, and now that Nanking has fallen, is not half of
the Empire as good as lost? Yet the Son of Heaven is
not concerned to find competent generals to take the field
and repel the invader, so that his Empire may be saved ;
his time is given to the selection of women who may
minister to his pleasures. He drags the daughters of the
people from their homes and imprisons them in his Palace,
where they will never breathe again the air of freedom,
so that he may enjoy himself for a brief space I Little he
recks of the impending fate of his ancestral altars and the
tutelary gods 1 The Taiping host will soon be knocking
at his Palace gates, and then the nine spirits of his ances-
tors will lack their burnt offerings and worship of ap-
pointed days. I do not fear death : and for your threats
of the whip I care nought at all,"
At this outburst, spoken in a loud voice, the eunuch
endeavoured to quiet her by putting his hand over her
mouth, but at that moment the Emperor, in his chair, ap-
peared upon the scene. The eunuch bound her hands and
led her to the presence, bidding her kneel. But she
refused to do obeisance and looked defiantly at the Em-
peror. Now His Majesty had heard the last few words
of her speech, and good-naturedly asked what all the
trouble was about, whereupon she deliberately repeated
what she had said. Hsien Feng was delighted with her
spirit : " You are a true heroine," said he; " untie her
hands and lead her to see the Empress." The Chinese
chroniclers, who like to make such stories end happily
408
THE COURT OF PEKING
and with a good moral, aver that Hsien Feng gave this
outspoken maiden in marriage to one of the Imperial
Princes who had just lost his wife (it being the custom
for the Emperor to decide the matrimonial affairs of the
Imperial Clan), and in this position she was able to
support her father in his old age.
At the beginning of Hsien Feng's reign there were, as
usual, two parties about the Throne, the one honest and
patriotic according to its lights, the other utterly corrupt.
The acknowledged leader of the powers of evil in high
places was the Imperial Clansman Su Shim, who set
himself to debauch the body and soul of the young
Emperor by every kind of wickedness. Not that Hsien
Feng required much enticing in that direction, for his
tendencies were those of a vicious sensualist from his
youth up, Su Shun merely supplied the match of experi-
ence and suggestion to a brand all ready for the burning.
Before long he became the ame damnie of the depraved
monarch, whose physical condition bore testimony to his
way of living; often, after a night of prolonged orgies, his
legs tottered under him at the hour of audience and on
one occasion he was unable properly to perform the
sacrificial rites at the Temple of Heaven.
The only official who bravely tried to counteract the
evil influence of Su Shun at Court was the Grand Secretary,
Po Sui ; ^ an honest, straightforward man, whose blunt
speech and fearless criticisms gradually came to offend
the Emperor. Su Shun conspired with the Princes Yi
and Cheng (who later, upon Hsien Feng*s death, joined
him in usurping the Regency) to get rid of their un-
compromising and plain-spoken opponent, and, judging
by documentary and circumstantial evidence, there
appears to be good reason for believing that Hsien Feng
was a party to the plot. It ended in Po Sui's decapitation
^ Vide China under the Empress D&waser, p. 81, where, by a clerical
eiTor» his name in ^vronply (fiven as Po Chun.
409
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
on the public execution gi'ound, and the complete su-
premacy of Su Shun and his party from 1859 until the death
of Hsien Feng, and Tzii Hsi's successful coup d'etat against
the usui*ping Regents.
The scheme which Su Shun initiated for the undoing
and judicial murdering of Po Sui is worth describing,
because it reveals something of the depths of subterranean
intrigue that lay behind the gilded splendour of the
Dragon Throne; at the same time it illustrates and
explains the complicated machinery by which the instinct
of Chinese rulers has always fairly safeguarded the road
to public office— that is, the road to wealth— from the worst
abuses of venality and nepotism. The system of public
service examinations, with all its elaborate (and, on the
whole, effective) precautions against chicanery and fraud,
has probably contributed more than any other factor to
the permanent stability of China's civilisation. It is
surely a striking testimony to the intuitive wisdom of
that civilisation and to its binding force, that, even in
times of chaos and corruption, China*s worst rulers have
usually realised the all-importance of honesty and fair
play in the examinations for the literary degrees,
whereby the humblest subject could rise to the highest
offices in the land. Even the Taipings established a
similar competitive system, at their Court of a day, in
Nanking.
At the examinations held for the MetropoHtan degree,
in the autumn of 1858, Po Sui was Chief Examiner.
Thoroughly honest and incapable of favouritism himself,
he seems to have suffered from the failing, common
enough amongst high officials, of taking too much for
granted in his subordinates. The position of Chief
Examiner, at all times one of great dignity, was then one
of peculiar and dangerous responsibiUty, because for some
time past there had been ugly rumours of bribery and
impersonation in connection with other examinations.
410
THE COURT OF PEKING
It is doubtful whether these liad come to the cars of Po
Sui, whose character was easy-going and trustful; in any
case, contemporary opinions and posterity ahke have
acquitted him of all suspicion in reference to the cases
which, thanks to the malevolence of Su Shun, cost him
his life.
Po Sui had a confidential servant (of the type of C^hazi)
named Chin Hsiang, who saw and seized opportunities
for himself in his master's high office. To him there came
secretly a Manchu named P*ing Ling, a man of good
family but disreputable habits, who made a living by
singing at banquets in woman*s attire with his face
powdered. Being young and good-looking, this ne'er-do-
weel cherished ambitions to enter the pubhc service. He
therefore bribed Cliin Hsiang with a thousand taels to
secure for him h high place at the examination. Chin
Hsiang arranged for a substitute to enter in Ping's name,
whose essay was awarded the seventh place on the list.
Another rich but illiterate candidate, a native of Canton,
named Lo, also bribed Chin Hsiang, who in this case went
so far, with the help of the assistant examiner, as to
tamper with the order of the successful papers, including
Lo's amongst them, after it had been relegated to the
supplementary list by the examiners. When the revising
examiner came to inspect Lo's essay, he saw at once that
an irregularity had been committed, but, thinking that
it must have occurred with Po Sui's knowledge, made no
comment at the time. It is possible that he foresaw an
opportunity of making friends of the mammon of un-
righteousness and gaining the favour of tlie powerful Su
Shun. In any case, he informed one of the Censors,
named Meng, of Lo's case, and Meng prepared a memorial
impeaching the whole staff of examiners, with Po Sui as
their responsible chief.
Before handing in the memorial, Meng happened to be
dining one evening at the Restam'ant of Abundant
411
ANXALS AND MEMOIRS OF
Blessings in the Coal Market Street, when he overheard
a conversation between P'ing Ling and a couple of actors
who were dining with him. P'ing Ling was in his cups
and was talking in a loud voice. The Censor did not
know him by sight, but pricked up his ears at the following
remark : " Not long ago I was no better off than either
of you; people looked down upon me as the scum of
society. But now I have taken a high place at the
examination and that is all over. If you like I can help
you fellows to attain success by the same means, when
the next examination takes place. It is only a matter
of paying big squeezes, and there's no reason at all why
you shouldn't come out near the top of the list."
Upon this the Censor made inquiries, and ascertained
P'ing Ling's name. Waiting until the actors had become
thoroughly fuddled with wine, he proceeded to introduce
himself to P'ing as an old family acquaintance. Telhng
him that he was one of the unsuccessful candidates from
Nanking, he asked how he could arrange to be successful
at the next attempt. P'ing, too drunk to be suspicious,
told him the whole stor\'. Next day the Censor, adding
this new material to his memorial, laid the whole plot
before the Throne. Hsien Feng was greatly incensed and
bade the Board of Rites bring for his inspection the
successful essays of P'ing Ling and Lo, which, in accord-
ance with custom, had been filed in the archives. After
perusing the essays, the Emperor ordered that these two
candidates should forthwith undergo a special examination
in the Imperial library. The Emperor himself selected
the themes, the prose essay being " In what does happiness
consist? " and the verse theme, *' A wise man hesitates
to talk in front of a parrot." Prince Cheng and Su Shun
were appointed supervisors of this examination. As both
the candidates were illiterate, the result, as may be
imagined, was laughable enough, except for those con-
cerned. Their names were erased from the list of successfiil
412
I
I
THE COURT OF PEKING
candidates; Lo committed suicide, and P*ing Ling died
in prison. Tiie examiners were then handed over to the
Board of Punishments.
At this stage Su Shun appeared upon the scene. Fate
had delivered his adversary into his hand, for he, Su Shun,
was President of the Board of Punishments. When first
the Board reported on Po Sui's case, Hsien Feng was
reluctant to impose the death penalty, upon which Su
Shun and his confederates (the Princes Yi and Cheng)
insisted, but Su was able to persuade the weak and
dissolute young monarch to adopt stem measures. Hsien
Feng knew that Po Sui was a just man and rightly popular,
even as he knew that Su Shun was detested for his avarice
and cruelty; he knew that Po Sui had deserved well of
the State and that his offence in the present instance was
one of carclessuess at most; he therefore hesitated and
summoned the Grand Council to discuss the matter.
Finally he was persuaded to issue the decree which con-
demned Po Sui to death, and appointed Su Shun and Chao
Kuang to superintend the execution. This decree reads :
" Prince Yi and his colleagues have memoriaUsed Us in
regard to the examination abuses case of last autumn, and
submitted their proposals as to the penalties to be imposed.
We have carefully perused and considered their report.
There are certain points in it to which We desire to call
the attention of Our Ministers. The examination system
is intended for the selection of candidates for government
service, and severe penalties are imposed for malpractices
and favouritism on the part of the examiners. So far,
during Our dynasty, there has been no case of a member
of the Commission endangering his hfe by conniving at
malpractices. But now, to Our sorrow and surprise, the
Grand Secretary, Po Sui, has gone so far as to defy the
law and to forget the benefits l:)estowed upon him. As a
Grand Secretary and Minister of the Presence for many
years, besides having held office as Grand Councillor and
4ia
J
JALS AND MEMOIRS OF
Comptroller of the Household, how could Po Sui hav€
been ignorant of the law, especially as his own career Ijegan
at a public examination ? He acceded to tlie proposal of
his servant, Chin Hsiang, to be allowed to substitute a
revised essay for that of one of the candidates. If Chin
Hsiang were still alive, there would be no difficulty in
establishing the facts before the Tribunal of Justice. "We
have precedents to guide Our decision in the dynastic
laws, and are by no naeans straining a point to serve the
ends of justice. All We are now considering is the evidence
of Po Sui himself, to which We have given careful considera-
tion, as We find that although there are certain extenuating
circumstances, the law must be allowed to take its course.
" At tliis point We pause and the tears flow down Our
cheeks.* In accordance with the advice of my Princes
and Ministers, We command that Po Sui be summarily
decapitated and that Su Shun and Chao Kuang shall duly
superintend his execution in the public square. The
examination secretaries, P'u An, Lo Hung-yi and Li
Hung-ling, are also to be decapitated, that the law may
be vindicated. The assistant examiner, Chu Feng-piao,
is to be cashiered, for We cannot believe that he actually
connived at his colleagues' misconduct ; otherwise, he, too,
would have been severely punished. The Hanlin Com-
piler, Tsou Shih-lin, who, in his capacity as junior examiner,
amended the composition of the successful candidate
(P'ing Ling), since cashiered, is henceforth and for ever
debarred from official employment. Twelve of the suc-
cessful candidates are to be brought up for further in-
quiries, and the Ministry of Rites is to report on the
penalties to be imposed on the remainder of the examiners.
The proctors who were on duty during the examination
are to report, explaining how two charactei-s in one of the
essays came to be altered during the process of collecting
^ In reading Imperial decrees ot this type one is frequently reminded
of Mr. Peoksniff and " the duty he owed to society."
414
THE COURT OF PEKING
tlie papers. Three of the candidates, Hsieh Sen-cliih,
Hsiang Yiian-p'ei and Li Tan-hua are to be sent under
escort from their native places for trial at Peking.
" Henceforward, the examiners at all all-important
public examinations, must cleanse their hearts and rid
themselves of every sort of prejudice, so that no candidate
shall enter the Government service by unfair means.
The candidates are each and all to pay more heed to their
moral character and to inculcate self-respect; let them
refrain from intrigue and from base attempts to win
favour, taking warning from the present example. Thus
will Our object be attained, which is to raise the standard
of morals among the scholars of the Empire : with this
ideal before Us, AVe have not shrunk from administering
exemplary punishment as the law demands. Surely you,
Our Ministers, will sympathise with Our ideas, and appre-
ciate the motive which animates Us,"
So Su Shun and the powers of evil triumphed. On the
day fixed for Po Sui's decapitation, he and the other con-
demned oflieials were conveyed in carts to the place of
execution, known as the Western Market, where they
were to await the arrival of the Palace decree finally
confirming the order. Po Sui wore the costume which
custom requires in the case of high officials condemned to
be beheaded; he was dressed in plain black silk and his
official hat was shorn of its red tassel— a sign of mourning.
On arrival at the place of execution he prostrated himself
in the direction of the Palace and gave thanks for favours
received in the past. After this he turned to his son,
Chung Lien, saying : " The Emperor will surely spare my
life; he is sending me to the execution ground as a
warning, but at the last moment 1 feel sure that he will
grant a reprieve. When it anives, I shall go to the
Temple of the ' Evening Ray ' and wait there until
arrangements are made for me to set off to my place of
banishment. Do you return home and prepare the
415
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
various tilings which 1 shall need on the journey," (When'
high officials are sentenced to death, the Tlirone frequently
commutes the capital penalty at the last moment to one
of perpetual banishment. Po fully expected to be sent
to Turkestan or to the post roads.)
He had scarcely finished speaking, when Chao Kuang,
the second official su{)ervising the execution and one of
Po Sui's oldest friends, arrived in liis chair. His eyes were
red with weeping. He had been waiting at the Palace
for the final confirmation or modification of the sentence.
As soon as Po Sui saw him, he said : " It*s all over. Left
to himself, the Emperor would never have been so pitiless :
Su Shun has been my evil genius from first to last. It is
he who has hardened His Majesty's heart. After all,
what does my death matter? The day is close at hand
when Su Shun will share my fate. You must look forAvard
to that day."
With that, he beckoned to the headsman, who came
forward and fell on one knee, saying : " If Your Excellency
the Grand Secretary will be pleased to kneel down, I will
give you a reverent send-off to the next world." Po Sui
did so, and the executioner, with knee bent in respect,
deftly cut off his head at the first stroke.
Before signing the fatal order, Ilsien Feng had sum-
moned Chao Kuang to the presence. The Emperor was
seated on the Throne with the vermilion pencil in his hand
but seemed reluctant to sign the death warrant. For a
long time he hesitated, repeatedly exclaiming : " Although
legally his crime deserves death, there are extenuating
circumstances." Su Shun replied : " Whatever the cir-
cumstances, this is no case for your clemency. Your
Majesty has admitted as much."
The weak monarch still hesitated to sign. Finally, in
desperation, he handed the pencil to Su Shun, who promptly
marked against Po Sui's name the fatal hook. Chao Kuang
burst into tears and departed for the place of execution.
416
THE COURT OF PEKING
After Po Sui*8 death, one of his proUgSs presented the
following pair of memorial scrolls, which were much ad-
mired as an example of skill in dealing with a delicate
subject :
" In life he attained to high honours, in death he was
imfortunate. Come bounteous dew and rain, or come the
thunder bolt of wrath, all proceed alike from the Imperial
will."
" The Minister's gate may have been like a market,*
but the Minister*s heart was pure as water. Do you,
majestic Heaven and divine earth, look down on him with
pity, loyal and forsaken."
Two years afterwards, when the masterful statecraft of
Tzu Hsi had defeated all the plots of the usurping Regents,
Su Shun met his death on the same spot which had wit-
nessed the execution of his victim, Po Sui.^ But whereas
Po Sui's death was universally deplored, that of Su Shun
was welcomed by the populace of Peking with general
rejoicings. He went to his doom, clad in a long white
robe of sackcloth. As he emerged from the Shunchih gate
of the inner city on his way to the execution ground, it
was noticed that his face was covered with dust, for a liigh
wind was blowing. Arriving at the Western Market, he
alighted somewhat feebly from the open cart in which the
condemned are conveyed, and began to say a few words
of farewell to Prince Jui, who had been commanded by
Tzu Hsi to superintend the execution. He was not given
time to finish, but was dragged forward, made to kneel,
and in a moment his head fell, his death being greeted by
loud applause from the crowd. The same headsman
officiated who had dispatched Po Sui two years before.
Not one of Su Shun*s family was present to see the last
of liim : his sons had gone to the gate of the prison, but
^ This in oUusioii to the train of clients atteuding on an influential
perKonage.
* Vide Chitta under the Empress Dowager^ pp. 47, 48.
ze 417
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
had been driven away by the gatekeepers with whips.
Rarely had any high official achieved Su Shun*s measure
of unpopularity with the people of Peking.
A\Tien officials of high rank are unfortunate enough to
suffer the fate of public decapitation, it is the custom that
the executioner, in exchange for a heavy fee, stabs his,
victim to the heart before severing liis head, the idea
being that by this means little or no blood would be shed.
On coming forward, the executioner is presented with a
basin and towel wherewith to perform ablutions. In Su
Shun's case, however, all these deHcate attentions were
omitted. It is also the custom that after the execution
the headsman shall immediately sew the head on again,
almost as soon as it falls to the ground : for this a fee of
1000 taels is usually claimed.* But Su Shun's body was
left where it fell, and the dogs came and licked up liis blood.
His head was hung for many days in the public square.
Su Shun's confederates, the usurping Regents, the
Princes Yi and Cheng, shared his fate in 1861, by order of
Tzu Hsi. Both met death with philosophic calm. Prince
Yi's family were permitted to be present in the Court of
the Imperial Clan, and he gave them elaborate instructions
as to his fimeral and the division of his property. He
desired to be clad in white silk robes and particularly
asked that his portrait (which is always painted after
deatli and has a semi-sacred significance in connection with
the rites of ancestral worship) should also be mounted on
plain silk. Prince Cheng showed signs of agitation, and
his last utterances were indistinct, but in his case, too, the
family was present.
The nooses used for both were covered with delicate
silken material. Two low tea tables were placed in the
" empty chamber '* of the Clan Court,^ and the two
' Tliis was done in the case of Ch'i Hsiu, who was decapitated ui
1001 in the presence of the allied troops.
* The iiuine is euphemistic, in the sense that tlie room was never
to be tenanted except by Princes or Clansmen under sentence.
418
THE COURT OF PEKING
Princes were then invited to mount the tables and adjust
the nooses on their necks amidst the lamentations of their
respective famihes. Prince Yi had no sooner complied,
and the table been drawn away, than he expired. Prince
Cheng was less fortunate. He was a man of enormous
weight, and no sooner had he placed the noose around his
neck than the rope broke and he fell heavily to the ground.
At the second attempt he was successful. The underlings
at the Clan Court naturally availed themselves of the
opportunity to squeeze the unfortunate famiUes of the
once all-powerful Princes. Their relatives had to pay
out over one hundred thousand taels before being allowed
to remove the bodies and arrange for their honourable
burial.
In August 1861, Hsien Feng died, a fugitive and a
physical wreck, at Jehol, in his thirtieth year, leaving the
Throne to his only son, the Emperor T'ung Chili, then a
child of six. During his minority, under the llegency of
Tzu Hsi and her colleague the Empress Tzu An, the tide
of disintegration was temporarily checked, the Government
being largely in tlie hands of wise and liberal statesmen of
the type of Prince Kung and Wen Hsiang, and the Imperial
armies led by capable generals, like Tseng Kuo-fan and
Tso Tsung-t'ang.
Of T'ung Chih*s reign and his personal influence on the
destinies of the Empire, it is unnecessary to say much, for
he attained his majority and assumed nominal control of
the Government in February 1873, and died in January
1875. That he was never intended to live and to deprive
Tzu Hsi of her undisputed authority, is certain. Equally
certain that she encouraged, or took no steps to restrain,
the vicious tendencies which were matters of notoriety
in Peking, and which eventually led to his death from a
disease contracted in the low haunts of the Chinese city.*
But the following notes, taken from the reminiscences of
* Vide China undrr the Empress Dowager, pp. 119, 120.
419
avait him, and it
of a
(as Ac Fahct
ri&tiicwaOiiMt
At ttti
[gossip in Ae
often
to tfe hbre, ev^ aflo' kc had tM""»*^ his
Majority. Vaog after tke imir fixed lor aodieoces. In the ^
day tinae be woold liiqMt, iaDOfnito, the book and
picture dtops ol tte Lra li-ch'a^ to purchase kwd
carvings and painliiiy cC tbe kiMi to which the dissolute
patriciant of Pdcii^ hav<e ahvajrs been paitiaL ■
Tung Chih hated and feared his inother*s faTOurite
Chief Eunudt, the notofious An Te-hai— who, if the
common report of the Palace spoke truly, was no eunuch.
He also disliked Su Shun, who used to bully and tease the
boy.
^\^len the time arrived, in the autumn of 1872, for
arranging the young £mp»eror*s marriage, which took
place early in the following year, the two maidens selected
from the large number of eligibie candidates were A-Lu-te,
(the daughter of Ch'ung Ch'i), and a daughter of Feng Hsia,
the friend of Jung Lu. Tzu Hsi preferred the latter,
whilst her colleague, the Empress of the Eastern Palace,
preferred A-Lu-te. As the Co-R^ent Empresses could
not agree, Tzu Hsi finally proposed that T*ung Chih
should be left to make his owti choice : "Let him see
420
THE COURT OF PEKING
both ^rls ^ and he can select the one he prefers." Tzu
Hsi felt no doubt that T'ung Chih would be guided by her
wishes, and she was therefore much displeased when the
Emperor, on being ushered in, and having the position
explained to him, replied without hesitation : ** I choose
A-Lu-te as my Empress." Tzu Hsi could not very well
say more at the moment, so A-Lu-te became Senior Con-
sort, and the Discerning Concubine, as Lady Feng was now
called,^ became Senior Secondary Consort.
After the marriage, Tzii Hsi used often to scold and
revile lier son for his foolish choice. " You ought to have
done as I bade you and chosen the Discerning Concubine.
I find her intelligent and dutiful, whilst A-Lu-te is a
feather-head, who knows nothing about Court etiquette.
Unless she amends I shall have to consider her deposition.
In any case, I must ask you to cease dallying about her
Palace, instead of attending to Government business."
She would also frequently instruct the eunuch Li Lien-ying
to convey the " Discerning Concubine ** at night to the
monarch's bedchamber, in the hope that she might
present him with an heir to the Throne, and thus secure
for herself (Tzii Hsi) a long and undisputed tenure of the
Regency. As etiquette prescribes, Li would carry the
Discerning Concubine on his back, with only a cloak
thrown over her person, and leave her at the lower end
of the Dragon couch, from which position it was her duty
to raise herself gradually till she reached the level of the
Imperial pillow.
But T*ung Chih cared nought for the lady and avoided
her as much as possible. Worried by his mother's inter-
* An unusual proceeding, which custom prohibits before the marriage
cLTuraony, as the bridegroom has nothing to do with the selection of
his wife.
■ This lady caused trouble in 1909, by insisting on remaining, in
resentment which simulated mourning, at the Eastern !^{aiisotea after
the Old Buddha's interment, but the Empress Lung YU tempted her
back to Peking by means of certain concessions as to her precedence
and emoluments.
421
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
fercncc in his domestic affairs, he sought distraction in the
haunts of the Chinese city, and when he did happen to
pass a night in the Forbidden City, he would frequently
leave the Discerning One to undisputed possession of the
Dragon couch, and take up his quarters in the Palace of
Heavenly Purity.
When he fell sick, Tzu llsi pretended to put the blame
on A-Lu-te, and soundly rated her for having seduced
the Emperor from his mother's influence. His death was
a sore blow to his unliappy widow, whose eyes were
swollen with weeping. One day her father, a time-serving
wretch, came in to see her, and subsequently reported to
TzG Hsi as follows : *' If the F^mpress is so melancholy the
best thing she can do, for every one's sake, is to follow
His Sainted Majesty to the tomb as speedily as possible,"
Two hours later she died, and the uncharitable say that
Ch'ung Ch*i, anticipating Tzu Hsi's wishes, gave her the
opium which enabled her to commit suicide, because he
foresaw trouble ahead if she gave birth to an heir, and
realised that his own position would tlien be compromised
with Tzu Hsi. A large and influential party at Court
would demand the heir's elevation to the Throne, and un-
less they snceeeded in depriving lier of power (which was
not likely) Tzti Hsi would surely wreak vengeance on
A-Lu-te's family. So, like a wise man, he took precaution-
ary measures.
I
I
i
I
After the death of Hsien Feng in 1861, the vigorous and
intelligent policy of his young widow (TzG Hsi), loyally
backed by Generals of the stamp of Tseng Kuo-fan and
Tso Tsung-t'ang, succeeded in stamping out the Taiping
rebellion— greatly assisted, it is tme, by Chinese Gordon's
" ever- victorious army.'* It had lasted for thirteen years —
devastating nine provinces and bringing death and desolation
to untold millions. Since 1855, the first high incentive and
semi-religious character of the movement had completely
422
THE COURT OF PEKING
disappeared ; it had become a vast and ruthless horde of
undisciplined bandits which lived, au jour le jour, upon
the country. As it is to-day, so it was then; China*s
rebels could fight and could take cities, but tliey had no
system and no cohesion to offer in place of that which
they had contrived to overthrow. As it is to-day, so it
was then; the plunder lust, the insatiable frenzy of loot,
demoralised both rebels and Imperiahsts; so that, until
the arrival on the scene of General Gordon and new
military ideals, hostilities dragged on almost aimlessly, to
the ever-increasing distress of non-combatants.
Nevertheless, it is well to remember that the Taiping
rebellion, like all other great risings in China against an
unpopular dynasty, represented originally a genuine
intention on the part of its leaders to put an end to very
real grievances and to replace the Alanchu dynasty by
something more efficient and more righteous. The annals
of the time prove that, even at the last, the movement
retained a remnant of leaders who kept their first high
ideals and endeavoured to restrain their lawless forces.
The following brief extracts from contemporary chronicles
relate to the last days of Li Hsiu-ch'eng, with whose
death, after the fall of Nanking {July 1864), the rebellion
was practically ended.*
To this man. known far and wide throughout Kiangsu
as the " Patriotic Prince," the Taiping rebellion owed
much of its original success, and whatever semblance of
orderly government it had been able to evolve at the Court
of the " Heavenly King.'* His military genius was
undeniable, and his personal character entirely admirable;
so mucl) so, that not only was he idolised by his soldiers,
but by the people, whom he protected, so far as in him
lay, against oppression. He was a strict disciplinarian,
insisted on the regular payment of the troops under his
^ For an account of his death at the hands of T>>eng Kuo-fan, vide
the latter's memorial, China tinder the Empress Do^agety p. 78.
423
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
command, and punished rape with decapitation. He
combined the quaUties of a good fighting man with a
gentle and pious nature ; a conscientious observer of the
rites of his Buddhistic faith, he gave liberal allowances to
the families of those who had fallen in battle, and instituted
an annual service of commemorative masses on the Bud-
dhist All Souls' Day, at which he was wont to appear in
person, burning incense and joining in the litany for the
dead. A brave fighter and a gentleman.^
It was Li Hsiu-ch'eng who held Soochow against
Gordon's army in the winter of 1868. Just before the
fall of the city, in December, the rebel garrison and the
populace were in desperate straits. The troops had had
no regular meals for days; nevertheless, the example of
Li's indomitable courage kept up their spirits. He
dispatched one of his officers with a letter, asking for help,
addressed to Hung, the " Heavenly King," at Nanking.
His messenger was captured and killed by the Imperialists,
and his letter was preserved by the officer into whose
hands it fell, who subsequently — admiring Li's splendid
courage— sent copies of it to his friends. The letter was
written in a fine running hand, and shows not only a
brave spirit but every evidence of deep scholarship :
** From this beleaguered city," it reads, *' I indite these
lines. Our pro^'^sions are exhausted; in the camp, the
cooking pots are empty. The slove is cold and there is
no drug that can allay the pangs of hunger. Corpses are
^ It is interesting to note that President Yuan Shih-k'ai gave orden
last year, to the office Jor confcrrinig Patents of distinction, to make in-
quiry conceminR the descendants, nowsurvivinjf, of thcTaiping leaders.
The Office rejrorted that the eldest son of Li Hsiu-ch eng, named
Li Chcng-lisiang, is now in his fifty-sixth year. lie has forwarded to
the Patent Office a record of the Taipiug roljcUion, written by his father,
which is to be incorporated in the omcial history of China. ^Posthumous
honours will probably be conferred upon Li Hsiu*ch'eng. From this it
will be seen that no man's words or deeds are ever finally condemned
in Cliincse history. The filial piety of his descendants, and other
things, may serve in time to rehabilitate his character for (wstcrity.
424
u'
THE COURT OF PEKING
carved in pieces and mothers sell their sons for food. For
many days past we have been shouting ' Dinner is ready *
at meal times, so as to deceive the enemy concerning our
lack of provisions. Our plight is grievous, resembling
that of the turtle in the tureen : our danger is as that of
the tiger at bay upon the mountain precipice. Your
Majesty has founded a new Empire, but if its roots be
shaken, the branches are agitated. Soochow is your
Majesty's lower jaw : if the lips perish, the teeth must
speedily decay. As soon as you have been able to force
a way through the beleaguering armies whicli invest
Nanking, it behoves you to dispatch troops to our assist-
ance. I send these few lines beseeching you to take care
of your health. Interrupting the whetting of my spear,
I write this message, earnestly praying for your welfare."
Li escaped from Soochuw, that city of dire carnage,
and lived to take part in the final act of the great drama
when, at the fall of Nanking in the following July, the
" Heavenly King " met his fate. Li escaped from Nan-
king, accompanied only by two lads. One of them was
the second son of the " Heavenly King," Hung Fu-tien,
and the other was Li*s own page. Hung could not ride,
and soon got separated from his companions (he was subse-
quently captured by the Imperialists). Li and his page
hurried on in the darkness and finally lost their way.
They were resting at daybreak on a wooded hill when eight
woodcutters came up. One of them recognised Li and
addressed him as the Patriotic Prince. Li begged them not
to betray him, " If you can find a way of taking me safely
to Huchou in Chekiang, I will give you 30,000 taels."
The men, moved to tears at his plight, agreed to do so.
At evening they descended the hill and came to their
liamlet of Chicn Hsi— " West of the Ravine." Their
movements were hampered because Li and his page were
burdened with a quantity of jewels, besides having a pack
mule loaded witli gold bars and pearls. The woodcutters
425
hid them in an inner room, and advised Li to disguise him-
self by shaving his head.*^ He refused, saying : ** I am
the subject of the Taiping dynasty; our Empire is
overthrown and our Sovereign dead. If I am captured
and brought before the Manchu Commander, my fate is
sealed, I know. But were I to escape capture by sJiaving
my head, I should be false to the principles which made
me a rebel."
One of the woodcutters, a man named T'ao, cunning
and greedy by nature, longed to secure the large reward
offered for Li by betraying him, but he feared his com-
panions, who were loyal to Li, So he found a pretext to
go out, and sought acquaintance in the Manchu camp of
General Hsiao, whose advice lie asked. This man natur-
ally informed one of the General's bodyguard of Li's
presence in the neighbouring village, and the General,
on hearing the story, detained T'ao, entertaining Iiim with
food and wine, and hurriedly dispatched a troop of horse-
men to arrest Li. They brought him back, and with him
liis treasure, which the General seized. Hoping to keep
the matter quiet, he then gave orders to have T'ao be-
headed, but the man had fled; he subsequently fell a
victim to the wrath of his companions, who killed him
for his treachery. The General received high hereditary
rank for his capture of Li and his treasure, but several of
his men were slain by the woodcutters, who, after slaugh-
tering them, made sacrifice to Li's spirit. Tseng Kuo-fan
heard of their doing so and had them brought to his head-
quarters. Boldly and frankly they confessed the truth.
Tseng, who greatly admired the rebel leader, praised their
loyalty and made them presents, which they reluctantly
accepted. Chinese chroniclers deplore the fact that the
names of these worthy woodcutters have not been recorded.
The following story describing the manner in which the
* The Tuipinps discarded the tonsure in token of rebellion against
the Mniiohii dvnnsty,
436
THE COURT OF PEKING
Imperialists finally took Nanking, goes to show tliat there
was love as well as war in the rebel capital. When the
city was completely invested by Tseng Kuo-fan's forces, the
key to the position lay at the " Islet of Nine Eddies," and
there Hung Hsiu-ch'uan, the rebel king, had stationed a
large force. As soon as the Imperialist forces had cap-
tured this islet, Nanking was practically at their mercy,
Tseng Kuo-fan is usually credited with this exploit, but
the fact is that one of the rebels betrayed the secret of the
distribution of their forces and tliis enabled tlie Dnperialist
attack to concentrate on the weakest spot.
During the reign of tlie " Heavenly King " at Nanking,
two civil service examinations were held, at the second
of wliich a Kiangsi scholar named Pu Ying-ch'i was third
on the list. He was an unusually handsome man and used
to call himself a second Ch'en Ping, after a certain beau
who played a prominent part in the foundation of the Han
dynasty in the second century B.c,
While the Palace examination was proceeding, the
" Heavenly King's '* younger sister, Hsuan Chiao, watched
the candidates from behind a curtain, and was muclt taken
with Pu's good looks. It was she who induced her brother
to place him third on the list. AVhen, in due course, he
appeared at Court to return thanks, Hung said to him :
*' You ought really to thank the Divine Sister," and bade
a eunuch take him to her presence. Pu knelt before her,
and the Divine Sister held out her hand to him, saying :
*' We shall often meet, for I intend to secure you a good
post at Court."
A few days later he was made Chamberlain, and before
long his relations with the Divine Sister became something
more than brotherly. The Divine Sister had a husband,
Li Shao-shen, who was greatly distressed, but feared to
interfere in her intrigue.
Now it happened that the " Prince of the East," Yang
Ilsin-ch'eng, like all the other rebel princes, maintained
427
THE COURT OF PEKING
a staff of ladies who served him as majors domo, ushers,
and in otlier capacities. One of these women, the daughter
of a literary man, possessed great skill with her pen, and
besides this was superior to the Divine Sister in the matter
of good looks. She, too, became infatuated with the
handsome Pu, and was for ever inviting him to her
boudoir. As this liaison developed, the Divine Sister
became exceedingly jealous, but had to endure it, as the
" Heavenly King '* could not afford to quarrel with the
" Prince of the East." For a time Pu played the Don
Juan with both fair ladies, but gradually became tired of
their charms, and, realising that the Taipings were nearing
the end of their tether, he decided to quit Nanking by
stealth, and to try to return to his home in Kiangsi,
In this attempt he was captured by General Fu Ssu*s
men and, hoping to save his life, said : *' I have a secret
to communicate," Ushered into the General's presence,
he said : " The rebels depend on the Islet of Nine Eddies
for their supplies ; for all their reinforcements come in by
that route. This alone has enabled them to hold out so
long. You will never take Nanking until you capture the
islet. I have with me a plan, upon which you will see
marked the disposition of their forces and the emplace-
ments of their guns. One side is practically impregnable,
but there is one spot which is open to attack. Take them
unawares from that side and you will capture the position
as easily as spitting on your fingers. Once the islet is in
your possession, their communications are cut and they
will be like rats in a trap."
The Imperialists acted on this information and Nanking
fell. Pu Ying-ch'i was rewarded with a lieutenant-
colonelcy, but Chinese clu'oniclers, who seem, as a class,
disposed to sympathise with rebels of all kinds, condemn
his action, unkindly observing of iiim that he served two
dynasties, one in a civil, and the otlier in a military,
capacity-
42S
CHAPTER XVIII
THE SORROWS OF HIS MAJESTY KUANG HSt)
The personality of His Majesty Kuang Hsii was
always so overshadowed and dominated by that of the
masterful Tzu Hsi, even during the years (1889-1898)
when he was theoretically in control of the Government,
that his individual abilities and aspirations had little
scope to shape themselves to any good purpose; and the
dynastic annals, compiled under the direction of the
'* Old Buddha," treat him, generally speaking, as a
negligible quantity. For although during her years of
nominal retirement, Tzu Hsi divested herself of the out-
ward symbols of supreme power, the Emperor himself
and all his Court were well aware that the final arbiter
of all important questions was still the autocrat who
watched events from her retreat at the Summer Palace,
whose confidential agents and partisans constituted the
dominant party in the metropolitan and provincial
Yamens. At no time did she surrender to the Emperor
the fundamental authority to which the official world
looked for rewards and punishments; in her hands re-
mained the appointment to all high offices, by which means
she created and strengtiicned ties of personal loyalty to
herself. The Emperor on his Throne was a cipher in
the inner councils of the State, which drew their inspira-
tion from the fountain head of all favours; of far less
account, in the estimation of the mandarinate, than the
Chief Eunuch, Li Lien-ying. Except during the hundred
429
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
days of Reform, which precipitated Tzu Hsi's coup d*etaf
in 1898 and her return to full and undisguised supremacy,
the unfortunate monarch was never able to muster
courage or supporters sufficient to enable him to assert
himself.
There were, it is true, occasions when he endeavoured to
throw off the yoke and to claim rights of independent
initiative, especially during the short time when he relied
upon the influential support of Chang Yin-huan and the
reform leaders at Peking; but his attempts were ever
doomed to spend themselves in futility against the solid
wall of vested interests and privileges with which the
genius of Tzii Hsi had surrounded him.
In January 1894, before the outbreak of war with
Japan, His Majesty's mind was much exercised at the
increasing demoralisation of the public service, brought
about by the Chief Eunuch's shameless trafficking in
Government appointments of all sorts. In this matter
he felt sure of the sympathies of the best men in the
public service, whose sense of decency was undoubtedly
violated by the outrageous proceedings of Tzu Hsi's
favourite, and whose interests were thereby imperilled.
The literati generally and the bulk of conservative ollicial-
dom were becoming scandalised by the fla^ant venality
which sold offices without regard to the qualifications of
the biiyer, so that Kuang Hsii was emboldened to assert
liimself. The following instance of a case in which he did
so, without evoking a display of the " Benevolent Mother's
divine wrath," is instructive.
When the Shanghai Taot'ai-ship fell vacant, on Nieh
Ch'i-kuei's promotion to a judgeship, in January 1894,
the Grand Councillors handed Kuang Hsu a list of the
Taot'ais eligible for preferment and asked His Majesty
to make a selection. The Emperor said nothing, but
produced a slip of paper from his sleeve, on which was
written the name " Lu Po-yang." With a frown he
480
THE COURT OF PEKING
handed it to the Council, and told them to report as to
the man's previous career and record. The Councillors
retired and investigated their files, but found no such
name on any of their lists. They reported accordingly,
whereupon Kuang Hsii ordered tliat the Presidents
of the Boards of Civil Office and Revenue be summoned,
and instructed to examine into the matter. The Council-
lors saw that the Emperor had received a hint from Tzfi
Hsi to appoint Lu Po-yang, whatever his record, so they
tactfully replied : " If Your Majesty knows the man, it
would be best to appoint him without further investi-
gation. It is possible that his name is neither on the
Board of Revenue's list nor on that of the Civil Office.
And it would not look well to give hira the post, after we
had inquired and ascertained that he had no claims.*'
Kuang Hsii sighed, and made the appointment.
Not very long afterwards occurred the more flagrant
case of Yii Ming. This man was a Manchu attached to
the Imperial Household : he had never held any official
post, was the head manager of a large firm of building
contractors at Peking, and had purchased the brevet
rank of Sub-prefect. The lucrative post of Taot-ai in
charge of the Tea and Salt industries in Ssu-ch'uan fell
vacant, and Yii Ming, under pressure from Tzu Hsi, was
given the position.
In due course he appeared before the Emperor in
audience to return thanks. Kuang Hsii said to him : " In
which of the Government Boards have you served?"
He replied : *' Your slave has always been attached to
Kuang Shun." (Kuang Slum is the name of the very
wealthy firm of contractors above referred to.) The
Emperor did not understand him and repeated the
question. Yii Ming replied : " Has Your Majesty never
heard of the Kuang Shun firm ? Tliey are the biggest
contractors in the West city. Your slave has been
manager there for a long time." The Emperor smiled :
481
s_
r
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
" Oh 1 I see : you mean that you have always been in
trade. Well ! To be manager of a big firm of con-
tractors is a highly lucrative post. Why do you want
to exchange it for an official career? ** The answer came
glibly : " Because I have heard that the perquisites to
be made out of this Tea and Salt Taot'ai-ship arc worth
at least ten times as much as I can make out of business."
By this time Kuang Hsii was greatly incensed at the
man's effrontery, but suppressed his wrath for the
moment. " Can you write or speak Manchu ? " said be.
" No, Your Majesty." " Can you write Chinese? " Yfl
Ming hesitated for a long time and then stammered out :
" Yes." The Emperor then threw some paper and a pencil
on the ground and directed the eunuch in attendance to
take Yii Ming outside. ** Go and write out a statement
of your official career on the steps outside the hall, where
I can see you."
After a very long interval Yii Ming re-entered the hall
of audience and handed the paper to the Emperor. All
he had written was : " Your slave, Yii Ming, Manchu of
the striped Yellow Banner." The characters were the
size of tea cups (etiquette requires that for presentation
to the Throne they should be small and exquisitely formed
in round hand). Yii Ming's writing sprawled all over
the page, was hardly legible, and one of the two simple
characters comprising his name was wrong.
At this the Emperor flew into a passion : " You may
keep your former brevet as Sub-prefect," he said, " and
await your turn for promotion." (This meant that he
was relegated from the high position of Taot'ai-elect to
that of an expectant of low rank, who would most likely
never get a position at all.) " I hereby appoint Chang
Yuan-p'u to the post : let the Council report immedi-
ately." Thus did Kuang Hsii for once defy Tzii Hsi.
The chronicler relates that Yii Ming returned to his
business as a contractor and, with the help of Li Lien-
432
THE COURT OF PEKING
ying» made a great deal of money out of a contract for the
building of a shrine in memory of Prince Ch'un, Kuang
Hsu's father. Having " squeezed " large profits out of
this lucrative work, he proceeded to bribe the eunuchs
in the employ of the young Prince Ch*un (subsequently
the Regent) to steal and sell to him jewels and curios
from the Prince's residence. He was found out, and the
Emperor ordered his arrest, but he contrived to escape by
shaving his head and becoming a priest. He found shelter
at a temple of the Western liills, and was well known to
several foreigners there some years ago. Eventually he
was ejected from the priesthood on account of a scandal
in connection with a lady of high degree at Peking. As
for Lu Po-yang, the Taot*ai-elect of Shanghai, the in-
corruptible Nanking Viceroy, Liu K'un-yi, who knew of
liis disreputable antecedents, refused to allow him to take
up the post, and impeached him on a charge of bribery.
He was dismissed from ollice, and the 700,000 taels which
he had paid to Li Lien-ying (to be divided between the
eunuch and his Imperial mistress) were money wasted,
for he never occupied the post. In disgust with pubUc
life, he too became a Taoist priest. So that Kuang Hsii's
firm stand was justified by results, and Tzu Hsi gave no
sign of disapproval.
It is not to be supposed that his unfortunate Majesty
was entirely without friends and counsellors : there were
many at Court who hated, while they feared, the regime
of the grasping Chief Eunuch and his imperious mistress.
But her hand lay heavy upon them, and though the atmo-
spiiere of the metropoUs does occasionally breed heroism
in the orthodox mandarin, it is usually of the valedictory
death-scene order ratlier than the kind which displays
itself steadily in every-day routine. Those whose sym-
pathies were with the Emperor, and those who regarded
the Empress Dowager's continued usurpation of the
supreme power as dangerous to the Empire, endeavoured
» 488
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
I
I
(timorously enough) to persuade the Old Buddha by
constitutional procedure to relax something of her firm
grip upon State affairs.
To give one instance. Early in 1896, when the Empress
Dowager was en retraiU at the Summer Palace, the
Censor Wang P*eng-yun put in a memorial of remon-
strance against the Emperor's repeated visits to the
Summer Palace to pay his respects to Tzu Hsi. He said ;
" These journeys to and fro waste most of the day and
distract His Majesty's attention from State affairs.
Every few days he leaves the Palace before dawn and does
not return to Peking till dusk. Should the Emperor
contract an illness from chill or fatigue, no one would be
more sorry than the kindly Mother. I therefore venture
to recommend that the Emperor should attend to his
duties and not waste time in these ceremonial excursions."
The real meaning of this memorial was that the Emperor
was far too much under Tzu Hsi's control and afraid to
take any important step without her approval ; in other
words, Wang desired to see Kuang Hsu emancipated from
petticoat government. As it happened, the Old Buddha
w^as at the time in one of her good-humoured and lenient
moods; had she not been so, this memorial might well
have cost the Censor dear. Only a month before, a
eunuch named K'ou had been summarily beheaded for
venturing to advise the Emperor to select his own staff
of personal attendants, so as to avoid the constant espion-
age of tlie Empress Dowager. Since then the Grand
Council had gone in daily terror for fear that some Censor
should denounce this execution or impeach the Old
Buddha; when therefore, Wang P'eng-yun*s memorial
reached them, they were much perturbed. Prince Kung
and Li Hung-tsao discussed it anxiously. Li remarked :
" Truly, we should be thoroughly ashamed of ourselves, I
when a small official ventures to speak out thus openly
against the Old Buddha, while none of us have dared to
484
THE COURT OF PEKING
criticise her in any way. Let us try, at least, to shield
him from any serious consequences. ^Vhen Your High-
ness is received in audience by His Majesty, you must
think of some way whereby the Emperor may pacify Her
Majesty or else suppress the memorial." Prince Kung
agreed, but observed that the suppression of the memorial
would be difficult. When summoned to audience he
handed up the memorial to Kuang Hsii, who after
perusing it said : " Her Majesty will certainly demand his
execution. \Miat do you advise ? '* Kung repeated what
Li had said. " That's all very well," replied the Emperor,
" but do you forget that K'ou was decapitated the other
day for criticism far less outspoken? " Prince Kung
answered : " A eunuch has no right to memorialise at all
nor to interfere in affairs of State. In putting him to death
Her Majesty was only acting in accordance with dynastic
house-law. But a Censor is entitled to criticise without
restriction and his person is — or should be— inviolable."
Kuang Hsii sighed : " Do not think that I wish to
restrict their criticisms, but you know how I stand. I
fear that Her Sacred Majesty will be greatly incensed when
she sees this document. Present it I must, for if I did
not she would surely hear about it. I think that you had
best discuss the situation again with Li Hung-tsao. At
least you can stop the presentation of any further
memorials of this kind."
Prince Kung retired and, with Li's help, drafted a
memorial in which the following passage occurred : " The
Censor is greatly daring when he raises such questions,
but his action is actuated by a misguided sense of loyalty
and not by any radically evil propensities. We have
carefully perused his memorial and find therein no treason-
able matter nor anything derogatory to Your Majesty's
beneficent virtue. We therefore implore Your Majesty
to forgive him." Kuang Hsii then left for audience at
the Summer Palace, taking the two memorials, which
^85
ANNALS AND MEMOmS OF
he submitted, meekly kneeling, to Tzu Hsi. The Old Bud-
dha, who was in a particularly good temper that morning,
read the documents and then said with a smile : ** You
seem dreadfully nervous about this effusion, but there is
really not the slightest reason for you to fear that I should
be displeased. I welcome criticism from the Censors :
that is what they exist for."
On returning to the Forbidden City, Kuang Hsii said
to Prince Kung : ** On this occasion Her Majesty has taken
a lenient view, but I am sure that if the subject ever comes
up again in a memorial, not only will its author be be-
headed, but Wang, who now escapes, thanks to the Old
Buddha's good humour, will also suffer death."
Nevertheless Tzu Hsi took the hint wlxich, after all,
was reasonable enough, and thereafter required fewer visits
from the Emperor, besides which she arranged matters
so that he could get back to Peking at an earlier hour.
At the time of the coup d'etat^ many of the friends of
the Reformers wondered how the Old Buddlia had so
swiftly possessed herself of all the details of K'ang Yu-wei's
plot and the names of his confederates. The explanation
is as follows : For some days before Tzu Hsi's caup
d'etat the Emperor, realising the hostility of the reaction-
aries to K'ang Yu-wei, had ceased from calling liim to
audience. Instead he made use of the reformer Lin Hsii,
who transmitted messages to and from K'ang. He spoke
with such a strong Fukhien accent that the Emperor had
difficulty in following him, and therefore directed him to
write down everything of importance and leave the
memoranda with him for subsequent perusal.
A week before the fatal 5th day of the 8th Moon, the
Old Buddha suddenly came in, unannounced, from the
Summer Palace to pay the Emperor a surprise visit, and
see what he was about. It was only when she had
actually reached the West Gate of the city that an out-
rider was sent on ahead to inform the Emperor, so that
486
1
I
THE COURT OF PEKING
he might hasten to the entrance of the Western Palace
and welcome Her Majesty, as usual, on his knees.
Kuang Hsii and Lin Hsii were discussing matters in the
Palace of Heavenly Purity, when a eunuch rushed in and
said : " The Old Buddha will be here in twenty minutes.
I have ordered your chair for you to go and meet her."
The Emperor hurriedly bade Lin Hsii gather up his papers
and leave the Palace, while he himself proceeded to meet
the Empress. Unfortunately Lin Hsii, in a great state
of nervousness and fear, was so anxious to get away before
the Empress's eunuchs should see him, that in liis haste
he accidentally dropped the most important of all his
documents, one in which he had outlined the plan for
surrounding the Summer Palace and seizing the person
of Tzu Hsi. This paper was picked up by one of Li
Lien-ying*s henchmen and handed by the Chief Eunuch
to Her Majesty. It was the death warrant of the
Reformers.
For the next two years, Kuang Hsii was virtually a
prisoner and treated by the Old Buddha and Li Lien-ying
with studied rudeness and neglect. He became afflicted
with a deep, chronic melancholy, fully aware, during the
period of his solitary confinement, that his life hung upon
a thread, at the mercy of the Old Buddha's cold-blooded
policies and vengeful moods. After the coup (Tetat, Tzii
Hsi used frequently to visit her wretched nephew in his
lonely pavilion prison on the "Ocean Terrace," and
would calmly announce to him the arrangements she
proposed to make after his decease, which, as he well
knew, was being planned with all due regard to precedent
and decorum.^ Knowing his proudly sensitive nature,
she would taunt him with the illegality of his succession
to the Throne (her own doing) and declare that his reign
would be recorded in the dynastic annals as an inter-
regnum, as was done in the case of a similarly unfortunate
* Vide China under the Empress Dowager^ p. 212.
437
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
monarch, named Ching Tai, of the Ming djmasty (1450-
1457).
Kuang HsiJ took a melancholy interest in the history
of his prototype, on which he used to meditate for hours.
There were indeed many curious features of resemblance
l>etween the Ming Emperor's destiny and his own. Ching
Tai had been placed upon the Throne by command of
the Empress Dowager of that day, in the place of his
elder brother, who had been carried into captivity by the
Mongols. He was treacherously murdered by eimuchs,
whilst performing sacrifice. His reign was expunged from
the dynastic annals (though eventually restored), and his
body was buried, not in the Imperial mausolea to the
north of Peking, but in a comparatively humble grave at
a site adjoining the Summer Palace.
After his release from solitary confinement, and when
the Old Buddha's heart had been somewhat softened to-
wards him by their common misfortimes after the flight
from Peking in 1900, Kuang Ilsii maintained his melan-
choly devotion to the memory of Ching Tai. F'rom a
window of the Summer Palace he could see the grave of
his luckless predecessor, and lamenting its neglected state,
he persuaded one of his eunuchs to plant new pine trees
about it and to repair the pillars of the main hall of
sacrifice. But he bade the eunuch take care that the
Old Buddlia should not know by whose orders these things
were done. If she knew it was the Emperor's doing, she
would, no doubt, be angry : if discovered, the eunuch
was to say he was " acquiring merit " at his own expense,
and TzCi Hsi would probably praise his virtuous conduct.
But every one at Court knew of Kuang Hsii's pathetic
interest in the fate of Ching Tai, so much so, that after
his death in 1908, Chang Chih-tung cynically proposed to
the Regent to give him the posthumous title of Ching
(Illustrious) in commemoration of this interesting affinity.
Towards the end of Kuang Hsii's mysterious and fatal
438
I
THE COURT OF PEKING
illness, in November 1908. he suddenly displayed an
unusual initiative and independence of mind. On the
11th of November, two days before his death, he arose
from his couch and expressed his intention of presenting
himself at Tzu Hsi's bedside, to inquire after her health.
The dynastic annals record his pious solicitude for Her
Sacred Majesty, but the real incentive was probably his
desire to verify for himself the fact that his relentless
oppressor was mortally stricken. The effort, whatever
its motive, was too much for him, and he collapsed after
walking a few steps. His eunuchs carried him to a couch
on the south side of his bedroom, from which he never
rose again.
On the 10th of November, when Dr. Chou was sum-
moned to advise on the state of His Majesty's health, he
was amazed at the evidences of neglect which he found
in the mean equipment and general squalor of His
Majesty's apartment. It was heated by means of one
of the common white-clay stoves which are to be found
in the poorest houses in North China, things that cost a
few pence and emit noxious fumes of charcoal gas. His
bedding was meagre and coarse, of the kind a shop
apprentice might use. There were a few historical books
by his bedside, but no ornaments or comforts of any
kind; the yellow tablecloth was dirty and had evidently
not been changed for months. ^Vhen, after liis death,
his cof&n was borne to the Western tombs, to be deposited
in a temporary shelter pending the binlding of his mauso-
leum, the articles which he had had in daily use were
carried, as custom requires, in the funeral procession, and
it was observed by the populace that they were no better
than those of the ordinary shopkeeper's household. There
was no money wasted on the Son of Heaven under the
administration of the insolent Chief Eunuch, Li Lien-ying.
From his death-bed, the Emperor addressed a last
request to the Old Buddha, which showed how vividly
439
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
the tragic events of 1900 had impressed tliemselves upon
his mind, and how steadfastly he cherished the memory
of the one woman who had cheered his unhappy life
with affection and loyalty. This was the " Pearl Concu-
bine," murdered by order of the Empress Dowager on the
morning of the flight from the Palace, after the entry of
the allied armies into Peking. The hand that sent this
loyal soul to her doom was the hand of Li Lien-ying, who
threw her into the well, but the man who had poisoned
the Empress's mind against her, and who was therefore
chiefly responsible for her death, was a eunuch named
Tsui. This wretch had hurled stones down the well upon
the victim of his mahgnant intrigues and had mocked the
Emperor in his grief. Kuang Hsii had not forgotten or
forgiven, and at the last he sought to be revenged on one
who had added insults to the deadliest injuries. He asked
the Old Buddha that the eunuch Tsui might be dismissed
from the Palace and all his vast fortune confiscated. Even
then, remembering Her Majesty's ultra-sensitiveness in
matters where her supreme authority was concerned, he
avoided all direct reference to tragic events of which, he
believed, she had repented, and requested the eunuch's
punishment on the ground that *' he was planning treason
against Her Majesty's person.'* His wish was granted
(Tsui's fortune was probably an important factor in the
decision), and on the day of Kuang Hsii's death, the eunuch
was ignominiously driven from the Palace.
Many were the slights and indignities placed upon the
miserable monarch by these ** rats and foxes " of the
Palace, who seemed to delight in wounding his sensitive
nature, Li Lien-ying invariably checked the Empress
Dowager in any kind impulse of compassion towards him
by representing the Emperor as persistently disrespectful
to herself.
When the Emperor was confined by the Old Buddha's
orders at the Ocean Terrace, which was connected with
4.40
THR COURT OF PEKING
the rest of the Palace by a single drawbridge that spanned
the surrounding narrow lake, he practically saw no one
excepting the two or three eunuchs appointed to watch
over him. Even his wife and other ladies of the Palace
were seldom allowed to come near Mm, and the Old
Buddha's occasional visits were hardly calculated to cheer
him. His apartments were untidily kept and scantily
furnished; even the bamboo screens were usually in
tatters and the paper windows in holes. When the electric
light was installed in the Palace only the Emperor's rooms
were not connected. The Imperial Household officials
took their cue from the Old Buddha, and knew better than
to show concern for the Emperor's comfort. On one
occasion, Kuang Hsii asked Chi Lu, a Chamberlain of the
Household, to get him some new bamboo screens to replace
his old ones which were dropping to pieces. Chi Lu did
so. Next morning the eunuchs in attendance on Her
Majesty took pleasure in informing him that the Old
Buddha had been graciously pleased to present fine sable
robes to all her other Chamberlains, whilst on him she
had bestowed a foreign dog. This gentle hint, typical
of Tzu Hsi's way of doing things, effectually checked any
further attempts on the part of Chi Lu to make things
easier or pleasanter for poor Kuang Hsii. It is only fair
to say, however, that after the return from Hsian he was
better served, and was eventually allowed to have his
own attendants about him, and certain benefits from the
Privy Purse.
441
CHAPTER XIX
MEMOIRS OF THE BOXER YEAR (1900)
The inner history of the Court of Peking during the
height of the Boxer crisis and the siege of the Legations
was fully narrated in the diary of His Excellency Cliing
Shan, published for the first time in China under the
Emjyress Dowager in 19X0. Since then, the observations
of Europeans who went through that siege, and the
criticisms of Chinese apologists on the subject, have
confirmed the opinion that Cliing Shan was not only well-
informed but remarkably accurate in his record of those
stirring days. Until the abdication of the Manchus, it
was almost impossible to obtain authoritative evidence
confirmatory of Ching Shan's sensational revelations.
Tzu Hsi^s successor as Empress Dowager, Her Majesty
Lung Yu, by wliose orders a special Chinese translation
was made of China under the Empress Dowager^ forbade
the vernacular press from publishing any reference to a
work which, naturally enough, she regarded as Use
viajesU of the worst description. Since the inauguration
of the Republic, however, the writings, public and private,
of many Cliinese and Manchus have thrown no httle hght
on the principal events of the reign of TzCi Hsi, and indeed
on the liistory of the dynasty. Making all due allowance
for the Oriental failing, common to most Chinese annahsts,
of believing and recording evil of those in high places,
there is much in these fugitive papers which serves
to amplify and to check our knowledge of important
details.
448
THE COURT OF PEKING
The most significant feature common to all tliese docu-
ments lies in their tacit acceptance of the fact that a time
of political chaos implies the wreaking of vengeance for
private grudges by whichever party happens to be pos-
sessed of the balance of power at any given moment.
The Old Buddha's acceptance of the Boxers' programme
of " driving the hated foreigner into the sea " was used
by the leading Boxer politicians— Prince Tuan, Hsii
T'ung and Kang Yi — not so much for the furtherance of
that policy and the good of the State, as for the casti-
gation of their personal enemies and rivals. Even when
the allies were at the very gates of Peking, the thoughts
of these men were directed less towards the defence of
their city and their sovereign than towards revenge on
their political opponents. The grim drama of human
passions which was enacted around the Dragon Throne
during those days of terror is made grimmer by the fact
that those wlio describe it regard it as a matter of course,
unconscious of all it implies in the history, past and
future, of their country.
Before dealing with some of the most noteworthy
incidents in this drama, we may take from the diary of
a Manchu official the following account of the vicious
profligacy which characterised the Princes and nobles
of the Imperial Clan long before they became leaders of
the Boxer movement. The author heads his reminiscences :
" Signs of a Decaying Dynasty."
" It has ever been the case in Chinese history," he says,
" that whenever a dynasty has lost its \-irility and ex-
hausted the mandate of Heaven, its Princes and nobles,
becoming effete and addicted to luxurious and unnatural
vices, must he for ever seeking some new and strange way
of gratifying their jaded appetites. In the years before
the Boxer outbreak, the young Manchu aristocrats of
Peking used to amuse themselves by dressing themselves
as beggars and parading the streets in this guise. I
448
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
cannot say who started this fashion, but it became quite
the rage. Every young Prince would endeavour to sur-
pass his fellows in a thoroughly realistic imitation of a true
beggar's disguise. At first the craze was confined to the
highest Manchus, but, as might be expected, it soon
found imitators among the sons of Chinese in high places.
Prominent amongst them were the grandsons of the
powerful Board President, Pi Tung-ho. To-day this
family is fallen upon evil days, and its fate is well deserved.
" I remember particularly one occasion, during the dog-
days of 1892. It was a very hot day, and some friends had
invited me to join them in an excursion to the Kiosque
and Garden known as ' Beautiful Autumn Hillock,' just
outside the south-west gate of the Southern city. The
place is also called the Brick Kiln Terrace; it consists
of a hillock about forty feet high, on top of which there
is a wide level space of about a quarter of an acre in extent.
This spot is well shaded by tall willows and poplars, and
in the middle there is a pond, where water-lilies and
rushes grow. There are no houses about it, so the place
is delightfully cool, and visitors can take their tea quietly
at tlie open-air restaurant, while enjoying the pleasant and
busy scene. Pedlars and wine-sellers come here to ply
their trade, acrobats and conjurors i>erform to earn a few
cash from the idle rich, and there are strolling musicians.
There are also sheltered nooks for the comfort of visitors,
so that one might fancy oneself in the heart of the country.
** At the table next us sat a young man of about eighteen :
his face was as black as soot and he looked thin and ill-
nourished. His queue was plaited round his head and he
had inserted a bone hairpin in his hair, after the manner
of the Peking hooligan class in summer time. He wore
no socks and was stripped to the waist. His only garment
was a very shabby pair of short trousers, which hardly
reached to the knee, all covered with grease and mud, and
badly torn : in fact, he was scarcely decent. He wore a
444
L
■^^
H
^HHHIIIjjH^HjI^n
C^VB^^^'^^H
P^^^M^^^^^^^^^I
^^^^^pr
1 '^ •JP
i^^^^^^^^^^^i
^^^^^^^^^^^■-7'
1^^
9hM
i^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^tJI
■ii
^^^^^^^1 ^i^^^i
d
<
M
-p<"
W
s
(-
o
z:
^^H ^
^^'Tp?
o
u
-1
o
j^^^^^^^^^^^^^^l iJ^^^^l
V -|SZ
< -
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ ^^^^^^^^^H
^^^B^B^h^T^^V
^V^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^H^H^^I^^I^^^^I
u *^
^^^^H
W^^Kmr -^
F^^^H^^^^^^^^^H .^H
« >.
^^H
bV V " ^^
■U^HI^^Kfl
J^^^^^H
3 f/ ^^^
utr^J''^^^^^^f^^^^^^^Mt^K^t ^^H
o ?;
^B
^ " ♦^
lU^^^Bi
i^^^^l
r ^«r ^^^1
^^^t^^^^^^K^IV^T^ ■
u
u
X
1-
X
0
X
^ 1
u
c:
u
• I
THE COURT OFj^PEKING
pair of dilapidated grass slippers, through which his toes
protruded.
*' Strange to say, this miserable-looking beggar had on
his right thumb a large ring of green jade worth at least
500 taels (say at that time £80) ; and he carried a beautiful
and very costly carved fan with a jade handle. He sat,
with legs crossed, on the ground, drinking wine. His
conversation was full of vulgar oaths and the lowest
Pekingese slang. I noticed, however, that the waiters
showed him a very particular and eager attention and
hardly ever left his side. To their other patrons their
behaviour was very different, being somewhat offhand
and brusque. I was lost in bewilderment at this spectacle,
wondering what it meant, when the sun began to sink
behind the western hills and the guests to leave. All of
a sudden I observed the arrival of a smart official cart
with red wheels set far back,^ and a train of some twenty
wcU-groonied attendants. I then realised the truth and
awaited developments with some curiosity. Two officials
came up the hillock, both wearing the button of the third
rank and pcacock*s feather. They were evidently officers
of the bodyguard; one of them carried a hatbox and a
bundle of clothes, while the other held a basin and ewer
They approached the young beggar, and reverently ad-
dressed him : * Your Highncss's carriage is ready. You
have an engagement to dine at Prince Kung's palace to-
night, and we ought to l>e starting.' So the young blood
got up, took a towel and washed his face. We were all
astonished at the transformation, and could scarcely
suppress an exclamation of surprise. The dirty black
of his face had been replaced by a delicate white com-
plexion, and though thin, he had the distinctive features
of the Manchu Princes. We perceived that he had daubed
his face with charcoal.
' A type of vehicle which, could only be used by pereons of very
high rank,
445
1
I
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
"He then attired himself in liis proper clothes, with
the jewelled buttoned hat which Princes wear, decorated
with the triple-eyed peacock's feather. The two officers
humbly escorted him to his carriage ; he drove off and was
soon lost to view.
** The head waiter then whispered to me : ' That was
the Beileh, Tsai Lien.* I replied in amazement : ' AVhat
does he mean by such behaviour?' 'Oh,' said he,
* don't you know the latest craze of our young Princes
in Peking? ' He went on to tell me how Prince Chuang,
Prince K'o, Prince Tuan, the Beilchs Lien and Ying,
Prince Ch'ing's son Tsai Chen, the son of the Lieutenant
General Ch'i Hsiu, Prince Chuang's sons, Huai-t'a-pu's
boys, and many otliers, made a practice of adopting this
guise, and were constantly causing distiu'bances in houses
of ill fame, taverns, etc., and street rows, as the police
were afraid to interfere with them. The Prince we saw
was comparatively well behaved.
"I was horrified to iiear this, and said: 'This surely
portends evil to our Empire. Such things occurred just
before the Sungs were finally defeated by the Mongols
and also at the close of the T*aiig dynasty. History is
full of such examples. Mark my words, China will be
plunged in dire calamities before ten years have passed.'
** My friends were all Manchus of the Intperial Household,
in a position to learn much of the inner life of the Court,
so I had no doubt as to the accuracy of their statements.
My own opinion was confirmed in due course, for eight
years later the Boxer outbreak occurred. Of the several
Princes who had amused themselves by playing the
beggar, Prince K'o was taken into custody by the foreign
troops and set to work at burying the bodies of the dead ;
in his mortification he committed suicide. Huai-t'a-pu
was forced by the Russians to clean out latrines : he
complained to the officers that he was of high rank, but
they only reviled him and flogged him with a whip; he
446
THE COITRT OF PEKINCx
did not dare to tell them of liis near kinship with the
Old Buddha, lest his Boxer proclivities should become
known and a worse fate befall him. Eventually he also
took poison and died. Ch*en Pi was forced to pull a rick-
sha. Scions of the Imperial family, men who had never
done a day's real work in their lives, fell to tramping the
streets not as sham, but real, beggars. Prince Tuan and
his brothers were either exiled or cashiered : Prince
Chuang was permitted to commit suicide. Ch'i Hsiu
perished by the sword of the executioner. The hero of
our day*s outing, the Beileh, Tsai Lien, lost his title and
rank as the result of complicity in the Boxer rising, and is
now living in greatly straightened circumstances. I
wonder if those who still survive of that brigiit band of
gay blades ever feel any impulse to play at wallowing in
the dung-heaps of the city with outcasts and beggars?
Perhaps by now their jaded appetites are sated, and in
their sober moments they may even brood sorrowfully
over the piteous decUne of their once proud Manchu
dynasty."
The following, also from a Manchu's diary, explains how
it came to pass that, after much vacillation and casting
about for advice, the Old Buddha finally decided on
defying the forces of the Western world.
" At the critical moment when the Taku ports were
taken (17th June, 1900) by the foreigners, the three high
officials who led the war-party at Peking were Prince
Tuan, Hsii T'ung and Kang yi. Prince Ch'ing might
have voted against the Boxers had not Prince Tuan been
watching him closely : whereat he was afraid. Chao
Shu-ch'iao could never come to any definite opinion one
way or the other. A\Ticn the news reached Peking that
the forts had been taken, the Old Buddha, sorely per-
turbed, sent for each member of the Grand Council
separately. Prince Ch'ing, though not on the Council,
was first asked for his opinion. True to his crafty prin-
447
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
ciples, he replied : ' Peace or war, each course presents
its advantages^ but it must be for Your Majesty to de-
cide.' ' That is no answer to my question,' retorted the
Old Buddha, ' you may go down from the Presence/
Jung Lu, the next to be summoned, implored Her Majesty
to pause before taking action which would irrevocably end
the Manchu dynasty. After being angrily rebuked by
the Old Buddha, he gave place to Kang Yi, who advised
war to the death. Chao Shu-ch'iao was then called in.
The Old Buddha first told him exactly what the others
had said and then observed : * You have held many
provincial posts ' (he had been a Prefect at Feng Yang in
Anhui for many years), ' and have had direct experience
of the conditions under which my people live. In this
respect you should be able to gauge the situation better
than either Kang Yi or Jung Lu, who have never held
office as magistrates. I shall therefore decide in accord-
ance with your judgment.' Chao had previously promised
Jung Lu to vote against war, but realising that the Old
Buddha was bent on hostilities, he hesitated and finally
stammered out : ' I hear that the Foreign Powers are
sending large armies to China; I am afraid that a cam-
paign is by no means certain to end in victory for our
arms; nevertheless, a pacific policy presents obvious
difficulties.' The Empress angrily interrupted him.
' Are you for peace or war ? Make up your mind one
way or the other and tell me.' Chao replied : ' Your
Majesty might declare war to begin with, and then if we
are defeated, it will not be too late to order a cessation
of hostilities. Troops are pouring into Peking from the
provinces to support Your Majesty; but even if we are
completely defeated^ the foreign armies will never venture
to penetrate far into the interior.* This last argument
greatly impressed Tzii Hsi, who used it in her subsequent
speech to the Ministers and Princes as a good reason for
declaring war."
448
THE COURT OF PEKING
When, under the Peace Protocol, Chao expiated his
comparatively innocent part in the Boxer naovement, the
Decree in which Tzu Hsi recorded his sentence referred
to his vacillation at audience ; but he was ever a favourite
of hers and she did her utmost to protect him from the
death penalty.^
Of the three men who chiefly influenced TzCi Hsi*s mind
and turned the wavering scales in favour of war, Prince
Tuan, the swashbuckleriug fanatic, is less interesting as a
type than Kang Yi and Hsii T'ung, whose hatred of
foreigners followed naturally from their conception of the
orthodox and patriotic oflEiciars duty to his country and
himself. Hsii T'ung's hostility towards Europeans and
all their ways was cold-blooded and uncompromising, but
at least it liad the merit of being unconcealed. He carried
it, indeed, to an excess which made him notorious in
Peking long before the Boxer outbreak; for several years
he made it a nde to leave his house (which was on Legation
Street) by the side door leading to the wall rather than
set foot on the foreigners' macadamised road. His son
Hsii Ch'eng-yii, however, though by no means friendly to
Europeans, was in the habit of taking foreign meals at
the local hotel, and was on good terms with a certain
foreigner who lived next door to the Grand Secretary's
premises. It was through this European's kindly inter-
vention that Hsii was able to escape from the besieged
Legation quarter, and the Old Buddha fully intended to
reward the foreigner for his friendly act.
Hsii T'ung's quarters during the next two months were
at the former residence of the Grand Secretary, Pao
Yiin; he went to the Palace nearly every day and did
more than any one, except Tuan and Kang, to persuade
Her Majesty to place her trust in the Boxers.
When the Court fled south, Hsii would have liked to
follow Her Majesty, but a decree made him Peace Plenipo-
* Vide China under tiie Empress Dozvager, p. AGS.
oa 449
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
tentiary. His son, Hsu Ch'eng-yu, then said to his father :
" Your Excellency is now over eighty years of age. Your
policy has been an utter failure. What are you waiting
for, that you still cUng to Ufe? " The old man angrily
rebuked him for tliis unhlial speech. The son retorted :
" Father, you have been disloyal to the best interests of
the State. A disloyal minister cannot complain if he has
an unfilial son." (These words were used by Wu San-
kuei to his father in 1644,* wiien the latter submitted to
the rebel Li Tzu-ch'eng, who proclaimed himself Emperor
after overcoming and expelling the Mings.) The old man
meekly replied : " Do then as you think best." With
that, liis son led him to a tree in the garden, hung a rope
thereon and assisted the Grand Secretary to commit
suicide. His action would have been meritorious, had
he seen fit to die at the same time, but he clung to life,
only to be beheaded ^ve months later.
AMien the Boxer madness was at its height, Hsu T'ung,
who was nothing if he was not thorough, used to say to
his friends : " Before we can hope to drive these foreigners
into the sea, we must exterminate one Dragon, two tigers
and thirteen sheep." The Dragon was the Emperor, the
tigers were Jung Lu and Li Hung-chang, and the sheep
were the Yangtsze Viceroys, Prince Ch'ing, Yuan Shili-
k'ai, Wang Wen-shao and the other moderates at Peking
and the provincial capitals.
Yii Hsieri, the " butcher " Governor of Shansi, on the
black list of the Allies, was first sentenced to banishment
by Tzu Hsi, and had proceeded on his way as far as Lan
Chou in Kansuli, when Her Majesty's decree — reluctantly
issued under pressure— reached Sung Fan, the Viceroy,
whereby Yii Hsien was sentenced to decapitation. Sung
Fan was an old friend of Yii Hsien, and the day before
the arrival of this decree had invited liim to a banquet.
While the feast was actually proceeding, the order from
' Vide supra, p. 120.
450
THE COURT OF PEKING
the Old Buddha was brought to the Viceroy, requirinf;
Yii's immediate decapitation. Sung Fan read it, changed
countenance and hurriedly concealed the document. Yu
asked permission to see it, and on being refused, angrily
put down his chopsticks and announced his departure.
Sung, seeing no lielp for it, let him see the decree. In
response to his friend's expression of grief, Yu smilingly
said : " It is the fortune of war. I am a soldier and know
that you must obey orders. The Sovereign commands,
what can a Minister do but comply ? Our feast, however,
is a private matter; my decapitation is your public
duty. Let us first conclude the banquet and speak of
other things." Yu tlien drank most immoderately, took
leave of his friend and spent the rest of the day quietly.
Next morning the Viceroy sent his guard to convey him
to the place of execution, which had been hung with
i*ed silk, and sorrowfully witnessed the beheading of his
friend.
Kang Yi, after Hsii T'ung the most determined fire-
eater of the war party, was an ignorant and illiterate bigot,
a great believer in magic and spells. His belief in the
Boxers was the natural outcome of his puerile super-
stition; his favourite literature was the well-known
magical romance, Feng Sften Ch'uan, a collection of fan-
tastic legends which his secretaries had to read aloud to
him almost daily. When serving on the Grand Council
he was wont to say that though possibly there really
were in Europe as many nations as Russia, England,
Germany and France, all the rest of the coimtries of which
foreigners spoke — Sweden, Holland, Austria and Spain —
were surely nothing but lying inventions, intended to
intimidate China.
On one occasion, in 1894, on coming up to Peking from
Canton, where he had been Governor, he recommended
one of his aides-de-camp for a high post. Kuang Hsu
asked what were the nominee's qualifications. Kang Yi
451
r
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
replied : '* He is my Huang T'ien-pa." ^ Huang T'ien-pa
liad been the right-hand man of a certain magistrate in
K'ang Hsi's reign, and is a legendary hero renowned for
Ids bravery. Kuang Hsii perceived the allusion, but he
only smiled slightly, for he knew that Kang*s knowledge
of history was derived from plays and ghost stories.
Looking back on the Boxer movement, and dispassion-
ately considering its genesis and leadership, the childish-
ness of its impulses and ambitions assumes a pathetic
aspect, and, viewed in this light, the penalties imposed
on China by the European powers appear to have been
lacking in sympathetic recognition of many fundamental
facts. One of the chief Boxer leaders, for instance, one
of those who misled thousands of comparatively innocent
human beings to tlieir doom, was a woman, originally a
low-class courtesan of Tientsin, who was known as " The
Yellow Lotus Holy Mother." In the eyes of her super-
stitious followers, this woman became an Oriental Jeanne
D*Arc. When the Boxer movement was in full swing,
any one suspected of being friendly to foreigners was
taken before her, and sentenced to death, or set at liberty,
according to her decision. Li Hung-chang's eldest son,
Li Chang-shu, who was in Tientsin at the time, was
arrested by the Boxers and brought before the " Yellow
Lotus.*' The " Holy Mother '* bade him kneel, and then
smiled graciously upon him. One of his attendants, who
was intimate with a Boxer chief, purchased his release —
for the ** Yellow Lotus " had an eye to business.
The Viceroy, Yii Lu, invited her to his yamen and
begged her to predict the result of the movement. At
her coming he knelt in Court robes to receive her outside
the main tribunal and made obeisance to her. He said :
" The foreigners are near at hand. Have mercy and
^ A well-known thoutrical personage : it is not etiquette to cite
heroes of the stage at an Imperial audience^ least of all to compare
one of thcni with an official.
452
THE COURT OF PEKING
deliver us from them by your magic power." She re-
plied : " I have already arranged for an angelic host to
destroy them with fire from Heaven. You need not be
alarmed." She was eventually arrested and decapitated
by order of Li Hung-chang.
The point of view of the man in the street, the Immble,
plunderable private citizen, was of little account in those
days, when the great ones staked the destinies of the
Empire on a single desperate throw. "VVliat the man in
the street felt is fairly described in tlie following reminis-
cence of the crisis, penned at the time, by a Kiangsu man
resident in Peking, styled Heng Yi.
** In the 26th year of Kuang Hsii,'* he wrote, "my
house was at the western end of San T'iao lane, not four
hundred yards from the Legations. After the murder of
the German Minister on the 24th of the 5th Moon, the
rufRan soldiery of Tung Fu-hsiang entered and sacked
nearly every house in my neighbourhood. All through
the 24th and 25th I could hear the shrieks of the women
and children, whom they were butchering, and their
shouts, in the Kansu dialect, ' Bring out the Erh Mao
Tzu r " On the 26th (June 22nd) a Manchu Censor
impeached them to the Throne, and the Old Buddha sent
for their General, Tung Fu-hsiang, and bade him make
an example of the culprits. Accordingly, on the evening
of that day, twenty soldiers were beheaded just at the
entrance to my lane.
" Even this exemplary punishment did not abate their
fury, for next day another large contingent started looting
again, and in due course approached my house. My
cousin ordered the gate man to draw the bars across the
main gate, but I begged him to do nothing of the sort.
' Our only hope to escape being massacred is to parley
with them.* My cousin agreed, so we collected the whole
* ** Secondary Devils " — ^thc term used to describe Chincic Christiaim.
458
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
of the family in one of the main rooms, and told them not
to get excited or scream. I had scarcely mustered them
■when nineteen of the Kansu braves came nisliing in.
Their swords and clothes were still dripping with blood,
as if they had come from a shambles. I went forward
to meet them, saying politely : * I kno^v what you have
come for : you are looking for secondarj^ de\nls. How-
ever, none of us have " eaten " the foreign religion. You
will see that we have an altar to the kitchen god in our
back premises. The whole of our family is now here;
will you not take a look through the house to see if there
are any Christians in hiding? ' I meant by this to imply
that we should offer no opposition to their looting what-
soever they pleased. I also called a servant to prepare
tea. Our guests received these overtures pleasantly
enough, and after a few minutes of energetic looting they
returned to my guest room, and some of them sat down
to take tea. One of them remarked : * You seem to be
thoroughly respectable people : what a pity that you
should reside near this nest of foreign converts and spies.'
After a brief stay they thanked us politely, apologising
for the intrusion, and retired with their booty. It was
then about 2 p.m. We lost about S4,0{K) worth of valu-
ables. Shortly afterwards, flames were bursting from our
neighbour's premises, so I made up my mind to remove
my family to a friend's house in the north of the city.
In spite of these deeds of violence, even intelligent people
still believed that the Kansu soldiery were a tower of
defence for China, and would be more than able to repel
any number of foreign troops. A friend of mine reckoned
that 250,000 persons lost their lives in Peking that summer.
I used to revile the Boxers in the family circle so much that
my own kinsmen, who sympathised with them, would
call me an ' Erh Mao Tzu,' and my cousin, fearing that
the Boxers would murder mc, induced me one day to
kotow before one of their altars in the Nai Tzu-fu. To
454
THE COURT OF PEKING
this day I have regretted mv weakness in thus bowing the
knee."
Five high officials fell victims to the malignant passions
and private enmity of the war party during the height of
the crisis, while the Allies were advancing upon Peking.
Of these, two were executed by the orders of the Old
Buddha— Yiian Ch'ang and Hsii Ching-ch'eng— for having
tried to protect foreigners.' The other three, Li Shan,
Hsii Yung-yi and Lien Shan» were hurriedly sent to their
death by Prince Tuan.^ The death of Hsii Ching-ch'eng,
a very brave and courtly gentleman, has been well de-
scribed by an anonymous writer, in a memoir entitled.
Reminiscences of a Time of Suspicion and Panic,^ as
follows :
" A certain old scholar of Chekiang had been a close
friend to Hsu Ching-ch'eng in the days before Hsii had
attained to official rank. He accompanied him on his
first mission to Europe, and from tliat time never left him
till the day of his death. This gentleman relates that
on the day of Hsii Ching-cli'eng's arrest, all was quiet in
Hsii*s house and there were no particularly alarming
rumours. After the midday meal they were sitting talk-
ing in the Ubrary, Hsii having ordered his carriage to go
to the Tsungli-yamen. He had just put on his official
robes, when the gate-keeper came in with a card to an-
nounce a visitor. The name was not familiar to Hsii,
who told the gate-keeper to make his excuses, explaining
1 Vide China under the Empress Dowa^, p. 29*.
• The diarist, Ching Shan, declares that this was done without the
knowledge of tlie Okl Buddha, but, on the face of it, this is difficult to
believe. It is most probable that, without premeditation, she allowed
it to he done in one of her violent fits of rage, and was aorry for it
immediately afterwards.
• Literally : '* raonkcy-Iike suspicions and panic at the cty of a
bird."
455
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
that he had an appointment at the Yamen and no tinie
to spare. The gate-keeper went out but came back at
once» to say that the visitor was a military official em-
ployed at the Yamen, and that his orders from Prince
Ch'ing were to invite Hsii*s immediate attendance : Prince
Ch'ing and Prince Tuan were both at the Yamen already,
and there was most important business on liand. Hsii
thereupon went out and saw the man. On returning, he
said to his friend : * When we left the Yamen yesterday
I heard nothing of any important business. I wonder
why both Princes are attending there to-day ? ' To this
his friend replied : * No doxibt something has happened.
I shall go now into the Southern city to get the latest
news.' The friend then went out, but immediately re-
turned to say : * That officer who came to fetch you is
still waiting outside, close by the gate. He seems greatly
excited ; it all looks very suspicious. Besides, I know all
the Yamen official messengers by sight, and I never saw
this man before. I advise you, as a precaution, to take
a larger suite with you than usual, and be sure to send back
a messenger with a report.'
** Hsu smilingly ignored his friend's remarks, entered his
carriage and drove as far as the end of the lane, where he
observed several nmners from the Yamen of the Metro-
politan Gendarmerie standing about. Upon a sign from
the officer, they all formed a bodyguard round Hsia's
carriage. Instead of proceeding towards the TsungU-
yamen they turned northwards, and when Hsii asked
the reason for this he was told that to-day's meeting
would be held in the Yamen of Gendarmerie. On arriving
there, the officer eame forward and assisted Hsii to alight.
He then ordered Hsii's attendants to go home : ' You
are not wanted here,' said he; ' His Excellency will have
other men to wait upon him inside.* Hsii was rapidly con-
ducted to a small room, the door was bolted and he was
left alone. He could hear sounds of lamentation pro-
456
THE COURT OF PEKING
ceeding from some one in the next room. This turned
out to be Yiian Ch'ang, but the two were not allowed to
meet,
" Meantime Hsu's suite returned home, and his friend
was greatly alarmed at this report. He hurried off to
Wang VVen-shao (his fellow provincial) to find out what
was afoot, and to beg him to save Hsii's life. Wang pro-
fessed amazement : * I have only just come from the
Council,' he said, ' and to my knowledge Her Majesty
issued no decree. Your story seems incredible.'
'* Hsii's friend took his leave and spent most of the night
in trying to find some means of succouring him; it was
not till 3 a.m. that he heard definitely that both he and
Yiian had been sent to the Board of Punishments. Early
that morning he received a private note from a secretary
of the Board to tell him that the heads of the Ministry
had just come out from the great hall of Council, and tliat
orders had been given for a supply of red yam to be got
ready, from which he knew that the execution of the two
prisoners had been decreed, because an ancient custom
requires that when a high official is to be beheaded, his
face must be enveloped in red cloth.
** On receipt of this note Hsii's friend set off to ^'^sit Wang
Wen-shao to intercede once more for Hsu's life, but he
had only just started when he received a message saying
that the cart conveying the condemned had already left
the Board of Punishments. He hurried off to the exe-
cution ground outside the city, but on reaching it he
found that the two officials were already dead, and that
Hsii Ch'eng-yii (son of Hsu T'ung) was on his way to the
Palace to inform Her Majesty of the due execution of her
orders."
As regards the death of Li Shan, the same writer observes
that it is not correct to suppose that it wos due to the
Boxci's' coveting his vast wealth. The real reason lay in a
457
long-standing feud between hira and Duke Tsai Lan, who
was really responsible for his execution. Some years
before, a well-known singing girl named " Green Monkey "
was all the rage among the fashionable ^lite of Peking.
Both Tsai Lan and Li Shan had had relations with her, and
eacii wished to secure her for himself, because her beauty
made her worthy in their eyes ** of having a golden house
built for her abode." At that time, however, Duke Lan
had no official position and was in poor circumstances I
financially, so Li Shan succeeded in carrying off the
" Green Monkey." For this Tsai Lan cherished a bitter
grudge against him, which the Boxer rising gave him an
opportunity to pay off. M
As for the Chancellor of the Grand Secretariat, Lien
Yiian, executed at the same time by order of Prince Tuan,
he had put in a memorial urging that the bombardment
of the Legations should cease. He was just emerging
from the Palace when he met Ch'ung Li, ex-commandant
of the Gendarmerie, just outside the gate of Brilliant
Fortune. With an exclamation of surprise Ch'ung Li
said : ** What brings you to the Palace at this early
hour? " (It was not yet dawn; Lien had had to attend
early in order to present his memorial.) Lien told him
the reason. Ch'iuig angrily replied : " Indeed \ Have
you forgotten your Manchu birth that you behave like
one of these Chinese traitors? "
Lien refused to admit that he was in the wrong, and
angrily turned on his heel. Ch'ung Li was furious, and
reported to Prince Tuan. A few days later Lien met his
fate at the " Western Market." Just before his head
fell, a Boxer leader in full uniform came riding up at a
hand gallop, dragging beliind him sometiiing which was so
completely covered with dust and mud as to be quite un-
recognisable. It was not until the rider had pulled up
his horse at the execution ground, that the bystanders
perceived it was a man bound hand and foot. The features
458
\
I
THE COURT OF PEKING
were mutilated beyond recognition, but on inquiry of the
runners they learned that it was Li Shan.
The fate of the third victim, Hsti Yung-yi, was the
hardest of all. A native of Ch^kiang, he began his career
as a small official in the Board of Revenue, obtained by
examination a post as clerk on the Grand Council, and
finally, after nearly fifty years of official life, rose to be
Board President. He was circumspect and careful by
nature, an advocate of compromise in State affairs, honest
and incorruptible, resembling the late Duke of Devonshire
in his slow and weighty mode of speech. His death was a
surprise to every one, because few knew that he had an
enemy. Tzu Hsi always liked him, and subsequently
declared that his execution was none of her doing.
Be this as it may, the man really responsible for his
undoing was Hsii T'ung, who had long cherished a secret
grudge against him, because of an apparently trivial in-
cident in connection with an Examination Commission
on which both men were engaged. On that occasion a
candidate, protcg^ of the Grand Secretary, had been
" ploughed " as the result of Hsu Yung-yi having de-
tected an error in caligraphy, wliich had escaped the notice
of the other examiners. Hsii T'ung's mind was of the
type which cannot forget or forgive loss of " face,"
After the death of Li Shan and Lien Yuan, Prince Tuan,
Duke Lan and Kang Yi were by no means sated of their
blood lust, and proposed to make a wholesale proscription
of their opponents, including, if possible, Jung Lu. Liao
Shou-keng, ex-President of the Board of Ceremonies (a
native of Kiangsu) had been removed from the Grand
Council some months previously, and had resigned from
the TsungU-yamen in June, 1910, but Kang and Tuan
both had long-standing grudges against him. They fixed
on the 22nd of the 7th Moon (i. e. August 16th) for the
execution of Liao and several others, Liao being the first
on their list of victims. They made no secret of their
459
ANNAI.S AND MEMOIRS OF
intentions, which were known all over the metropolis.
Liao Shoii-keng had sent his family home to the South,
and was Hving at that time in a small temple outside the
Tung-hua Gate. On hearing the news he was much
alarmed, and implored a kinsman of his, an ex-Viceroy,
to persuade Jung Lu to save his life. Jimg Lu promised
to do what he coidd, but next day he reported that all
his efforts had been in vain. At audience that morning
he had kotowed time and again to the Old Buddha im-
ploring her to save Ijiao's life, but Her Majesty had re-
fused to change her decision, and no appeal could move her.
He therefore advised that Liao should commit suicide.
The message was duly delivered to Liao, but he could
not make up his mind to act upon it. Herein he was
wise, for on the 21st, one day before the date fixed for his
execution , Peking fell , and thus he escaped. He left
immediately for his home in the South, where he died
not long after. The priest at the temple where he lived
said afterwards that when Liao heard the news of liis
sentence, lie wandered round and round the courtyard
like a man in a frenzy, and liardly stood still a moment
for several hours on end. He took no nourishment and
was as pale as a corpse.
It is not generally known that Wang Wen-shao himself
had a very narrow escape at that time. After the five
oflicials above-named had been put to death, Duke Lan
put in a memorial concerning the bombardment of the
Legations. To this there was a supplementary memoran-
dum attached, containing these words : *' Most of the pro-
foreign traitors have been put to death, and Your Majesty's
Court is purged of their odious miasma. One man, how-
ever, still remains to pollute yoiu- presence. That man is
Wang Wen-shao. Unless the weed be plucked up by the
roots, disaster will ensue. I beseech Your Majesty to liave
him beheaded, so that Your Court may be thorouglily
purified of traitors."
460
I
THE COURT OF PEKING
The memorial duly reached the Grand Council for
presentation. Jung Lu opened and perused it. He
said nothing to liis colleagues, but hid the supplementary
memorandum in his sleeve. He handed the memorial
itself to Wang Wen-shao, who read it through, and then
said to his colleague : " I imderstood that Duke Lan
was putting in a supplementary memorandum as well.
Where is it ? " Jung Lu quietly replied : " Oh ! probably
it has been retained by Her Majesty, and will not be
issued.'*
A few minutes later, the Councillors were all summoned
to audience. After transacting routine business, Jung
Lu took out the supplementary memorandum from his
sleeve, saying : " This memorandum of Tsai Lan is really
an abominable insult to Your Majesty's intelligence.
Will Your Majesty be pleased to issue a rescript of severe
censure ? *'
The Old Buddha glanced over the document, and the
" benevolent countenance " grew black as thunder. She
muttered to herself and sat with knit brows, her face
wearing an expression which, as Jung Lu knew well, boded
evil to the victim of her impending wrath. At last, she
said sternly : " Will you guarantee that this man is
innocent of all treasonable designs ? " Jung Lu kotowed.
" Although every man in Your Majesty's Court were a
traitor and were plotting against Your Majesty, yet I
would stake my life on this man's unswerving fidelity. I,
your slave, will pledge the Grand Secretary's loyalty, as
long as breath remains in my body. If I had a hundred
voices I would proclaim it with every one, even though
my head should fall under the headsman's sword for my
temerity." The Old Buddha still hesitated, with an
inscrutable look on her face and a demeanour of enforced
calm. At last she said in a voice of deep warning : " So
be it, then. I place this man under yoiu: charge, and if
I find that your words are false and that he has been
461
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
conspiring against me, both of you shall suffer the same
penalty." Jung Lu again prostrated himself and thanked
Her Majesty for her gracious kindness. The victory was
won. He and his colleagues then took their leave.
Now, Wang Wen-shao was very deaf, and all this time
had been kneeling at some distance from the Throne. He
had no idea what the Old Buddha was saying to Jung Lu.
Afterwards Jung Lu told his friends the story, remarking :
" While I was pleading for Wang's life and the Old
Buddha looked wrathfully in his direction, speaking in
such a tone that Prince Li and I both trembled and turned
deadly pale, while Kang Yi sneered at us, there was old
Wang, looking perfectly happy and self-possessed, without
the least idea of what was going on." To the day of his
death Wang never knew of his escape, and woidd often
ask Jung Lu what the Old Buddha was saying to him on
that fateful morning of August 1900.
Finally, from notes written a month after the relief of
the Legations, by one who signs himself " An Imperial
Clansman," we take the folloAving pathetic description
of the death of Lien Yuan*s son-in-law, Shou Fu, who with
all his household committed suicide upon the entry of the
Allies, fearing insult and outrage at their hands. Shou
Fu was of a type not uncommon amongst the Reformers
(of whom he was one) — earnest, honest and impulsive,
but not very wise or well-informed. A blind impulse,
bom of ignorance, wiped out all his family; such tragedies
were common, however, during those days of battle,
murder and sudden death. For that matter they are
common enough in China at this time of writing.
" At the beginning of the Boxer crisis Shou Fu was greatly
concerned as to the state of affairs at the Palace. He
sought everywhere to obtain accurate information, and in
the end came to the conclusion that the Old Buddha's
belief in the Boxers would bring ruin upon the State, and
end the Manchu rule. To his family he expressed the
462
y
THE COURT OF PEKING
opinion that the only hope of saving the situation would
be to get the Emperor out of the hands of TzG Hsi and Li
Lien-ying— ' a position of dire peril *— and let him then
arrange matters with the Allies.
" When Prince Tuan and his confederates had won the
ear of the Old Buddha, one of Shou Fu's friends implored
him to leave Peking, but he sadly refused. He was then
urged to allow his younger brother, Chang Fu, to take his
wife and children to his villa in the country, but again
he refused, saying : ' When the skin has perished, where
shall the hair grow ? Wlien everything is in such dire
confusion, why worry about individual misfortunes? '
His brother Chang Fu agreed, saying that he also had
lost all desire to live.
" Shou Fu's father-in-law, Lien Yiian, Chancellor of the
Grand Secretariat, was a well-known authority on the
philosophy of Chu Hsi. In 1H98, while holding office in
Hupei province, he heard that Shou Fu was a supporter
of the Reform movement, and wrote him a very angry
letter. After the interchange of some heated corre-
spondence, all relations ceased for u time between the
two men. Subsequently, when Lien Yiian came to hold
office in Peking, he realised that his son-in-law's endorse-
ment of the Reform movement arose from sincere patriot-
ism and not from any love of new and strange ideas.
When, in June, the crisis became acute, Lien Yiian was
received in audience with the rest of the chief officials.
There, in the audience hall, he wept aloud, and addressed
a most vigorous remonstrance to the Empress Dowager,
telling her that by the laws of nations, the persons of
envoys are sacrosanct. At this Prince Tuan stepped out
from his place at the liead of the Princes, and angrily
exclaimed : * Lien Yiian deserves to lose his head.*
Luckily for Lien, the Old Buddha made no sign, but con-
tinued to listen, apparently unmoved, while he finished
his discourse. When he had done, all she said was : * I
4,Q&
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
am perfectly well aware of all you tell me, and I find
these long-winded harangues very wearisome.' But Shou '
Fu rightly foresaw that his father would not escape the
vengeance of Prince Tuan for thus openly defying him.
** Shou Fu*s family moved to Lien's house four days after
the latter's execution, i. e, on August 14th. From that day
communications were interrupted, between various parts
of the city, by the coming of the allied armies. On the
17th of August detachments of foreign troops had been
seen in the West city, but it was rumoured that all who
hung out the white flag would have their lives spared.
Nevertheless Shou Fu and his brother proceeded to poison i
themselves with opium. Their unmarried sister, aged
thirty-two, then swallowed some of the drug, and made
her little sister, aged eight, do the same. Her slave girl
named Sa'Erh, stimulated to heroism by her mistress's
shining example, vowed that she too would give up her
hfe. By this time, the foreign soldiers had entered the
adjoining courtyard. Shou Fu was afraid, as the drug
worked slowly, that death would not come in time to
save them from insult by the troops, so he led them all
into a room on the west side of the court. There he
mounted the brick platform and hanged himself to the
rafters ; but he being very stout, the rope gave way, and
he fell with a crash to the ground. His brother Chang Fu
raised him and hurriedly assisted him to climb up again
and to adjust the rope securely, and this time he succeeded
in hanging himself.
** Chang Fu then quietly made ready the ropes for his
sisters and the little maid. When he had done so, there
was no more rope left, so he hurried out and found a piece
of thin cord in an outhouse. With this he returned to the
western room, opened the door and hanged himself to the
rafter just inside, thus blocking the entrance. It was
then ten o^clock in the morning of the 28rd day of the
7th Moon. Shou Fu's age was thirty-six, and his brother's
464
THE COURT OFi PEKING
thirty-two. Their wives were forcibly prevented by
Lien's family from connmitting suicide, as they too wished
to do.
'* Later, when the foreign soldiers had left the house, the
servants had to cut do^vn Chang Fu's body before they
could get into the western room. The five bodies were
reverently laid out in the main hall, but the family had no
money wherewith to bury them decently. A kind neigh-
bour, named Fu, made them a present of a hundred taels,
and with this they bought five coffins. The remains were
taken to the garden at the back and there temporarily
interred.
** Ever since the Japanese war," concludes the
chronicler, " Shou Fu had realised that only by reform
could Cliina be saved from ruin. No doubt he would
have preferred to serve his country by living to work for
it, rather than by dying for it; nevertheless his heroic
resolution must have afforded no small satisfaction to
the soul in Heaven of liis ancestor, Nurhachi, as well as
serving to show his enemies how a true patriot can die I "
UH
465
THE COURT OF PEKmC
air. Greatly charmed, the monarch proceeded to make
the acquaintance of the fair singer. This was his first
meeting with Yehonala, for on entering the Palace she
had passed before Tao Kuang and liis mother, and he
never had seen her. He spent the following evening
in her company; she proved herself an adept flatterer,
and was clever enough not to appear servile. She
anticipated all the Emperor's wants and so delighted him
by her espiigUrie and power of mimicry, that on the
following morning he took her back with him to Peking.
In due course she bore him an heir, and from that day
her high destinies were assured.
"On the occurrence of this auspicious event she was
raised to the rank of Imperial concubine, in accordance
with Manchu custom. Her elevation to this high rank
completely changed her disposition; she grew most
haughty and unruly. To the Emperor she was contumaci-
ous and wilful; to her colleagues, overbearing and sar-
castic. She acted as if the future were absolutely in her
hands, and Hsien Feng was quite unable to exercise any
authority over her. He could not even restrain her
indulging in unseemly dalliance with a yotmg officer of
the Guard, a kinsman of her own, Jung Lu. The Taiping
rebellion gave her splendid opportunities for intriguing
and forming cabals; the Throne was at its wits' end and
the dynasty see med to be doomed . Yehonala took
command of the situation, and by recommending this
or that officer for preferment at Court steadily increased
the number of her faithful henchmen.
*' Her power grew apace and soon overshadowed that of
the Emperor himself; State papers were submitted for
her inspection : all the while, the weak monarch regarded
her with increasing jealousy and hatred. At that time
Su Shun was by far the most prominent member of the
Imperial Clan. Hsien Feng delighted to honour him and
always sought his society in preference to that of liis own
471
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
sulky brother, Prince Kung. No one else at Court
rivalled him in tlie Imperial favour. Yehonala knew that
she had forfeited the Emperor's regard, and was therefore
anxious to win Su Shun to her side ; she did so in the only
way open to a woman, by tempting liim to woo her.
Su Shun told her plainly that too many men Iiad known
her charms for him to wish to make one of that great
company, and from that day Yehonala's resentment
against him burned fiercely.
" On the occasion of the Dragon Festival, she persuaded
the Emperor to take her on a boating excursion. Yeho-
nala, an adept with the oar. entered the boat first and stood
waiting for Hsien Feng and Su Shun to embark. Just
as the Son of Heaven was getting in, she suddenly dipped
her oar, causing the boat to tilt, whereupon Hsien Feng
took an undignified header into the water, besides hurt-
ing his foot. This act of mischievous effrontery infuriated
the Emperor. It was about this time that his sister,
the Princess Imperial, reminded him of the ancient
prophecy : ' The Manchu house will be overthrown
because of a warrior woman of the Yehonala Clan.*
He remarked to Su Shun, in the hearing of a eunuch,
who told me these facts : * I propose before long to follow
the example of the founder of the later Han dynasty
(a.d, 80) who decreed the execution of his concubine
Kouyi. What do you say? Shall I kill the Imperial
concubine, or not ? ' Su Shun declined to utter an
opinion, but his silence was construed by the Emperor
as assent. The same eunuch who informed me of these
things, told Yehonala of her husband's proposal. Her
proud spirit was curbed for a while, but she lost no
opportunity for consolidating her position, and the
Emperor's increasing debility made it difficult for him
to take any decided action. At this juncture, the war
with the barbarians broke out. Hsien Feng became
paralysed with fear and fled from Peking in spite of
472
THE COURT OF PEKING
Yehonala*s remonstrances. At Jchol liis health grew
rapidly worse : he fell into a state of chronic melancholy,
shut up Yehonala in one of the side Palaces and forbade
all intercourse with her. But for the loyalty of some of
her admirers she would probably have starved to death.
" As he lay dying, the Emperor determined that his
guilty consort should not live to enjoy the fruits of her
scheming. With his own hand he penned a valedictory
decree, brief and explicit : * After Our death you are
commanded to slay the Western Empress, so that she
may attend Our spirit in the next world. She must not
be allowed to live and by her misdeeds overturn Our
dyneisty.* Hsien Feng sent for Su Shun and lianded
him this mandate, with orders to see to its due execution.
Su Shun placed it inside the Imperial pillow; it had to
remain in the death chamber, lest men should say it
was forged.
" Now it happened that a yoimg eunuch named Li
Lien-ying, in attendance on the Emperor, was an expert
masseur and his ministrations gave some relief to the
dying monarch, whose limbs were racked by rheumatic
pains. He was waiting in the antechamber whilst the
Emperor was conversing with Su Shun, and having over-
heard the decree, hurried off to inform Yehonala. Prince
Ch'un and his wife (sister of TzO Hsi) were in Jehol
at the time, and were waiting in the Palace, expecting at
any moment to hear of the Emperor's death. Li Lien-
ying managed to get word to Princess Ch'un of the fatal
decree, and implored her to succour her beloved sister.
On the announcement being made that the Emperor
was being arrayed in his robes of longevity (i, e. that he
was in extremis) the Princess was admitted into the chamber
to assist in performing the last rites. TzCi Hsi was
also released from her confinement, and entered the death
chamber with her son, the Heir to the Throne. The
Senior Empress, Tzii An, had the decree in her hand, but
478
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
Yehonala and her sister between them persuaded her
give it up, and promptly burned it. It was commonly
believed that Tzii An voluntarily surrendered it, not
wishing to make trouble at such a time, firstly, because
she had no love for Su Shun, and secondly, because she
had in her possession another similar document which
authorised her to slay Yehonala if at any time her conduct
should prove a danger to the State. At any rate the
fatal decree was burnt; Su Shun re-entered the death
chamber after the final offices had been performed, and
inquired at what hour His Majesty had ascended on high,
because custom prescribed that this should be inserted in
the Imperial decree announcing the sovereign's demise.
Tzu Hsi angrily took out the watch which she wore at her
girdle, and turning its face towards Su Shun, exclaimed
in a freezing tone: 'See for yourself; he died only a
moment ago.' She did not wish it to appear that any
interval had occurred wliich would justify suspicion as
to the destroying of papers. From that day she
made up her mind to put Su Shun to death. She knew
that several people in the Palace were aware of the
Emperor's intention to remove her. so that Su Shun's
death was necessary to ensure her own safety. How true
is the saying in the Odes : ' Truculent is the feminine
nature ! ' Yehonala was a she-wolf at heart, though in
saying this I know that I am guilty of presumption
towards one who has shown me favour."
We turn next to a memoir or pamphlet, circulated over
the signature of " An Anhui official." After referring
to the fact that the Manchus first became a power by
their subjugation of the Yeho tribe, and that they lost
their Empire as the result of the ascendancy of the
Yeho Clan (wherein he descries the inexorable whirligig
of Time), this writer proceeds to explain Tzu Hsi's
responsibility for the Manchu decadence, as follows :
474
THE COURT OF PEKING
" At the beginning of Hsien Feng's reign, the young
Emperor created a very favourable impression. But
the anxiety induced by the successes of the Taiping
rebels, and the temptations placed in his way by the
Court eunuchs, led him before long into evil courses of
debauchery, in wliich he eventually became hopelessly
involved. Wearying of the Manchu women of whom his
harem was composed, he turned a mlling ear to the
beguilements of Su Shun, who played on his weaknesses
chiefly in order to lessen the influence of Yehonala.
With the help of the Chief eunuch, Su Shun procxired
thirty beautiful Chinese maidens from Kiangsu and
Chekiang and brought them to Peking. Now there is
a dvnastic house-law of the Manchus which forbids the
«
introduction of Chinese women into the Imperial City.i
Su Shun accordingly suggested to Hsien Feng that the
disturbed state of the Empire justified special precautions
for his personal safety at the Summer Palace, and he
therefore advised him to employ these thirty Chinese
women as a special bodyguard on night duty in the
proximity of the Imperial bedchamber. They were to
be divided into watches, of three women each, and beat
the watch rattle in the courtyard adjoining Hsien Feng's
apartments. Hsien Feng found the idea attractive, and
the Palace Amazons became a feature of his Court.
*• Although Yehonala had given him an Heir to the
Throne, Hsien Feng greatly disliked her, and frequently
discussed with Su Shun the advisability of deposing her.
On his death-bed he wrote a valedictory Edict which he
handed to his consort (Tzu An) in which he said : * The
Western Concubine being mother of the new Emperor,
^ This Jaw was introduced by the mother of Shun Chih, the Hrst
Mnnchu Emperor, in order to guard her son against debauchery and
to preserve the purity of the Manchu stock. She had an iron pillar
erected at the entrance to the Palace, bearing the inscription, " If
any females with small feet dare to pass this gate, let them be summarily
Mieaded."
475
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
it will be necessary to raise her to the rank of Empress
Dowager. But she is utterly untrustworthy, and capable
of any crime. Do not let her influence you in matters of
government, but decide everything for yourself. If she
behaves herself, well and good; treat her with all kind-
ness. But if her misdeeds become flagrant, you must
summon the chief Ministers to your presence and show
them this decree, which authorises you to compel her
to commit suicide.* Hsien Feng never contemplated
the joint Regency : the valedictory decree subsequently
produced by Yehonala was forged for her by Li Hung-tsao.
*' Upon Hsien Feng's demise, a clear distinction was at
once drawn between the two Empresses : the senior,
Tzu An, received the higher title of ' Empress Mother,'
while to Yehonala was given the inferior appellation of
' Holy Mother.' [To a European the distinction is
hardly apparent; suffice it to say, that in Chinese eyes
there exists a real gulf between the two titles.] There
was a precedent for thus lowering the rank of the Emperor's
actual parent in the reign of Wan Li (sixteenth century],
where a similar course had been adopted to thwart an
ambitious woman. Yehonala was furious, and intrigued
to such effect that she soon secured a title which gave
her rank with, but after, tlie Senior Empress. She became
the ' Motherly and Auspicious,' a title which, for experts
in honorifics, is only a little less elevated than the ' Motherly
and Peace-giving,' which designated TzG An.
" At Jehol, Yehonala fii*st threw out suggestions of
her scheme for seizing the Regency to some of the
Coimcil. The idea met with no enthusiasm, as was evident
from the demeanour of the Ministers, but none of them
dared openly to oppose the masterful young woman,
except Tu Han, who boldly rebuked her and pointed out
that such a course would constitute a flagrant violation
of dynastic house-law. Yehonala said no more at the
time. The Empresses' Regency was thus unwelcome
476
THE COURT OF PEKING
to the Court when first mooted ; if it subsequently came
to be well received, this was because Su Shun made
himself highly unpopular by his overbearing manners
and by his openly expressed contempt for certain Princes
of the Imperial Clan, who headed a strong party against
him. Posterity has done scant justice to Su Shun
because of his high stomach. The man was really far
from bad, and infinitely less venal than most of his
contemporaries. At least he was no bigoted Manchu,
and it was chiefly through his influence that high military
commands were given to Chinese like Hu Lin-yi and Tso
Tsung-t'ang. At Coiu-t they called him the ' Emperor's
alarum.'
*' As to Tzu Hsi : ' The true story of the inner Chamber
cannot be told in its entirety.' ^ The Empire soon
learned to know only too well what were the morals
of the Empress : her liaison with An Te-hai. who was
no eunuch, was in all men's mouths. It was rumoured
at one time that slie was enceinte^ and people whispered
that, if T'ung Chih died without an heir, the next
Emperor would be illegitimate, like the ' First Emperor '
of the Chin dynasty. It was because of this scandal
that the Empress Tzu An decided to kill An Te-hai.
His remains were never exhibited to the public, lest the
fact should come to light that he was not a eunuch.
" When the time came for the marriage of her son,
T'ung Chih, Yehonala was very anxious that a daughter
of Feng Hsia should become Empress Consort, but in
this she was thwarted by Tzu An. A-Lu-te, who was
chosen, was chaste and well-read. Chastity had no
charms for TzQ Hsi, who alternately flouted and ignoretl
her. She even went so far as to forbid the Emperor
to visit his Consort, and compelled him to pass his time
in the company of Lady Feng, who had been given the
title of ' Discerning Concubine.' T'ung Chih soon
^ A quotation from the Odes.
477
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
wearied of the Discerning one, and for a time spent his
nights in solitude at the Palace of Celestial Purity. It
was not to be wondered at» periiaps, under these cir-
cumstances, that the eunuchs soon persuaded liim to
accompany them on long nocturnal excursions to the
gay quarter of the capital ; on these occasions he passed
as the ' hcentiate Ch'en from Kiangsi.' On one of
these outings he met in a tavern the Vice-president
Mao Chang-hsi, and nodded to him affably. Mao was
greatly alarmed and promptly informed the police that
the Son of Heaven was leaving the Palace incognito, so
that after tliis T*ung Chih's steps were dogged by a number
of guards. T'ung Chih was far from gratified by these
attentions and at tlie next audience expostulated strongly
with Mao for not minding his own business.
" When the Emperor fell ill of the disease wliich proved
fatal, TzG An sent for the Empress A-Lu-te and com-
forted her by allowing her to minister to her husband.
Now it is an old custom of the Palace that whenever the
Emperor desires to visit any one of his concubines, an
order in writing must first be sent by the Empress Consort
bidding the favoured one to await the coming of the Son
of Heaven. This order must be scaled with the Empress's
seal, for without her authority the concubine is not
permitted to give admission to the Emperor. [This
has been the rule ever since the attempt to assassinate
the Emperor Chia Ch'ing in 1542» when Yang Chin-ying
attacked him in one of the concubines* apartments . ]
When T'ung Chih was ill and quite unfit to leave his bed
he nevertheless persuaded his Consort to seal an order
authorising a visit to one of his concubines. Shortly
after this, his condition became desperate, and realising
that the end was near, he sent for Li Hung-tsao, in whom
he trusted, and on his coming, bade him raise the curtain
and enter the bedchamber. A-Lu-te, who was standing
by the bed, wished to withdraw, but T*ung Cliih stopped
478
THE COURT OF PEKING
her, saying : ' The Imperial Tutor is the old and trusted
servant of the late Emperor : you may stay and hear
what I have to say.' Li went down on his knees and
made obeisance : T'ung Chih bade him arise, saying :
' This is no time for ceremony.' Then, taking Li's
hand, he went on : * I am dying.' Both Li and A-Lu-te
began to weep, but he told them to desist and listen, as
his time was very short. Turning to his wife, he asked :
' In the event of my death, who, think you, should
succeed me ? ' She replied : * The nation needs a ruler
who has attained to manhood. I have no desire to be
Empress Dowager and to have the charge of an infant
Emperor, A minority would be a disaster to China.'
The Emperor smiled : * That is well. I am delighted that
you reahse this; I need not be uneasy any more.' He
next told Li that he wished his first cousin the Beileh
Tsai Ch'u, son of the ninth Prince, to succeed him as heir
to Hsien Feng.^ He then dictated his valedictory decree,
which he bade Li copy out by his bedside. It contained
about a thousand characters and introduced elaborate
safeguards against his mother's usurpation of power. The
dying man perused it with satisfaction, saying : ' Capital 1
Go now and rest; I may see you again before the end.'
*' Li Hung-tsao left the Palace deadly pale and trembUng
violently; no wonder, for he hurried straight to Tzu
Hsi's Palace and demanded immediate audience of her.
Yehonala bade liim enter, whereupon, without prelimin-
aries, he produced the valedictory decree from his sleeve.
Her Majesty read it with her usual unmoved calm :
but at the end her rage burst forth. She rose from her
seat, tore the paper into pieces and trampled them under
her feet. * Leave us at once,' she said to Li. She then
gave orders that no more medicine or food of any kind
* This Prince was sent to prison by Tzu Hsi in 189S, after the coup
d'etat ; his rank was restored to him by the Regent, Prince Ch'un, on
the day of Yuan Shih-k'ai's dow-nfall in 1909.
479
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
was to be taken to the Emperor; and no one was
near him. She herself hurried to her son's apartmei
only to find liim already dead. Tzu Hsi always reniaine
grateful to Li for this act of treachery. True, si
dismissed him from the Council in 1884, but ten yea
later he was again high in office, and after his deal
he received the highest possible title of canonisatioi
' Learned and Orthodox.* Li ITung-chang used to say tha
this one act of the Imperial Tutor had done more than al
other to bring the house of Gioro to ruin, owing to the han
Tzu Hsi's second Regency did to China. After the com
(Vetat in 1898, he narrated the whole incident to Ma Chiei
chung, one of his secretaries, and added : * Li Hung-tJ
ruined the dynasty by that one act of his. We have hn
to thank for the war with Japan and all our subsequ€
misfortunes.' * It was Ma who told me the facts.
" It was dusk when T'ung Chih died; the Grand Coi
were summoned at once to the side hail, but they foun
there Yehonala alone. She was standing beside ti
Throne, wearing her every-day costume. The Priaa
and Ministers inquired after His Majesty; the newsf
his decease being as yet unknown. Yehonala smiled
'Oh! His Majesty is in splendid health,* she said. The
was all, but the Court knew that the Emperor was dead.
" A moment later, suddenly forcing an angry ton^
Tzu Hsi exclaimed ; ' The Emperor is dead,' and the
went on. ' This is no time for ceremony ; we have im
portant business before us.' During the discussion whicl
followed, only Wen Hsiang opposed Tzfi Hsi, and presso
for the appointment of an heir to T'ung Chih instead ofd
Hsien Feng. He was greatly indignant at the wrong doS
to T'ung Chih,2 whom he only survived by a few mont
qUM
1
I. I
* It is only fair to say that, in the opinion of his countrymen,
Iliing-Chang himself was chiefly to blame for tlie war witli Japan aa
China's ignominious defeat. "
■ Vide China under Ote Empress Dotcetger, p. 185.
480
" During the first years of Kuang Hsii's reign, Tzu Hsi
took but little interest in the government, and frequently
abstained from appearing at audiences. This was in
itself significant, and when, in February 1881, she was
taken ill, and remained confined to her rooms for two
months, it was generally believed that she gave birth
to a child, of whom Jung Lu was believed to be
the father. As it would have been contrary to etiquette
for the Court physician to give her prescriptions appro-
priate for an illness resulting from confinement (Yehonala
I being a widow), they treated her as if for dysentery, and
her state, instead of improving, grew worse. It was not till
Dr. Hsieh Fu-chen was summoned from Kiangsu that he
diagnosed her complaint correctly, but in ordering the
proper remedies he was careful to write at the top of the
prescription ' For dysentery,' so that the august patient
might not lose face. [All prescriptions for the Palace
must be recorded in the archives of the Court of
Physicians.]
** Tzu An had discovered her colleague in several
equivocal situations, and was well aware of her lack of
feminine virtue, but she was of a generous and tolerant
nature. On Tzu Hsi*s recovery from the illness above
mentioned, the Eastern Empress invited her to a party
to celebrate the event. After the wine cup had been
passed three times, Tzu An dismissed all the attendants,
desiring to appeal to Tzii Hsi's better nature by talking
confidentially over old times. She referred to their child-
hood and to her father's kindness to the stricken family
of Yehonala, and then she spoke of the flight to Jehol
and the plot of Tsai-yuan, which so nearly brought ruin
to them both. Yehonala affected to be deeply moved,
and shed many tears during this recital. The Eastern
Empress proceeded : ' We are both getting old, my
sister; it may not be long before one of us rejoins our
lord and master Hsien Feng in the Halls of the Lower
481
1 X
iC.
1
World. We have spent some twenty years togeE
and on the whole we have never had a real disagreement
Now, I have in ray possession something which I received
from His late Majesty and which has become of no value.
I am afraid of its l)eing discovered in the event of m]
death, in which case people might be led to suppose th;
our relations had only been friendly on the surface, am
that we were really at enmity. This would be a pit;
indeed, and would be contrary to the late Empwror's
wish.' With these words she produced a paper from her
sleeve and handed it to Yehoiiala, who read it, turned_
ghastly pale, and could hardly master her feelings. F
the document was the mandate given to Tzu An b
Hsien Feng, as he lay dying, authorising her to ki
TzQ Hsi if necessary. When Tzft Hsi had read i
through, Tzft An asked for it again, saying : ' Do n(
be angry, sister. Be sure I should not have let you sc
this if I had harboured any feelings against you.
wished you to see it, that you might realise the very
affection that I have for you.' She then took the p&pt
and burnt it before Tzu Hsi's eyes, saying, with a smile
* It is worthless now% and had better be dest ro vei
I feel that I have done my duty by His Majesty and ha
fulfilled his wishes.* Yehonala was enraged beyon
measure, but managed to hide her feelings. She pre-
tended even to shed tears of penitent gratitude, and clasped
Tzu An's hand, while her breast heaved with sobs. Tzu
An consoled her and advised her to return to her Palace
and rest. It was then that Tzii Hsi made up her mind
to kill the Eastern Empress. So true is the adage that
' He who is not accustomed to train savage beasts should
do nothing to goad them to fury.' Tzti An would ha
done well to remember this saying.
" A few days later Tzu An visited her colleague and foun<
her quite unlike her haughty self; she was a model of
submissive affection, so that the eunuch attendants could
482
uld
1
THE COURT OF PEKING
not understaiul what had come over their mistress. As
for Tzu An, she congratulated herself on her wise diplo-
macy and fancied that she had curbed Yehona!a*s proud
spirit for ever. Before leaving, TzCk An complained of
feeling Inmgry ; Tzu Hsi thereupon ordered Li I>ien-ying
to bring up a tray full of sweet cakes, Tzu An took
several and found them far more palatable than those
served to her from the Imperial kitchen. Yehonala
was glad and said : * Oh ! these are made by my sister,
the Duchess Chao. If you like them, I will send word
to her to-morrow and she will make some more.' Tzfi
An thanked her, and Yehonala said smilingly ; ' My
family is as your family. How, then, should my sister
be deemed worthy of your thanks ? * Two days later
the Duchess Chao duly furnished several boxes of cakes
precisely similar in appearance to those which TzO An
had so greatly enjoyed. Tzu An ate one or two and
found the flavour somewhat bitter. Before sundown she
was dead— poisoned.
** Now it chanced that, on the previous evening, Tzu An
had not been feeling quite well, and had sent for the same
physician who had treated Yehonala so successfully,
Dr. Hsieh Fu-chen, He advised her, in a memorial,
that there was nothing much the matter, and that she
did not need medicine. The eunuchs insisted, however,
on his prescribing, so he gave her a cooling mixture and
withdrew . Next day he went to call on hi s friend ,
Yen Ching-ming, the Grand Secretary, and wliile the
two were chatting, one of Yen's secretaries came from
the Board of Revenue with a document for his Chief
to sign. He mentioned that, when he left the office,
a nmiour was in circulation that the Eastern Empress
had expired. * They were ordering the ** auspicious
boards " ^ to be prepared,* said he. Dr. Hsieh could not
believe his ears, and dropped the cup he had in his hand,
' In the Palace an Irai)cj*inl coRin is thus described,
488
3
1«1
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
exclaiming, * I saw Her Majesty only a very short whil*
ago and she had nothing but a slight chill. It is iiU'
possible that it could have proved fatal. It is far more
likely that the Western Empress has had a relapse, and
that some mistake lins occurred by confusing t!ie natnes.'j
Presently, however, one of the Household came to tell"
the fatal news* When Dr. Hsieh heard it, he was greatly
distressed and said : ' There are stranger things
Heaven and earth than ever I dreamed of. What hav
I to live for now ? ' Because of liis skill in tnediclne
he had recently been promoted to be Lieutenant-Gencral
of a Banner,
** During Tzu Hsi's sickness, audiences had been held b»
Tzu An alone , That evening, when Tso Tsung- t*aiig'
attended at the Palace, before the report of Tzu Aii*j
death had been published, he inquired how she vr&n
They told him she was dead, whereat he was horrifV-l
and amazed : ' I saw her at audience to-day and < I
spoke with all her usual vigour; I cannot believe tl-
such a death can have been natural/ Prince K * r
hurriedly stopped him from saying anything more, I
the eunuchs had heard him and duly informed tii-
mistress. Tso left the capital not long afterwards,
" The collection of poisons in the Palace comprised l1 ■
of such potency that with some death followed on n.
contact with the lips, while others took many day--
operate and were not to be detected by any Cii ^-.t-
methods. Many of these drugs liad come down froni fl
Ming dynasty. Some of them were said to havt ' ■*
brought from Italy in K'ang Hsi's day by foreign.
the Court. It was with one of these drugs tbti' *^
Hsi poisoned ' Mysterious ' Liu, one of the chief ei;
whose influence for a time exceeded even that
Lien-ying. This eunuch was senior to Li in st*io.
and though Li gradually rose in Yehonala's favow
continued to attend Her Majesty daily and woulii
4S4
THE COURT OF PEKING
supplanted by his younger rival. Li liated him and
slandered him in every possible way to the Empress,
but Liu was very cunning, and managed to anticipate
calumny with explanations which always pacified Tzu
Hsi. One day, however, he offended Her Majesty,
who reproved him severely; this time. Li*s abuse of his
rival fell on attentive ears and Tzu Hsi, giving way to
a passion of rage, ordered Liu to attend her immediately.
When he appeared, she recapitulated the list of his
offences, some thirty in all, and ended by saying : * Do
you not think you merit decapitation ? ' Liu realised
that there was no hope, so kotowed, saying : ' Your
slave deserves to die a myriad deaths, but I implore
the Old Buddha to remember tliat I have served her, as
her dog or her horse, for thirty years; let her grant mc
at least the favour of dying with a whole skin.' She
pondered over this for a minute, and replied : ' Very
well ; you may go now, and await my further commands.*
She bade her handmaidens conduct him to a small ante-
chamber and lock the door on him. Then she burst out
laughing, and called all her eunuchs and women to her
side : ' I have a new amusement for you to-day,' she
said. One of the women was told to bring a small case
from her bedroom; Ychonala opened it with a tiny
key which she wore at her girdle. It contained about
twenty phials, one of which she selected and poured out
some of the contents, a pink powder, into a wine-cup.
She mixed some water with this and bade the attendant
take it to Liu and say that he was to drink the contents
and then lie quietly down. The attendant soon returned
and reported that Liu had thanked Her Majesty for her
benevolence and had done as directed, TzCi Hsi waited
about ten minutes and then said : ' You may now see
the fim I promised you. Open Liu's door and see how
he fares.' The eunuch was lying apparently asleep;
though dead, he showed no trace of suffering. Yelionala
485
^
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
M
had a heart of iron : indeed, * What in this work
so truculent as the feminine nature ? * *'
Another memoir, by " A writer on Court subjects,!
deals with the same tragic incident. It will be seen that
liis statements, based on the real or alleged testimony
of one of Tzu An's confidential eunuchs, coincide with
those of the " Anhui official " in regard to several of the
main charges against Tzu Ilsi, but the motives alleged for
the sending of the poisoned cakes have nothing in common
in the two narratives. It seems fair to conclude that in om;
instance (or both) the \vritcr has drawn on his imaginatic
for his facts, and constructed theories which seemed to hii
to meet the case and to supply a plausible indictment.
This writer professes to give the " main facts concer
ing the sudden death of Tzfi An."
" Wien the Empress Dowager of the Eastern Palace
died siiddenly in 1881," he says, ** suspicion pointed
to Tzd Hsi, who had everything to gain by putting her
colleague out of the way, but her guilt remained na|
proven, owing to the care with which Palace secrets were
guarded. In April 1&08, I was in Peking, and happened
to meet a eunuch in a shop outside the Ch*ien Men, with
whom I became intimate. He had formerly been TzO
An*s confidential table boy; his name was Liu Wen-pin.
It is hard to say why Tzu Ilsi did not take his Hfe, but
the Old Buddha was always unaccountably loth to
more people than was necessary. This man told me tl:
whole story and, on the face of it, I should think
record was true. He said :
' The elevation of Kuang Hsii to the Throne was quil
contrary to the wish of Tzu An; after his accession she
took even less part in State business than during T'ung
Chih*s reign. Above all things she hated a scene, and was
distressed by her colleague's somewhat hasty temper.
She took to religious obser\'ances, became a devout
486
THE COURT OF PEKING
Buddhist, and fasted on all the occasions Avhich custom
enjoined. Bonzes attended her Palaee and recited
prayers daily, and in time of drought or flood she would
pray for hours together.
* At that time the most fashionable actor in Peking
was one Yang Yueh-lou, remarkable for his personal
beauty and charm. Tzu Hsi summoned him to her
Palace to play before her, became attracted by his good
manners and gift of ready repartee, and ended by be-
coming intimate witli him. He would come to her apart-
ments at all hours of the day and night ; finally, she installed
him as doorkeeper, and although this caused some scandal,
none of the Princes or ofTicials of the Court ventured to
remonstrate >^'ith her except one courageous Censor,
who, in a memorial, plainly hinted at her flagrant viola-
tion of ancestral house law. Yang frequently spent the
whole night in Tzu Hsi's company. One evening, Tzu An
had occasion to go across to Tzu Hsi's quarters, in con-
nection with some official appointment that was to be
decided next morning. She appeared unannounced. Tzu
Hsi was out in the grounds, but Yang was calmly re-
clining on the Old Buddha's " phccnix bed." Tzu An
saw him quite plainly and beat a hasty retreat, after
giving to the maids in attendance the message which
she desired to be conveyed to Tzu Hsi.
* Tzu Hsi, on returning, was horrified to find that she
was found out. As was her wont, she acted promptly.
She ordered Yang to arise, and handed him a cup of
clotted cream flavoured with apricot, saying : " The
Empress of the East will be back almost immediately,
so you had best be off. Here is a beverage, from my own
table, which you may drink in my presence." The
flattered minion partook of the delicacy and just managed
to reach his home before dying in awful agony. The
cup had contained a large quantity of arsenic, the poison
which Tzu Hsi found most effective.
487
1
then took to her room and gave out
was too sick to attend to State matters. Tzu An had
been mueli shocked by what she had seen. Had she been
a strong woman, she could easily have degraded TzQ Hsi
by issuing a decree recounting her misdeeds; indeed,
she might have secured her death for so gross a breach
of a widow's duty and disrespect to Hsien Feng's soul
in Heaven, But she feared Tzu Hsi too much to venture
on such a step, and it never occurred to her that in her
own self-defence she would be wise to take action, inas-
much as Tzu Hsi was not likely to forget or forgive
having been surprised in a compromising situation.
Instead of denouncing her, she sent eunuchs daily to
ask after the malingerer's health and to urge her to
return to the discharge of her duties.
' Now, it so happened that at this time a memorial
had come in from one of the provinces, recounting the
heroic chastity of a certain young widow, who, though
starving, had died rather than accept the advances of a
wealthy neighbour. The Governor memorialised the
Empresses, asking for the honour of a memorial arch to
be conferred as an encouragement to " faithful women
who would die rather than lose their virtue." TzQ An
came across to show this document to Tzu Hsi, and to
ask her decision. Possibly she may have thought to
avert suspicion from her colleague's mind by talking
frankly about the woman's virtue, which would lead
Tzu Hsi to think that her colleague knew nothing of her
recent intrigue. But Tzu Hsi's suspicions were not to
be thus lulled. She answered Tzu An perfunctorily,
her own mind working rapidly all the time. She came to
the conclusion that this was a subtle way of informing
her that her own lack of feminine virtue had been dis-
covered, so she determined to delay no longer. Tzu An
said : '* This memorial will show you how you are needed
at Court; pray come back at once." TzQ Hsi
488
1
I
si answered : I
THE COURT OF PEKING
** The woman acted well ; let her have her arch, as an
example to the women of the day." No more was said,
but on the following day Tzu Hsi sent her favourite
waiting-maid to Tzu An with a present of honey cakes
and her reverent greeting. Tzu An ate of them and died
of poison within a few hours. Wlien Tso Tsung-t'ang
(who had only lately arrived to take up his duties on the
Grand Council) came to Court next day, he was met by
the announcement that TzQ An was dead. He stamped
angrily up and down the Palace courtyard, exclaiming :
" Why was no announcement made of her illness, and why
was no doctor called in from the Imperial Court of
Physicians? It seems very strange also that no decree
was issued immediately after her decease occurred, as
custom requires; its belated issue is highly suspicious.'*
' Tzu Hsi, who was in the main liall of audience, was
speedily informed by her eunuchs of what Tso had said.
She took an early opportunity of relieving him of his
duties on the Grand Council by sending him to Nanking
as Viceroy. She realised that he suspected her, and his
death soon afterwards came as an immense relief. He was
too powerful, with his army behind him, for her to adopt
her usual drastic methods in his case. I was lucky
myself in not incurring Tzu Hsi*s suspicions; indeed,
she has always treated me with mucli liberality. I am
still in her service, although my present duties keep me
in the Forbidden City,'
"Thus ended the eunuch's statement; a few moons
later Tzfi Hsi herself ' mounted the chariot drawn by
fairies and went forth on her distant journey.* Doubtless
she still has her imperious way in the Halls of the Lower
World, and compels her colleague to yield precedence to
her august shade ! *'
Finally, we reproduce an extract from the artlessly
biased writings of the Chinese essayist who signs himself
489
r
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
" Bom out of Time." The monotonous regularity wit
which these pamphleteers credit the Old Buddha with
selecting her lovers from the lowest classes, suggests a
conspiracy of defamation, very characteristic of Oriental
methods.
This writer observes : " During the lifetime of the Old
Buddlia, the following story was only whispered with
bated breath in the precincts of the Palace, but its
truth is universally acknowledged. It accoimts for Her
Majesty's illegal nomination of Kuang Hsu to the Throne,
far better than the commonly accepted official version
of the matter, whereby it is explained that TzQ Hsi
appointed him because of his physical disabilities, so that
she might look forward to a prolonged Regency.
" The Old Buddha was very fond of poached eggs
cooked in chicken gravy, a popular dish in Peking
restaurants, where it is commonly called ' tangwo kuo '
(literally, * fruits lying in gravy '). During her first
Regency she insisted on having this delicacy brought to
her every morning by the eunuch. An Te-hai, and after
his death by Li Lien-ying. They bought it at the
Chinhua (Gold Blossom) restaurant, which stands outside
the West gate of the Imperial city, a house famous for
this dish. [En passant^ I may mention that the Old
Buddha was charged twenty-four taels for four eggs
served in this way, the usual price being about twenty
cents, so An and Li must have made handsome profits.]
After An's unlucky decease, Li made friends with one of
the waiters at the restaurant, a handsome youth of twenty,
named Shih, who had a remarkably white complexion.
Li allowed this youth to accompany him within the for-
bidden precincts, and even into Tzii Hsi's Palace. One
day the Empress observed him, was struck by his good
looks, and asked Li wlio he was. On learning his name
and origin, Tzu Hsi was pleased to say : ' He is the best-
looking lad I've seen for many a long day. He shall
490
THE COURT OF PEKING
have a post in the Palace, and he can wait upon me at
table.' The result was that Shih was always at her side,
and the intimacy, much to Li's disgust, resulted in Tzft
Hsi becoming enceinte. She was then in licr thirty-sixth
year. When the child was born, it was obviously im-
possible to bring him up in the Palace, so Tzu Hsi appealed
to her favourite sister. Prince Ch'un's wife, to help her.
The infant was hurriedly removed to the West city, where
Prince Ch'un lived. Doubtless the Prince was also in
the secret, which would account for the Old Buddha's
marked favour towards him. Tzu Hsi's next step was
to put the unlucky Shih to death. This story serves also
to explain Li Lien-ying's undisguised contempt for
Kuang Hsu, for he could not forget his humble origin.
When T'ung Chih died, Tzu Hsi defied ancestral tradition
by placing this child, her second son, upon the Throne,
as successor to his half-brother. One can realise what
a bitter blow it must have been to her to find the boy
growing up hostile and disobedient to his mother, to
whom alone he owed the Throne. No doubt Wu Ko-tu *
was in the secret of this matter, and if so, his historic
protest requires to be read in a sense different from that
which has hitherto been placed upon it. He would
have wished to save the house of Gioro from being
tainted by illegitimacy of this kind, and for this reason
urged that the appointment of Kuang Hsu should be
nullified at the first opportunity. On these grounds,
also, the Old Buddha may have justified her design on the
Emperor's life in 1900; she may have argued that she
had a perfect right to dispose of her own son as she chose."
The frame of mind in which " Born out of Time "
records these things is fittingly illustrated by his con-
cluding observations : ** If the purpose of the revolution
* The famous Censor who committed stucide at the jyrave of T'unR
Chih to protest agninst the illegality of the succession of Kuang Hsti
(vide C/i»/trt untlfr the Empress Dmvaaer, p. 132),
491
THE COURT OF PEKING
was to eradicate the Manchu dominion," he says, *' it
may appear to some to have l>een imnecessary, for that
purpose had been to all intents effected by the Chinese
paramour of the concubine of Yung Cheng, by Yehonala,
and others."
It is interesting to comparc the estimate of Tzu Hsi's
character as presented by Voung China, with that in
which she was held by men like Tseng-Kuo-fan, Liti
K'un-yi, and many other j^reat officers of State, and to
wonder which of these verdicts will be finally accepted
in the histories written for the learning of the sons of
Han in ages to come. It is certain that, making due
allowance for bias of class, the opinion of the orthodox
and sober-minded liUrati is the more sincere and nearer
to the truth, and that it represents the instinctive judg-
ment of the mass of Tzu Hsi's contemporaries. But the
text-books for tlie use of young China's schools are not likely
to take tlieir picture of the Old Buddha from the annals
of the orthodox. History, as Froude has said, presents
no subject matter for science : had he examined some
of the material from which Chinese history is usually
compiled, he might have expressed the same idea in
more forcible terms.
492
CHAPTER XXI
THE COURT UNDER THE LAST REGENCY
After the death of the Emperor Kuang Hsu on the
14th November^ 1908, followed next day by that of tlie
Empress Dowager Tzfi Hsi, the Throne passed once more
to a child of tender years, the Emperor Hsiian T'ung.
The objections to the succession were many and valid,
and the risks of a Regency obvious, but TzQ Hsi, always
a law unto herself, overrode all opposition. Her motives
in selecting this infant son of Prince Ch'un (brother of
the late Emperor) were mixed, and her dying words
showed that she herself was by no means blind to the
dangers to which her autocratic decision would expose
the State. One of the factors which chiefly influenced
her choice, was a desire to perpetuate tlie influence of the
Yehonala Clan in the person of her niece (Kuang Hsu*s
widow), the Empress Lung Yvi; another, as she herself
declared, lay in the promise which she had made to Jung
Lu, at the time when she betrothed his daughter to Prince
Ch*un, that the eldest son of this marriage should become
Heir to the Throne, in recognition of Jung Lu's hfelong
service to the dynasty and to herself.
But whatever her motives, the immediate result of
her action was to create a condition of affairs in the Palace
similar to that which had served her so well during the
minority of the Emperor T'ung Chih, and again during
that of Kuang Hsu. It is to be remembered that when
she issued her Decree of the 14th November, appointing
Prince Ch'un Regent and his infant son Emperor, she
403
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
had every intention of living; and had she not died, it
is perfectly certain that the Regent would have enjoyed
no greater authority than she had allowed to his un-
fortunate brother Kuang Hsu. It was only on the
following day, and at the very |)oint of detith, that she
issued a decree conferring upon him the whole govern-
ment of the Empire ; and it will be remembered that, even
then, she took from him the substance of authority,
leaving only the shadow, by the concluding sentence
of that decree, which ordered that " in any question of
vital importance, in regard to wliich an expression of
the Empress Dowager's opinion is desirable, the Regent
shall apply to lier in person for instructions, and act
accordingly." *
The ill-starred Regent found himself, from the outset,
sore let and liindered in the administration of the Goodly
Heritage. Tzu Ilsi's last act, indeed, was fiendishly
ingenious, if her object was to create divided counsels
and to per|>etuate the old Yehonala Clan feud in the
Palace. The Regent's position was effectively under-
mined by that last clause of the decree, which placed at
the disposal of the new Empress Dowager and the
Yehonala Clan powers of su[)ervision and interference
suiBcient to thwart him at every turn. The Regent and
his party were checkmated from the first move : tlie real
powers behind the Throne must always lie his sister-in-
law, the Empress Lung Yii, and his wife, the strong-
minded daughter of Jung Lu, Tzu Hsi with her last
breath advised her high officers of State " never again to
allow any woman to hold the supreme power," but her
valedictory orders made petticoat government a fore-
gone conclusion, compHcatcd by the further certainty of
a struggle for power between these two masterful women.
Had the Regent been a man of strong purpose and re-
source, he might liave won through to supreme authority
* Vide China under tlie Empresg Dowager, p. 403.
494
THE COURT OF PEKING
by a skilful policy of Diviile ei Imperii : but ho siiowed
neither initiative, courage nor iutcUigence, and frequently
played into the hands of Lung Yii by the perpetration
of blunders which, in the eyes of the Court, made her
interference in State affaire wholly justifiable and in-
evitable. History seemed, indeed, to be in a fair way to
repeat itself with extraordinary fidelity. Had it not been
for the dihficle of the revolution, whereby the Regent,
the Yehonala Clan, and all the loves and hates of the
Manchus were swept into the limbo of things out-worn,
it is quite safe to say that the position between the
Empress Dowager, the young Emperor*s mother and the
Regent would have reproduced nearly all the essential
features which existed during the joint Regency of Tzu
Hsi and TzG An, Empresses of the Eastern and Western
Palaces, after the death of Hsien Feng, at the time when
Prince Kung was "Adviser to the Government"; and
it is equally safe to say that Lung Yii, faithfully following
in the footsteps of Tzu Hsi, would before long have
deprived Prince Ch'un of the Regency and relegated his
wife, the Emperor's mother, to an innocuous background.
Lung Yii, whose death occurred " in the profound
seclusion of the Summer Palace," on the 22nd of February,
1913, was openly estranged from her lord for many years
before his death. When Tzu Hsi selected her for the
position of Imperial Consort, in 1889, it was more with
a view to strengthening the hands of the Yehonala Clan *
through her influence, than to increase the felicity of
His Majesty Kuang Hsii ; and as both parties were aware
of the fact, it would have been strange had their relations
been cordial. Kuang Hsii*s senior Consort certainly
never pretended to love, honour and obey him; never-
theless, she resented his devotion to the " Pearl Concu-
bine,** and frequently quarrelled with her husband. In
appearance Her Majesty was unattractive, and lier
' She was the daughter of Kuci Ilsiang, brother of Tku Hsi,
495
ANXAI^ AND MEMOIRS OF
disposition anything but genial; but she possessed the
shrewd mother-wit and genius for intrigue which had
distinguished her august aunt.
After Tzu Hsi's death, Lung Yii, now Empress Dowager,
lost no time in asserting her authority, with the result
that the inmates of the Palace and the officials of the
metropolis speedily ranged themselves into opposing
camps, the adherents of the Empress and her Clan against
the Regent and his party. A further element of dis-
ruption arose in the strife which divided the eunuchs of
the Palace into two fiercely hostile parties, the followers
of Tzu Hsi's aged major dome, Li Lien-ying, fighting
for perquisites and power against the partisans of Lung
Yii's favourite, the arrogant young eunuch, Chang Yuan-
fu. Here again history repeated itself with almost
monotonous observance of dynastic tradition, and with
the usual deplorable results.
Lung Yii made Tzu Hsi her model in all things. Those
who had hoped tiiat the new regime would set itself to
abolish the crying evils of the eunuch system and, by
cleansing the Augean stables of the Palace, give an
earnest of its desire to effect reforms in other directions,
were speedily disillusioned. The new Empress Dowager,
like her august predecessor, was profuse with good
intentions, but in practice she followed the example of
the Old Buddha's extravagant and licentious youth,
so that her Court rapidly became a hotbed of scandals
and abuses. Upon the plea of reorganising the Imperial
Household on a basis of careful economy and good order
she did, indeed, reduce the eunuch staff and dismiss many
of the Palace women, but the individuals dismissed were
invariably supporters of the Regent's faction. She dis-
played a keen interest in the affairs of government,
metropolitan and provincial, but her interest arose
unmistakably from the connection of these affairs with
the replenishing of her own Privy Purse.
490
THE COURT OF PEKING
One day, in the autunin of 1909, Lung YU was taking
the air with her favourite handmaidens and eunuchs
on the Lake near the Winter Palace. The conversation
turned on certain criticisms which had recently been
directed against Her Majesty by some of the Censors
and even in the Press. " I care nothing for such
criticisms," said Lung Yii, " Her late sainted Majesty
suffered greatly from the irresponsible wagging of evil
tongues. I am firmly resolved to make her my guide
and pattern in all things. She knew well how to blend
severity with kindness, and she knew also that public
opinion is like a stream which requires danmiing at its
source,"
Her attendants were delighted at this outburst, taking
it to mean that Her Majesty looked forward to asserting
herself after the manner of Tzii Hsi, when the time
should be ripe. All the eunuchs kotowed, and " Little "
Chang Yuan-fu expressed their sentiments, saying :
" Your Majesty's resolve will bring happiness to the
Empire and to your unworthy servants as well." Lung
Yii beamed graciously, and the entertainment proceeded
amidst general satisfaction.
Following the example of her illustrious model. Lung
Yii took early steps to secure control of the education
of the young Emperor, and was particularly careful to
select, for attendance on the child, eunuchs who should
alienate his affection from the Regent and train him to
recognise her own paramount authority. At the same
time she complied faithfully with the traditions of ortho-
doxy and Court etiquette in the following decree (10th
July, 1911), which for platitudinous insincerity is on
a level with Tzii Hsi's most classical effusions. It was
issued, under her orders, by the Regent.
** The personal commands of Her Majesty the Empress
Dowager, Lung Yii, to the Regent are as follows ;
" His Majesty, the Emperor, succeeded in tender
KK 497
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
infancy to the goodly heritage and glorious patrimouj
of the Throne, He has now reached an age when wise"
training becomes needful, and it behoves him to enter
upon his education in due time, so that he shall
accomphsh notable results and build up a solid foundation
for his rule.
" I command, therefore, that the Court of Astronomers
shall select an auspicious day in the 7th Moon, for the
Emperor to begin his studies in the Yii Ching Palace.
I hereby appoint the Grand Secretary Lu Jun-tsiang,
and the Vice-President Ch'en Pao-chen, as preceptors to
His Majesty. They shall bestow instruction upon him
early and late, and shall display their utmost diligence
in sowing the fertile seed in his mind. It is incumbent
upon them to impart in fullest detail the causes from which
proceed good government or anarchy in ancient and
modem times in every country of the world, since this
is essential to a sovereign's training, and they are to point
the moral as circumstances may require. At the present
time, when intercourse between all pai'ts of the world
b widely developed, and civilisation is ever advancing,
it behoves them, above all, to inculcate a clear impression
of the progress of constitutional government during its
first few decades, and of the development of soimd
learning, especial stress being laid on the needs of the
day. The highest examples must be selected and scrupu-
lous attention given to detail, it being understood that
the cardinal principle of Confucius shall be faithfully
instilled, whereby the attainment of knowledge produces
sincerity and righteousness, and the cultivation of the
moral nature leads to a state of ideal government. Thus
shall a daily increase of virtue be imparted to his mind,
and thereby a good foundation be laid for perfect
governance.
" The Regent is to exercise a general superintendence
over the Emperor's curriculum and the procedure in the
498
THE COURT OF PEKIXG
Yii-ching Palace. TIiu Manclui language, spoken and
written, being inseparable from our Dynasty, I liereby
appoint I-k'o-t'an, Deputy-Lieutenant-General-designate
of a Banner, to bestow such instruction therein as may
be requisite; of this also the Regent is to exercise a
general control. The words of the Empress."
A few weeks later we find Her Majesty taking steps
to prevent the " illicit diversion of funds " from her
Privj' Purse. Her decree on this subject, preaching the
gospel of " circumspect parsimony,'* bears an unmistak-
able family likeness to those which Tzu Hsi was wont
to issue in the heyday of her tumultuous and spend-
thrift youth. The reference to building operations is
particularly barefaced, inasmuch as Her Majesty was at
the moment conniving, as will be shown, at enormous
peculations by her Chief eunuch under this very heading.
It reads as follows :
" The Ministry of Finance has impeached the Comp-
troller and staff of the Imperial Household for recording
false and excessive accounts of expenditure incurred, and
for conniving at iUicit diversion of funds in connection
with the Imperial Silk Factory at Hang-chou. Such
conduct is grossly improper, and I hereby command that
the officials concerned be referred to the Cabinet for
determination of a penalty proportionate to the respective
offenders' rank and position.
'^ In addition, I hereby convey my severe rebuke to
the Comptrollers of the Imperial Household for their
gross lack of vigilance in the performance of their duties.
Hereafter they are to examine all accounts of expenditure
and of building operations with the most rigid and
particular scrutiny, so as to conform with the earnest
desire which animates me, in the profound seclusion of
my Palace, to maintain in all things a circumspect
parsimony. The words of the Empress."
This ingenuous declaration of high principle was made
499
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
in August 101 1. Foiu' months eaiiier, a certain Manchu
Censor, named Ch'ing Fu, had expressed the sentiments
of all vvlio cared for the dignity of the Court, in an ex-
tremely outspoken memorial, which laid particular stress
on the notorious malpractices of the eunuch Chang
Yiian-fu in connection with the contracts for building
works and repairs at the Palace. Abuses of this kind,
exposing the incorrigible corruption of the Manchu
rSgimet provided the revolutionary party in the South
with arguments of a kind that appealed, far more than
political ideals, to the man in the street.
In this memorial the Censor said : " Whenever money
is needed in the Palace, this eunuch Chang Yiian-fu actually
dares to make direct requisitions on the Board of Finance
and the Imperial Treasury, out of which he helps him-
self freely. Quite recently he made an arrangement with
three Manchus connected with the Works department
of the Household for the rebuilding of the two Throne
halls, the Hall of the Correct Mean and the Hall of the
Empyrean, and another for the supply of musical instru-
ments used in the Palace for sacrificial rites. The actual
amount requisitioned was 400,000 taels in silver and
80,000 taels in gold (say, £180,000). For repairs of the
main hall of audience at the Palace of Heavenly Purity,
he has received 570,000 taels, while for re-painting some
of the Forbidden City's inner enclosures, no less a sum
than 260,000 taels has been charged in the account.
For repairs to the Palace drains, the sum of 7,000 tads
was actually expended, but this eunuch has drawn
80,000 taels from the Board of Finance on tliis account.
For repairing the courts of the Palace, the Board of
Revenue has paid over to him 1,200,000 taels. Not
satisfied with these peculations, out of which he must
have made at least 2,000,000 taels, he proceeded to
rebuild the Palace of Perpetual Spring (which was in
excellent repair). For this work the contract called for
500
m
THE COURT OF PEKING
about 1.000,000 taels, but on the 26th of the 8th Moon
of last year (September 1910), the Imperial Household
memoriahsed the Throne that the Board of Finance
sliould be ordered to pay over half as much again under
this heading. To this memorial the Empress Dowager
appended the rescript * Noted.'
*' Now the fact is, that on this contract no more than
300,000 taels were expended, so that the greater part of
the balance of 1,200,000 tacls has found its way into
Chang's pocket.
*' Worse tlian all this, Chang has purloined many
valuable pearls and precious stones from the Palace, tlie
value of which amounts to niilhons of taels. He and two
tradesmen named Li Lo-tMng and Liu Pu-ch'ing have
also opened numerous paAvnshops and building yards.
At a crisis like the present, when funds are so urgently
needed for Army reform, and when the provincial budgets
all show huge deficits, it is passing strange that this all-
powerful eunuch should be allowed to manipulate these
large amounts at his own sweet will. I would humbly
ask Your Majesty the Empress Dowager to issue a
decree ordering the confiscation of all his ill-gotten gains,
and the arrest and condign punishment of this baneful
and iniquitous eunuch, in order that the National Treasury
may receive an accession of much-needed funds."
This memorial was suppressed, and Her Majesty ad-
ministered a severe rebuke to the Censor. The eunuch's
power and insolence were greatly increased by the
incident ; he waxed fat and began to kick even the highest.
Soon there were none at Court who dared oppose him,
and even the Regent quailed before him. He became
Limg Yii's inseparable and intimate companion, following
her wherever she went. Shortly after his impeachment
he made another large haul out of theatrical performances
in the Palace. By Iiis influence the compilation of the
proposed Civil List was effectually blocked. Soon iiis
501
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
spi*ead,
that of Li Lien-
g had done before
him, to every quarter of the city; his Uttle finger became
thicker than the loins of his predecessor, so that in two
years all men spoke of him with hatred and fear. In that
time he amassed a fortune of about £1,000,000 out of
Palace squeezes alone, and this is without reckoning
bribes and " grants-in-aid " from officials.
Li Licn-ying weakened visibly after the death of liis
mistress and protector; his proud spirit was broken
and his stomach for fighting permanently deranged.
He died on the 4th of March, 1911, at the age of sixty-
nine, after two years of chronic dysentery. On the
day of liis death some of his most valuable pearls were
stolen from his apartments by eunuchs of the Chang
faction : they were subsequently claimed by a eunuch
named Li Yi-ch'un on the plea that he was Li Lien-ying*s
foster son. Chang subsequently intrigued against him
and secured his banishment for Ufe. and the pearls arc
now in Chang's safe keeping, or were until the abdication
of the dynasty.
The extraordinary influence which this man rapidly
established over the Empress Lung Yii, his unbounded
presumption and haughty bearing* naturally led in his
case to rumours similar to those which were widely circu-
lated about the favourite companion of Tzu Hsi*s halcyon
days, the " false eunuch ** An Te-hai. His antecedents
were peculiar, for it was not till his eighteenth year that
he " left the family " (to use the Chinese euphemism)
and became a cimucli. Previous to that he had been
married, and was the father of two children. Wlien he
came from Ho Chicn-fu to Peking, in 1899, seeking
employment in the Palace, he was quite without influence
or friends, but was able to persuade one of his fellow-
townsmen, a head eunuch, to employ him in a menial
capacity. Being of extremely }iandsome appearance, a
good musician and a first-class actor, he soon made his
502
THE COURT OF PEKING
way to the front, and was eventually employed to wait
at table upon Lung Yu, whoni he accompanied to Hsi-an
in 1900.
His way of living lent colour to the rumours which
reflected on the virtue of liis Imperial mistress, for in
1911 he kept up the estabHshment of a family man.
Three of liis chief clients in the building contract and
stolcn-jewellery businesses (of whom one was the shop-
keeper Li Lo-t'ing, mentioned in the Censor's memorial
above quoted) presented him during that year with three
maidens of respectable parentage, whom they purchased
in Tientsin for the purpose. No great importance need
be attached to these facts, however, nor to the rumours
thereby created, for such domestic arrangements are by
no means unusual with the wealthier eunuchs at Peking^
and may be regarded as '* face-making " expedients.
Of the enormous power and wealth which this individual
gathered into his supple hands during the brief course of
the Regency, there is no doubt. Towards the end he
was, in fact, the Government of China, The semi-regal
dignities which he assumed, his insolent attitude towards
the highest Manchu and Chinese officials, had become
a pubUc scandal greater than anything Peking had known
since the days of Ho Shen. As his career fittingly adorns
the tale and points the moral of the Manchus* decUne
and fall, we make no apology for describing the most
notorious of his achievements and habits.
Before the Court mourning was over, with Lung Yii's
knowledge and consent, he organised sumptuous tlieatrical
entertainments at the Palace, a gross breach of piety
and decorum. In the course of these entertainments an
incident occurred which sliowed tliat the new Empress
Dowager had studied her illustrious prototype to good
effect, in that she regarded herself and Iier affairs as above
the law. At this time the leaders of the Opium Abolition
movement were displacing great activity in Peking and
508
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
Tientsin, and the Government was affording them moral*
if not material, support in the form of decrees, regulations
and Bureaus. In theory there were no opium smokers
left, either in the Palace or in any public office. Now,
the most famous actor and singer of North China was
a man named T*an, nicknamed " The Heavcn-compcUing
Singer *' ; he was then sixty years of age, but still in full
vigour and a confirmed opium smoker. Lung Yii had
sent for him to give a command performance, but the
summons, though thrice repeated, was ignored. The
Ministers of the Household sent for him, intending to
pimish him for his contumacy, but T'an said to them :
" I need an ounce of opium every day, as the craving is
very strong, and without it I cannot sing a note. Now
that officials have been forbidden to touch opium, how
should an actor dare to break the law and smoke in the
Palace? " The Ministers proceeded to consult Lung Yu,
who said : " Let him have his opium in peace." She
even signed a special decree, saying : " The actor T*an
is permitted to enter the Palace and to smoke opium
during the intervals between the acts."
Lung Yii also imitated the Old Buddha in displaying the
keenest interest in everything connected with her theatrical
entertainments, and in her criticism of the performers.
This criticism sometimes expressed itself in a manner
which Europe has outgrown. On one occasion, for
instance, the well-known actor Yang Hsiao-lou was
performing an emotional piece, " The Long Mountain
Slope," before Lung Yu and the Court. Her Majesty
took umbrage at his lack of expression in delivering his
lines and " at his failure to exert liis best energies in her
presence," She commanded the Chief eunuch (Chang)
to have the actor chastised with forty strokes of the whip,
after which he was to be expelled from the Palace pre-
cincts and permanently struck off the list of Palace actors.
It is true that there were many at Court who declared
504
THE COURT OF PEKING
that his disgrace had nothing to do with liis acting, but
was due to his having failed to placate Chang with the
usual *' squeezes,'* in addition to which, he was a proUgi
of the late Li Lien-ying.
By dynastic houselaw, all building operations in the
Forbidden City are supposed to be suspended during the
period of mourning; yet Chang persuaded the Empress
to sanction the expenditure of vast sums upon a large
building in foreign style — tiie Yen Hsi Kung, or Palace
of Continual Prosperity. For the construction of this
inappropriate edifice, no official supervisors were ap-
pointed, as precedent required. The estimates were
all drawn up by Chang and carried out under his own
supervision by the Yung Te ("Everlasting Virtue*')
firm of contractors. The same finn was simultaneously
engaged in the complete reconstruction of Chang's private
residence, in the lane of the Temple of Supreme Felicity.
Tlie result was a Palace, fitted with camphor wood
furniture and lacquer screens. The style of architecture
(except that the roofs are not yellow) is identical with
that used in the Ning Shou-kung, which in itself constitutes
an act of Use majestic His mansion was equipped
throughout with electric light fittings taken from the
Palace of Ceremonial Phoenixes, where Her Majesty
Tzu Hsi died. Many curios were also taken from the
same place, including the golden image of the Goddess
of Mercy, four feet high, which was presented to the Old
Buddha at Hsi*an. His garden also contained a famous
jade fish-bowl, taken from the private Imperial garden
in the North of the Forbidden City. The rockery was
made as an exact replica of the one in the Palace, and six
ornamental kiosques, of the Imperial design, were erected
in the grounds.
His residence was connected by a private telephone
with Lung Yu*s apartments in the Palace of Perpetual
' Vide, the impeachment of Ho Shcn, supra^ p. 1W3.
505
1
1
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
Spring, which also constitutes Use tnajesU. His tables
were covered with bronzes and sacrificial vessels removed
from the Palace; many of them, no doubt, presents
from the Empress to her favourite.
He gave orders for the demolition of the Imperial
studio, known as the " Studio of Long-Lived Upright-
ness," and directed that all its fittings of camphor and
black wood were to be deposited ^vith the Yung Te
contractors, to be used in decorating a new wing of his
own residence.
As his hold over Lung Yii increased, so did he wax in
insolence towards the Regent, who, towards the end of
1911, was obviously afraid of him. On one occasion,
when the Regent had ventured to remonstrate with him
for removing Palace valuables, the eunuch produced
Lung Yii's golden tablet and said : " Here is my
authority." The Regent glared angrily and began to
fume, whereupon Chang haughtily remarked : ** Palace
matters are not your business. When the Empress and
I require your advice we will ask for it. Meanwhile,
your apartments and your duties lie at the San So " (the
Three Departments set aside for the Regent to the East
of the Palace) : " what business brings you here? "
In like manner, when Li Chia-chu was appointed Vice-
Chancellor of the Senate, he put in a memorial denouncing
the entire eimuch system as unworthy of a State with
any pretentions to civilisation . Li had only recently
returned from investigating the constitutional system of
Japan. He himself felt no divine despair in this matter,
but since he was obliged to put in a report of some sort,
and to discuss changes desirable in the interests of the
State, it would have been absurd not to attack the
eunuch system, as to the evils of which all Chinese rulers,
statesmen and moraUsts, have agreed for centuries. But
Chang Yiian-fu was, none the less, exceeding wrath.
and made no secret of his anger. One day, in April 191!,
506
THE COURT OF PEKING
Li, having been summoned to audience, was sitting in
the ante-chamber, awaiting his turn to be called to the
Presence. Suddenly the Chief Eunuch, resplendent in
sumptuous apparel, came in, and seating himself, without
preliminary ceremonies, in the place of honour, addressed
Li, (ie haul en bas :
" We read your memorial advocating our dismissal,
he said, " at which both Her Majesty and I are much
displeased. What is it fills your head with these ideas,
utterly opposed to all dynastic tradition?" Li, much
embarrassed, repUed : " Not at all : you misunderstand
my meaning. I would not have any of you gentlemen
lose your posts. All I have ventured to advise is that
henceforward no more eimuchs should be engaged, so
that the system might gradually die a natural death.
You see, no other civilised State employs eunuchs, and
China must come into line with the rest of the world in
this matter. I hope that you may be pleased to co-
operate with me in my humble efforts, and explain
my views to Her Majesty, that she take not umbrage.
If you oppose us, we shall never succeed." Chang
replied : " The Empress is very wrath with you, and
declares that you are interfering ^Wth Palace matters,
which concern you not. Beware of meddling." With
that Chang rudely shook his sleeve, and left the room.
An incident occurred two months later which opened
the eyes of the citizens of Peking, and forcibly brought
home to them the fact that a new power had arisen in
the Palace. Li Lien-ying, after many years, had chastised
the mandarin world with whips of craftiness, but here
was one who, almost at his first coming, chastised them
with the scorpions of his contemptuous wrath.
Every year, for fifteen days in the moon of June, a
sort of horse show, with racing, is held just outside the
Southern gate of the " Chinese " city of Peking. It is,
or was, a fashionable resort at which most of the young
507
^
1
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
bloods and sprigs of the Manchii aristocracy were wont
to display themselves, either riding their pacers or watch-
ing the sport . On these occasions brawls constantly
occurred between the lienchmen and followers of high
officials, especially if local etiquette and the rules of the
game were infringed. The sport was not exactly racing
as the tenn is understood elsewhere : the track is narrow,
lined by the spectators, and on it the riders display the
paces of their fast trotters and amblers, amidst the plaudits
of the crowd. It is more a parade than a contest of speed,
and it is improper for one horse to pass another, except
when the owners arc on intimate terms.
The Palace eunuchs always looked forward to this
festival, which gave them an opportunity to show off
their horses and mules in public. The crowd often
included the most fashionable Manchu women and the
ilite of the gay world, so that to *' lose face '* at the
" Nan Ting " (as the fair is called) meant a discomfiture
from which a ruffling blade might never recover.
In June 1911 the eunuch Chang Yuan-fu attended
at this festival, accompanied by a faithful myrmidon
named Shen (also a favourite with Lung Yii). He brought
with him a large retinue of servants and four beautiful
black mules, one of which was ridden by Shen. Chang
himself looked on. Suddenly, as Shen was pacing down
the track, a certain Tientsin man, named Wang, de-
liberately raced past him. Shen, furious at this loss of
face, ordered his servants to pull Wang off his horse.
Nothmg loth, they did so and belaboured him soundly,
Chang all the while reviling him from the stand. In the
midst of the disturbance Duke P'u Shan,' who was
sitting close to Chang, interposed. " We all know your
power," said he, '* but you will probably admit that
a member of the Imperial family is not to be insulted.
' * A great grandson of Clua-ch'ing and second cousin to the younp
Emperor.
508
THE COURT OF PEKING
This man Wang is my friend. If you do not obtain an
immediate apology from eimuch Shen, I shall complain
to Prince Su " (Minister of the Interior). At this
Chang laughed scornfully : " You had better complain
to the Empress Dowager while you are about it," said
he, *' and I will give you something to complain for."
Whereupon he called his satelHtes, who pulled Duke
P'u Shan from off the stand and flogged him soundly with
a horse-whip. The poHce, who up to this time liad been
standing by, deep in thought, with their hands in their
sleeves (anxious to avoid getting into trouble with cither
party), now came up and besought the eunuch to spare
the Duke, if only for their sakes— in a broil of this kind
the police are always severely punished. Their officer.
Yiian Te-liang, tried to patch up a peace; as the hour
was late and tlie city gates would soon be closing, the
eunuchs allowed the Duke to rise and depart, while they
returned to the Palace, vowing further vengeance.
On the following day they turned up at the races in
force, supported moreover by about a hundred sttirdy
contractors' men from the firm of " Everlasting Virtue,"
all of whom were armed with carpenters' tools; the
eunuchs carried staves. There was also an extra large
muster of police on the scene, while Duke P'u Shan,
burning to avenge the insult of the previous day, had
brought a goodly number of Manchu retainers. There
was, therefore, every prospect of an interesting meeting;
but (as usual, when serious personal injury is likely to
ensue) it first took the form of a fierce bandying of abuse
between the parties, during which another Imperial
duke came up and offered to mediate. He said he would
apologise, in Duke P'u's name, for the latter's infringe-
ment of etiquette, and he begged the three eunuchs to
meet him and Duke P'u at dinner in a fashionable
restaurant on the following evening, when the amende
honorable would be formally concluded. To this the
.'509
ANNALS AND .MEMOIRS OF
Chief Eunuch felt that he could agree witliout loss of
dignity. P'u Shan then uttered a few words of grudguig
apology, in the presence of a huge crowd of spectators.
Naturally the sole topic of conversation at Peking, for
several days following this incident, was the power of
the eunuch, against whom even a scion of the Imperial
house was helpless.
Duke P'u reported the matter in due course to Prince
Su, who condoled with him on his loss of face, but
frankly said he could do nothing. " Do you expect
lue tu ask tlie Empress Dowager to dismiss Chang ?
She would be much more likely to dismiss you. Better
stomach the affront, and avoid offending him for the
future."
But to return to the Regent. His troubles and diffi-
culties were not all made for him in the Palace of Lung Yii.
His own wife, the daughter of Jung Lu, gave him furiously
to think. A woman of remarkable intelligence and inde-
pendence of character, she has always inspired the Regent
in his own home with a dull, steady kind of fear, harder
to bear and more nerve-stretching than the swift slings
and arrows of the late Empress Dowager. The Regent's
wife is, indeed, one of the most remarkable results of the
impact of the West in China— a woman who only awaits
the coming of the illustrated halfpenny paper to fill the
eye and cheer the heart of the Chinese public, and in
other ways to emulate her vivacious and emancipated
sisters, and the suffragettes of the Western world. Until
the abdication of the Regent, she was everywhere and
anywhere in Peking; business, politics, society, the play-
all felt her restless hand and knew her shrill voice. To
the man in the street, who regarded her with open awe,
as a strange manifestation of the latest ways of Providence,
she was known as the " Eighth Married Sister," she being
the eighth of Jung Lu's dauglitei*s.
The Regent, as a prudent politician, was greatly
510
THE COURT OF PEKING
troubled by many oF his wife's doiiigs. by her extravagance,
her lack of modest ciecorum, and her revohitionary
ideas on the subject of the emancipation of women.
These she emphasised, inter alia, by going to the theatre
escorted only by her adopted brother, Liang K'uei, a
notorious spendthrift and ruffling blade. She was always
to be found at the Temple fairs, at the bazaars outside
the city, at race meetings and fasliionable restaurants,
and, being known to the populace, was generally followed
about by an admiring crowd. She was for ever frequent-
ing the shops which sell European articles, and would
run up reckless bills, leaving her husband or her brother
to pay them. On one occasion, when the Regent had
screwed his courage to the sticking point and rebuked
her for frequenting the Chinese city without an escort,
she replied : " European Empresses and Queens go about
incognito wherever they choose, and 1 shall do the same.
I do not ask you to accompany me." At the time tlie
revolution broke out she was planning a trip to Shanghai
—having heard much praise of the shops and theatres
of the " Model Settlement '* — and treated with the con-
tempt they deserved her husband's suggestions of revohi-
tionary attempts on her life. She is quite fearless, with
the courage of a woman who has no time to think of danger.
In her independence she resembles the proud, uncurbed
spirit of the American woman. It is recorded of her,
that even in her youth she was one of the few people
who dared to answer the Old Buddha, and that, on one
occasion, Tzu Hsi said to Jung Lu : " Your daughter is
incorrigible ; she defies every one, she defies even Us I "
Nevertheless, Tzu Hsi liked her, and arranged for her
marriage with Prince Ch'un. The only person who could
control and guide her actions during the Regency was her
near relative, Kuei Chiin.
Clearly the Regent*s lot was not a happy one, and in
judging the failure which he made of his little day of
511
THE COUBT OF PBKDIG
brief autluaity, sUowanee murt tuiely be made lor » man
oonfnmted on the dne hand by Ixiog Ytt, a woman of
boundlcsa amUtioo and povrer of intrigue, and, on the
otbar» by the "mean one <A his inner chamb^»" the
excenea of whose frivdity be oould neither aniidpatc
nor dteek.
512
CONCLUSION
Those who have followed the coixrse of events in the
Far East during the past two years, that is to say, since
the ignominious collapse of the Manchu power and Young
China's little hour of brief authority, must have been
struck by the general, almost unanimous concurrence of
opinion, expressed in Europe and America alike, that,
with the establishment of a Republican form of govern-
ment, China had undergone a sudden and radical trans-
formation ; that the essential qualities of the people had
been completely changed, and all its social and political
institutions regenerated. Students of history and socio-
logical science are familiar with this persistent and imper-
ishable delusion. It arises, as Herbert Spencer has said,
from " the difficulty of understanding tliat liuman nature,
tliough indefinitely modifiable, can be modified but slowly ;
and that all laws and institutions and apphances which
coimt on getting from it, within a short time, results much
better than present ones, will inevitably fail." It may
fairly be said that missionaries in China and philantliropists
generally are subject to this delusion as a matter of voca-
tional necessity; that special correspondents cherish it,
because a belief in new eras and dramatic transformation-
scenes appeals naturally to the journalist, whose business
it is "to see history in the making; " and that many
politicians encourage it for purposes which have nothing to
do with philantliropy. Every new political scheme that
has ever been commended to a hopeful world, counts on
the imperishable vitality of this Utopian fallacy, and on
LL 518
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
the fact that it flourishes with particular vigour amongst
those civih'sed nations whose habit it is to cloak the brutal
realities of life with a tissue of more or less conventional
ideals.
The idea of changing the social structure of a racCj
not to say human nature, by virtue of the Republican
form of government, is one of the commonest manifesta-
tions of this perennial delusion. As apphed to China,
in her recent dynastic convulsion, it has been warmly
welcomed by public opinion in Europe, and with even
greater fervour in America, as heralding the dawTi of a new
and happy day in fartliest Asia ; and this, in spite of the
startling demonstration concurrently afforded by Mexico,
of the instability of the structure upon which all such hopes
are founded. The " unexampled felicity," which the Mon-
roe doctrine declares to be the inheritance and reward of a
Republican form of government, takes the form, in Mexico,
as in China, of prolonged and aggravated misery for the
masses, proving once more that despotic authority remains
necessary for the maintenance of law and order amongst
peoples incapacitated by their character and circumstances
from acquiring representative institutions. Remove that
authority, for any reasons which are not slowly determined
by the natural evolution of the race, and the result, as
Mill says» must be another form of despotism — " a despot-
ism, not even legal, but of illegal violence, which would
be alternatively exercised by a succession of political
adventurers and under which the names and forms of
representation would have no effect but to prevent
despotism from attaining the stability and seciuity by
which alone its evils can be mitigated and its few advan-
tages realised." There is much food for thought in the
difference between the American Government's attitude
of to-day towards the Republic of China and that which
it feels constrained to adopt towards the Republic of
Mexico; nevertheless, and in spite of this remarkable
314.
THE COURT OF PEKING
illustration of the delusiveness of hopes based on the
regenerative power of political formulae, we look in vain
for signs, either at Washington or clsewliere, of recognition
of the tnith that " so long as the characteristics of citiyx-ns
remain substantially unciianged, there can be no change in
the political organisation which has slowly been evolved
by them," ^ which is merely another way of saying that
every people get the government it deserves, and that the
sins of the fathers are visited on the children.
These conclusions, wliich most students of sociology will
draw from the present condition of affairs in China, and
from the restoration of despotic authority in the hands of
Yuan Shih-k*ai, follow natiu*a]ly from the history of the
country, not only during the period covered by the present
work, but for many centuries before the overthrow of the
Mongol dynasty. Yuan Sh!h-k*ai, if he lives, must
govern China by methods very similar to those by which
Porfirio Diaz gave stability and security to the govern-
ment of Mexico. In other words, what was true of China
when the Manchus first established their djTiasty at
Peking, remains true to-day. As General Shih K'o-fa
said in 164-4, " a supreme ruler is needed to inspire the
nation with courage and patriotism ; without one, no
national spirit can exist. History has approved of this
principle, and has recognised that in no other way can the
fortunes of the State be preserved." ^
The daily life of the average educate<l European is so
deeply affected by the political institutions which have
been gradually evolved throughout the AVcstem world ;
his material progress, which he has been taught to regard
as a blessing, is so closely identified with political ideas
and the laws wliich express them, that he is naturally
disposed to be impressed by the surface phenomena of
Young China's political activities and to attribute to them
* Spencer, Stitdy of Sociology, Chap.
2 Vid^r supra, p. 181.
VI.
LL3
515
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
an importance far beyond anything that they inherently ,
possess. It is true of China, as of India, Persia, andl
Turkey (and, for that matter, of Japan) that, on the surface
of the deep sea of national life, rapid phenomena of dis-
integration are perceptible, and new structures are forming ;
but the social conditions of the masses and their incapacity
for self-government remain at a stage generally similar to
that which existed in Southern Europe before the Christian
era. The average observer notes this fact, but he often fails
to apply to sociological problems the laws of evolution.
As to the question of the moral preferability of one or
the other type of civiUsation, the active European or the
passive Oriental, there can be no doubt that the main con-
currence of opinion (even amongst moralists) in European
countries is all against the passive ideal inculcated by the
founder of the Cliristian religion. With this aspect of
the question we are not here concerned, further than to
observe, that if the test of a civilisation be sought in the
average individual's opportunities of happiness, the East
may well dispute the moral superiority claimed by the
West, and resent our satisfaction at the prospect of a
Europeanised China.
The principal conclusion whicli appears to be justified by
these annals and memoirs, gathered from three centuries of
Chinese liistory, is that it were folly to expect stability and
efficiency from any political institutions in China which
do not conform to the deep-rooted sentiments and tradi-
tions of the masses. The most cursory study of the country's
history sliould prevent us from mistaking superficial for
fundamental phenomena. It may be, as a distinguished
American professor has lately written after a tour of
China, that " in forty years there will be telephones and
moving picture shows and appendicitis and sanitation and
baseball nines and bachelor maids in every one of the one
thousand three hundred districts of the Empire."^ Remem-
» Prof. E. A. Ross, in The CJtangin^ Chintse, 1911.
516
THE COURT OF PEKING
bering the similar prophecies of Mr. Anson Burlinghame
(similarly inspired), forty years ago, we are content to wait
and see, only hoping that China, protected by her poverty,
may escape these undeserved calamities. But even if they
must fall upon her, neither these, nor any other results
of our triumphant materialism are likely to disturb, for
many generations to come, the Orientars attitude toward
the things that matter; his conception of the purposes
and relative values of existence; his views on birth,
marriage, and death; all the fundamental truths and
beliefs which constitute the inner life, the very soul of a
people. It may gratify the Wisconsin Professor's bene-
volent instincts to believe that " the renaissance of a
quarter of the human family is occurring before our eyes,
and we have only to sit in the parquet and watch the
stage," because " nowadays world processes are telescoped
and history is made at aviation speed," but all human
experience and biological science proclaim, nevertheless,
with one voice, that the racial instincts which find their
expression in Cliina's social and political systems can only
be modified by a very slow process of evolution. If by
"renaissance" we mean a complete change of the ethical
ideals and traditional culture of a race, with whom reverence
for the past has attained the force of instinct, if we look
for a swift shedding of the accumulated experience of
centuries, history (as contained in these Annals) forbids us
to cherish any such comfortable fantasies.
The history of China shows clearly that the greatest
danger which can threaten the nation during its inevitably
recurring crises of economic and political unrest, Ues not
in foreign invasions, nor even in alien rule, but in a weaken-
ing of those ethical restraints, of that ancient moral
discipline, upon which has rested the world's oldest
civilisation ; of those qualities from which the race draws
its imconquerable strength. The history of Japan and
the wisdom of her Elder Statesmen proclaim the same
517
ANNALS AND MEMOIRS OF
truth ; if Dai Nippon has come safely thus far through her
great perils of change, if she has been able to assimilate
the material arts and crafts of the West and adapt them to
her own needs, it is, as Lafcadio Heam justly said, " be-
cause under new forms of rule and new conditions of social
activity, she could still maintain a great deal of the ancient
discipline," It was imperative for Japan, as it is impera-
tive for China, that great changes should be made, but it
is equally imperative that they should be of a character
which shall not endanger the foundations.
Those who supported the inauguration of a Republican
form of government in China, and believed in its practical
utility, advocated something which seriously endangers the
foundations, because it undermines the ethical basis of
China's whole social system. The government which Yuan
Shih-k*ai is administering at this moment is no more
Republican than was that of Kublai Khan. He recognised
instinctively, at the outset, as did Prince Ito in Japan,
how vitally necessary is the preservation of the unbroken
continuity of ancient traditions. He knows that all the
instincts and experience of the race will accept his exercise
of despotic authority, so long as his rule follows established
precedent and conforms to popular sentiments and
traditions. The annals upon which we have drawn reveal
on every page the tiiith, that this people understands
and accepts the government of a despot, whether his
methods be benevolent or brutal, provided that he rule
according to the patriarchal precedents of the Canons of
the Sages. Let him, if he will, deck the surface of Chinese
life with strange inventions from the West, but let him
not disturb those silent depths wherein lie all the moral
and social experience of the race.
or the Zeitgeist in Japan, where the outward and visible
manifestations of materialism and commercialism have
become so conspicuous, Hcarn observed ten years ago :
" It were a grave mistake to suppose that the ancestor-
518
THE COURT OF PEKING
cult has yet been appreciably affected by exterior influences
of any kind, or to imagine that it continues to exist merely
by force of hallowed custom. No religion— and least of
all the religion of the dead — could thus suddenly lose its
hold upon the affections of the race that evolved it.
Even in other directions, the new scepticism is superficial ;
it has not spread downwards into the core of things,'*
If this be true of Japan, the observation applies with far
greater force to China. For, because of their religious
and social training, the Japanese brought into the crisis
of their contact with the West, virtues of patriotism,
courage and loyalty, which the Chinese lack. To China
remain those passive virtues which spring from the religion
of ancestor worship, chief of which and most powerful
as a factor of cohesion, is the sentiment of duty to the
dead. It is this sentiment which invests the world's oldest
civihsation with a philosophic dignity and elements of
happiness that the West instinctively respects and envies;
with virtues which survive even when bereft of tliis
world's goods. For the preservation of this sentiment,
the unbroken continuity of ancient traditions, including
the monarchical-patriarchal system of government, is
evidently essential. Throughout the brief period of
Chinese history with which we have dealt in this volume,
the darkest hours of national humiliation and disaster have
ever been lightened by the example of a minority, splendidly
faithful to the Canons of the Sages, and to their stoics'
tradition of courage and unselfish loyalty. Young China,
or at least that section of it which has acquired its
learning and its inspiration from abroad, mocks at the
Sages. The student class, full of the wind of new doctrines
from Tokyo, Harvard and Edinburgh, would destroy in
a day the splendid edifice of Confucian philosophy and
replace it by jerry-built structures of its own vain imagin-
ings, tenements all uninhabitable by the sons of Han.
These, more than invading hosts, the soul of the people
519
fears and distrusts, not only because they would desert the
old ways, but because their new ways have been weighed
in the balance of morality and found w^anting. Already,
even at Canton, there are signs of the inevitable reaction,
and |>ortents of an orthodox revival.
The Throne and the Court remain, therefore, necessary
integral parts of Cliina*s social system and cult of ancestors.
To these, sooner or later, the instinct of the race must insist-
ently return. It was perception of this truth, that caused
Li Hung-chang to support the Manchus in 1 901 , not because
they were good, but because they were there, and because,
in his opinion, no individual or family in China, without
fighting a successful civil war, could command the respect
of the people in measure sufficient to found a new dynasty.
Whether Yuan Sliih-k'ai will be able to command it
remains to be seen, but every day increases his chances
of success. In biding his time, he is conforming strictly
to precedent, as established by the soldier-priest founder
of the Ming dynasty. He has made no secret of his
contempt for the RepubUcan mirage, which for him means
*' the instability of a rampant democracy, of dissension and
partition." In these sentiments, he has not only the
support of the literati^ but the inarticulate approval of the
masses. He realises that China's best hope lies, not in a
sudden revolutionary destruction of the old order, but in
slow steady growth, by educative processes, which shall
enable the nation to adapt itself gradually to its changed
environment. He knows that, whether as a sovereign
State, or under foreign dominion, the unconquerable
vitality of China, long tested in the crucible of time, lies
in the moral qualities of her common people, in the
unconscious heroism of a race of cheerful toilers, in the
enduring qualities of body and mind which have preserved
the soul of this nation steadfast and undismayed through
countless generations. It is a people which, as Sir Robert
Hart once said, " believes in right so firmly that they
520
f^
H
, I
■ t
THE COURT OF PEKING
scorn to think it requires to be enforced by might";
a people which has often led captivity captive and will do
so again, because it has retained that elemental Christian
virtue which refuses to regard material advantage as the
be-all and end-all of existence. " The thoughts of the
heart, these are the wealth of a man," says the Sage.
The rough outline, contained in these annals, of that
period of China's history which leads up to her first
relations with the Western world, should enable the reader
to form a general idea of the economic and political
problems created by her ancient social system, of the
forces which have rough-hewed the character of the
people. In order to understand the problems which
perplex the nation to-day, it is necessary that we should
approach them witli sympathetic knowledge of its religious
and sociological evolution. To this end, the voice of
Young China helps us but little, for Young China is
morally an alien in its own land ; some hundreds or thou-
sands of foreign degrees taken by its students cannot
alter the fact that the Chinese people remains in the patri-
archal stage of development. It is unfortunate that Young
China (like Young India), being highly vocal, should have
commanded so wide an audience and inspired so many
illusions abroad, that superficial disintegration should
have been so widely interpreted to imply a vast upheaval
of the depths; because Young China, imbued with an
exaggerated sense of its own importance, becomes a danger
to itself and to the nation. Those who have followed the
history of the Ming and Manchu dynasties in their de-
cline and fall, must realise that this is true; and that
socially, morally and economically, the Chinese race, so
long a law unto itself, remains much the same to-day as
it was a thousand years ago. Even Young Cliina, as
represented by its fiercest iconoclasts, unconsciously fulfils
the laws which ages of moral experience have written deep
in the heart of the race. Bravely it parades its foreign
521
THE COURT OF PEKING
clothes and foreign ideas from platform and press, but in
the privacy of its home, in the market place and even in
its foreign-built government offices, it jields atavistic
allegiance to those laws of its inheritance whicli it can never
evade, to authority of traditions from which it can never
escape. As has been finely said, in China " low is not a
rule imposed from above, it is the formula of tfte national
lifCf and its embodiment in practice precedes its inscription
on a code. Hence it is t}mt in China^ govemme^it is neither
arbitrary nor indispensable. Destroy our aiUhorilies,
central and provincial^ ami our life will proceed very much
as before. Come what may, the family remains, with all
that it involves^ the altitude of mind remains, the spirit of
order, industry and thrift. These it is that make up
China:'
522
Abb4 Hue, Travtls m Tibet, cited, n.
333. n. 399
Abbot of Tien Tai temple, 237; aUo
vide Shun Chih
Abtai, Prince, 165. 242-45
Alexander I of Ruraia, 236
Alexander VII, Pope. 223
A-Lu-te. Empress, 420-22. 463. 460, 477,
478
Amhenit Misttion, 381 et ««q.
Amin, Prince, 144
" Anhiii Official, An," Chinese annalist,
474
An Tfi-hai, Chief Eunuoh. 420. 477, 490.
602
Aomen (Macao), foreign tradeis* base for
Canton, 327 et aeq.
Ao Pai. Regent, 219, 242. 243, 2fi7
Aristotle't aaorifioo to Homiias cited. 18
Astrologen and sootliBayerB, 40, 225
Astronomers, Court of, 44, 106, n. 244,
498
Baknebs, Monohu, institution of, 139,
ISO. 3fi9
Bonodict XI IT, Pttpe. 307. 303
Board of Ceromoniea, 279
Board of Pmitshments. 70
Board of Regents, 242
Boaid of Rites, 273
Boccft TipTB, bonibardwl. 400
Book of Rites, quoted, 178
Borjikin, EmpresK. 242. n. 256
Borjikitu, Lady. 162. 231. 242, n. 475
" Bom out of Time," Cliinese Annalist,
quoted, 230-32. n. 397, 400 ft »eq.
Bouvet. Joachim. 240, 243
Boxer indemnity, n. 367
Boxer loaders, 443. 448, 449, 459. 463
British at Canton, 301
British eiiihiuiHiet) to China, 311, 320 tt
aeq., 381 ^ stq,
British trade in China, 311, 322, 326.
327. 381
merchandise, duties on, 329
Cavon op Histobt, quoted. 39. 390
Canons of the Sages. 184, 186, 214
Canton, blockaded, 309
European trade at. 311, 326
Cenaorate, the, 57. 65. 351, 391
Butoido of Prceident ol. 100
Chahar Mongols, 145
CTiaug Cb'ai. 448 eJ »f^.
Chang Chih-tung. n. 303, 438
Chang Chin. 30 it seq.
Chang Fu. 463, 464
Chang HRionchung, 94
Chang Kuo-ohi, 60, 63, 67
Di'an^ Ix), Prince, 47 ei seq., alio vide
Emperor Kuaiig Tttung
Chang Mingti, 262. 205 et atq.
Chang Td, Emperor. 24 ef teq.
Cliang Yin-hu&n, 430
Chang Yiian-fu, Gitef Eunuoh, 496,
497, 600 et seq.
and hotse-show brawl, 608, 600
and Regent. 601
inaolenoe of, 603 ft stq,
quairel with Li Chia-chu, 606, 507
residence of, 606
Cheng, Concubine, 47-52. 55
Cheng Kuo-tai, brother of Concubine
Cheng. 48
Cheng. P^noe. oo-Regent with Dorgun,
168
Ch'eng, Prince, elder brother of Chia
Ch'ing. 349, 365, 368. 376, 412, 413,
418
Oi'ong Tf , 373. 374
Ch'en Hsin-ohia, 148, 149. 164
Qi*en. Tjidy, the " Round-focod Beauty.'*
120-22
INDEX
Ch'en Liaing-ini. lU
Ch'en Yen. 107
Chift arinp. Emperor. 311. 322
and Ho Shen. ;145, 346, 349 ef seq.
and Amhorst Mifwion, 381 et gtg.
cimraclcr of. 336, 361. 373
oonHpiriMues agaiiuit. 373 rl wq., 478
dvutli of, n. 3.50, 360
decreefl, 347. 350, 359 et wq., 360, 361,
370, 375, 377, 370. 382, 386
Chia Cb*inK'» Hiater, 359
Chiuif! Httiang, t)0, 97
Chiang Te-yinB. 1)7
Ch'ien Lung, Emperor. 18, 59, 138, 234
abdication of. 3 10, 345
and Ho Shen, 344 et $eq.
and Macartney Mission, 321 H atq.
ond Stranger Concubine, 341
campaigns. 310
character of. 310, 334 tt 8tq.
death of. 347
devotion to the chaM, 334
doawstic affairs, 334
eBOnpadcs, 338
his ueir, Z\\ tt seq.
letter to Ceorgo HI. 331 rt etif.
reatorea titles to sons of K'ang Hsi,
301
Qi^ien Men quarter, 420
Chihti, Manohu raid into, 144
Chi Lu, 441
China Undtr tht Emprtjui Dowager.
nhfmd to. 9, 409, 417, 419, 423,
437, 442, 466
Ch'ing, Prince, n, 365, 446, 447, 460, 456
Ching Fu's memorial, 500
Ching Shan, 466
Ching Tai, Emperor. 438
Chinese poetry, 316
Chinewe Hocial syatem, 14
Chinflfl© women debarred from entering
Forbidden Uty, 476
Cli'i Heiu, 412, 447
Chin Tartars, 150, 181
Ch'i 8han, 399 tt eeq.
ChiT'an-jan, 218
Chou Yii-ohi, 90. 96
ChriBtianity in Cliina, 330
convereion of Princes, 247, 273
JesiiitA at Court of K'ong Hsi, 241
Palnce misslonarioa forbidden to hold
intercourse with Chinese, 330
practiaod by Imperial olauBwomen, 221
Cliu Chih-fong, 98, 99
Chu Kuel, 331
Ch'ung Clien, Emperor, 82, 92 tt «g,,
I&7
Cheung Chen {wtUinwd)
death of. 103
burial of. 104, 106. 154
Chung Ch'i, 420, 422
Chung Hou-so, taken by assault, 168
Chung IJ, 458
Ch'un, Prinoc. Regent, a. 302, n. 303. u.
433. 493. 494, 497. 601, 510
and Chang Yitan-fu, 501, 506
hia wife. 610. 511
Ch'un, Princess. 473, 491
Chnsan. British request for island near,
328
Cli'u Tsung, 278
Chu Yenkuan, 99
Chu Yuan-ohang. 23. n. 135. 220, 234
Civil florWoe. 18, 390
Civil Bervioe examinations, 410 et sea., 4?7
Ccal Hill, 101.276.300.301
Confucian philosophy, 14. 109, 167, 488
tradiLioii, 15
ConfiiciuA quoted, 181, 345, 3S0
grave of, 82
Coontitutional govemnifmt, 498
Coup d'itai of 1898. 430, 438, 437
Court, protligacy of, 187
Court of Astronomer«, 44, 100, 498
Court of Imperial Clan, 275, 418
Dalai Lama, 320. 321. 352
Decapitation, etiquette of. 418
Degenerate Manchus, 372, 444 el aeq.
Department for Tributary States, 1
De Toqueville. quoted, 14
Diary describing sack of Y'^ang Chou-fu,
ISSetnq.
Diary of Ching Shan, 466
Diary of Manohu official, 443, ei a«q.
Dioc-throwing, 243. 244
" Discerning Concubine," 421, 477
Dominicans and Jesuits, 240
Dominic, Father, 232
Dorgiin, Prince Jui, Manohu Regent, 85,
104. 132, 147, 157, 169. 168, 213
appoints himself Generaliwimo, 158
beeometi Regent, 157, 158
oorroapondenoo with WuSan-kuei, 128-
31
death of. 233
defeats Li Trii-cheng, 131
entora Poking, 127
hia march from Shan Hoi-kuan to Chin
Chou, 127
posthumous degradation, 233, 242
receives Ming officials, 127
Dorgua, restitution of honours by Ch'ieo
Lung, 234
524
INDEX
l>ut«h in Cliina, 86
Ihities on merchamliae, 329
I>3ma8tic ordinanoes, 334
ElSTIBK CoUBT, 68
Kwt India Company, 381, 385
Eclipses as omeuu, 318
Edict of Toleration, 240
Eleutlis, subjugation of, 253, 281
Elliott, British Commissioner, 400
SUie's Journal, quoted, 382, n. 383. n.
386
Empress Consort of Cli'ung dien, 102
Empress Helon, 222
Eunuobs, Palace,
and Uovemment appointment a, 430
Christians. 222
tionspiro agikinut Chia Cli'ing, 378 ei tetj.
factions of, 49fi, AOH
in oommand of military forces, lOO
power at Court, 17, 24, 46. 56, 100, 141,
268, 406
power roductxl by Shun Chth, 232
system donounoed by Li Chia-oha,
506
tortured and beiieiuied by Li TzQ-oheng,
116
ujider Yung Cheng, 30fl
Eoropeon civilisatioD compared with
Oriental, 14
artillery, 145, 158, 173
merolianti) not alCowed to enter city of
Canton, 329
missionaries compelled to adopt
Clunose dre&s, 323
forbidden to leave China, 323
Europeans olas^otl with actors and sooth-
sayers, 294
Examinations, civil service, reorganised
by Chu Yiian-ohang. 23
cln»Kicn|, revised by Shun Cliih, 229
for public service, 410 cl atq., 427
Fau. or PBKina, 166
I-'ang Tsung-ohe, 50 et srg.
Fan Wen-ch'eng, 127, 159
Fei, handmaiden at Palace, 103
Fontaney, Joan de, 240
Fortune tellers and astrologers, 44, 135,
262
Fu Ch'angan, 349. 367 d stq.
Fu K*ang-an, n. 332
Fu Lin, Prince, son of Emperor Tai
Tsung, became Ehnperor Shun Cliib,
231
Fu, Prince, son of Lady Cheng, 48, 55.
60
Gknealooy of House op Gioko, 161
Cerbillon, Jean Kran^oiH, 239, n. 244
Ghoorkas of Nepal, 320. 332, 333
ask aid of Great Britain, n. 333
Gioro. Genealogy of House of, 161
allowed illegitimate descent of, 230,
232
" Go<ide«s Chang," 79. 83
Gordon and the *' ever*victorious army,"
422. 423
Grand Council, 101
Grave of Confucius, 82
Great Wall, 113. 143
" Green Monkey " singing girl, 468
Grimaldi, Philippe, 240
Hall or Iupehjai. Lo50Kvmr, 237. 291
Hnnltn Academy, 25. 45. 258
Hara-kiri, Chine-so influence in origin of,
n. 109
" Harrier Prince," nickname of li Ttii-
Cheng, 166, 175, 183
Heavenly Principles Society, 378
Heavenly Reason Society, 373
Heng Yi's reminiscences of Boxer Year,
453
Harmiae, eunuch Governor of Atarnea,
18
Bidtoire Olnfrah dt la Chine, P^«
Mailla's, n. 239. n. 305
Ho Lin, commander in Tibet, 320, 321
Uon&n-fu, siege of, 88
Hongkong, ocued to Britain, 395
Hongs, foreign, at Canton, 326 et aeq.
Ho Shea, Grand Secrvtary. 18, 311, 310,
321, 373, 503
career of, 345 tt atq.
colleolion of ounos. 366
death of, 358, 369
disgraced, 349
hia pearls, n. 353
indictment of, 350 ri wq.
invoetinenta uf, 300
origin of, 344
power and wealth, 344, 364 e< »tq.
Ho Slien'a faction and anti-dynastic
Bociotios, 394
Ho Shih-t'ai. 387. 389
House latrs of Manohus, 41, 230. 232, 248,
312, 349, 435, 475, 476, 505
Honae laws of Mings, 52, 56, 65
Haiang, Prince, 89
Haieh Fu-chen, Dr., 481, 483
Hsien Feng, Emperor, 403, 470 rt snj.
aoeession of, 4-05
character of, 405. 409
death of. 418. 422.473
525
INDEX
Ssm, Prinos. brother of Emperor Hn
Tming, who suooeeded htm jut Em-
peror Ch'ung Chen, 79, 80
Hsi-ning, Yun Tang's mission to, 270,
278, 279
Hsi Taung, Emperor, 55 et aeq.
Hsing Chitig, Nurhachi's oapitnl, 140
Hsiun;;. Ming general. 141, 142
Hauan.hua, 37. 04, 98
Hsiian Tsung. Emperor, 24
Haiian T'ung, Emperor, 226. n. 353
education of, 497 «i 9tq,
parentage of, 493
HsQ Ching-oh'eng, 465
Haii Ch'ingvii, 449, 450
Hsii Tung, 443. 447. 449, 450. 459
Hbu Yung-yi. 456, 459
Huai Rivnr, 187
Huang Hsing, 225, 226
Huang Taiki, fourth son of Nurhaohi, 143
Huang Te-hung, Marquis, 189
Huan^ Taun-su, 73
Hung Ch'ong-chou, 173
Hung Eu-lien, 425
Hung Kuang, Emperor, IS4, 216
Hung, " tlie Heavenly King," 424
I-cHiANO-A, 354 €i mq.
I-k'o-t'an, 499
Imperial oodar*wood. used in Palooe, 352,
362
Imperial CUn, 236, 31 1, 443
Imperial Clan Court, 289
" Imperial Ganaman, An," Annaluit, 462
Imperial mandates to King of England,
322, 325, 382
Imperial mausoleum, 104
Imperial pearl. 242, n. 353
Italy, mission to Chinese OouTt, 324
Jade sceptres, 381
.Tapaneso samurai tradition, 100
Jcfiol. Court at, 311
reception of British Embassy at, 321
Jen, Concubine. 67, 84, 85
Jtwuit prieHtA, 221
and Manchu Princes, 273
disfionsions between Jesuits and Do-
mini cans, 240
Edict of toleration, 240
expulsion of, 273, 307
introduce European guns. 96. 141, 145,
173
introduoe quinine at Court, 240
their zeal toads to persecution, 241
under K'ang Hdi. 239-41
under Yung Clieng, 307
Job. quoted, 12
" Journey Eastward, A," play cited, 137
Jui Ch'eng, n. 399
Jui, Prinoe, vide Dorgun.
Ju-ji floeptrea. 366
Jung Lu, 420, 448, 460. 459 et *eq„ 467,
471.481,493
K'ai Fbno-fc, siege of. 90
recovered for Mings, 170
K'ang Hsi, Emperor. 132, 133. 234
abolishes semi-independent rAssaldoms,
134. 158
oddictod to drinking boutn. n. 29S
and Jesuit Fathers. 237. 247
death of. 269, 270
depositkin of Heir Apparent, 249-6§"
diamiases Rogont«, 242
bis wars, 241
homily to Ministers, 252-55
obsequies of. 277, 280
pereecutas Chrislians, 241
reign of, 238, 230
rnmoared oonrersion to QiristiaaitT,
341
somi of, 245-68
Nucoeods 8hun Chih, 235
Kang Yi, Boxer politician, 443, 447 Httq^
451.462,459,462
K'ang Yu-wei, 230, 436
Kao, Empress, 114
Kao 11, General, 143
Keyte, J. C, work cited, 209 „
Khorchin Mongols, 146. 158, n, 256, 278
Kiakhta, Russian trade at. 328
Kings of Korea, become %-&9sals of
Manchu Emperor, 147
Kitchen Qod, 335
Koffler, Andwr XftTier, Jeauit, attaolwd
to Ming Court* 222
K'o, Madame, 56 ti stq.
K'o, Prince, 446
Korea, Prince Amiu's expedition to, 144
invasion of, 146
refuses to recognise T'ai T^ung, 146
subjugated, 147
Tai Tsmig's campaign againi^t. 143
Kowtow, ceremony of, 321, 331, 382, 383,
386
Ku&i Tzu, philosopher, 113
Kuang Hsu, Emmror, alleged origin of,
401
character of. 420
confined to Ocean Terrace, 440
death of. 439. 469
defies TziS HHi. 432
bis mean apartment, 439
526
W ^ INDEX ^^^^^^^^^^^H
Kuan);; Hsu, laal rcquotit to Old Buddha,
Li Tzu-cheng {cotxtimted) ^^^^^^^^^^^H
439
defeated by Dorgun, 131, 132 ^^^^^|
Kuang Hui. 386-89
defeated by Wu Sankuoi, 119. 123 ^^^^H
KuMig Tsung, Em|>eror, 52-4
ends da^'B as Buddhist priest, 116. 117 ^^^^^H
Kublu Kluu). 23
enters the city, 104. 100 ^^^^|
Kuoi Chun, fll 1
flight to Hunan, 116 ^^H
Kuet Wang, last of tbii Mings, 167, 213;
his poUtical genius, 107 ^^^H
[Reign title Yunj; Li).
his tomb, 117 ^^^|
death of. 220, 221, 223
puniHhes Palace eiinuahs, 115 ^^^H
flight into Burma, 213. 214
rebellion of, 24. 82 d acq., 86 e< stq. ^^^|
letter to Wu San kuei, 21fr-19
104 et aeq., 148 ^^H
Kung, Prince, 419, 434, 436, 473
t*km Peking, 99 ^^H
Kung Yi. 220, 221
Ua Cheng, eunuch. 28. 49 ^^H
Kung Yung-ku, 100
Liu K*un-yi, Nanking Viceruy, 433. 493 ^^^|
" Liu, Myfttorious," eunuch, 484 ^^^|
Ll CoUTX. Louis, 240
Liu Teung-min, 121 ^^^H
Uiua. 320, 321
Liu Wen-jiin, 486 et aeq. ^^^H
Liang Knei, 511
Liu Wea-ping. Marquis, death of. 111 ^^^|
Liu Yl-ching, Grand Secretary, 54 ^^^|
Uao Shou-keng, 459, 460
Liao Yang, fair of, 142
Li Yen, rebel chief, 83, 84 ^^^|
U Chang-sha, 452
Lou Tona. 258 ^^H
U Chia-ohu, 506
Long K.*o-to, 269, 271. 282, 285. 291. 292. ^^H
Li Chien-t*ai, Grand Secretary, 92, 93, 97
306 ^H
Lien Shnn, 455
Long Yii, Empress. 225, 242, 353, n. 431. ^^H
Lien Yiian, 45S, 462. 463
493 et seq.. 497 et atij. ^^H
Li H&iu-ch'cng, Toiping le&der, 423 el aeq.
and Eunuch Chang Yiian-fu, 496, 501 ^^^|
bis letter to Hung, 424
seq. ^^^1
his record of Taiping rebellion, 424
death of, 496 ^^H
hia son, n. 424
"squou7.e<t" in building operationi, 490 ^^^|
Li Hung-ohang, 450, 452, 453
tboatrioal entertainments, 604 ^^^H
Li Hung-tsoo, 434, 435, 476, 47B et teq.
Lu Pin. Prince, 290 ^^H
U K'u-shao, 54
Lu PD-yang, 430, 431, 433 ^^H
Li Kuo-cbnn, 116
^^^H
Li Kuo-pu. Grand Socrotary, 78
Macao, banquet at, in honour of Ming ^^^|
Li, Lady, 52 et seq.. 68
Envoys, 222 ^^H
Li Lien-yin(.'. Chief Kunuob. 429, 433, 437,
Macao, Portuguese at. 221 ^^^H
439, 403, 473, 483, 490, 496, 507
Macartney Mission, 311, 320 e/«e?., 344, ^^^|
and (jovemment appointmenta, 430
^^1
death of, 602
Ma Chang-hfti, 478 ^^H
his pearls stolon by Cliang Yiian-iu. 502
Moglo and spells. 451 ^^^|
Mahomedan mosque, 340 ^^^|
Lin Ch'ing's conspiracy, 378
Lin Chi-shih, 25 ft att}.
Moilla. P^re, author of fiistoire OfnemU ^^^M
I.ing Yi-cb'iin. suicide of, IIU
de la Chine, n. 239, n. 306 ^^H
Lin Hflti, reformer, 436, 437
M&nchu invaiiion. 84 ^^^|
Lin Tse-hau, Viceroy of Canton, 396, 397
capture of Wuchang, 116 ^^^H
his despatch to Queen Victoria, 396
d3maBty'B Ea8t«m tombs, 166 ^^^^
la. Frinoe, 462
etiquett«, 355 ^^^^
Li Shan, 455, 457, 458
i)X[>edition to Korea, 144 ^^^H
Li Toi-po, poems of, 16
tiniiKc lawB, 41, 230, 2.'}3, 248, 312, 349. ^^M
Literary examinations, 40 et wq.
435, 475, 476, 505 ^^H
tradition, 15
march on Peking, 113 ^^^|
Uterali. 236, 301
Prefect at Tamsui. 378 ^^H
Li Ting-kuo, freebooter, 214
Princes, 335, 443: degeneration of. 444 ^^^^
Li Tzu-obenji,
8tq. ^^^H
alliance with Wu San-kuoi. 114, 123
Princes and Wu San-kuei, 132 ^^^|
osconds Imperial Throne, 107
raid in ChiMi. 144 ^^H
assumes Imperial title, 114
rulers and eunuchs, 17 ^^^|
527 ^H
1
INDEX
r
Manohus massacred by Chinese, 200
BCirket days in Forbidden City, 50
Bfkrkot fair. 335
M» Shili-yinp. 168, 170, 172
Ma.s8acre of Chinerx) by M&nohus, 105
of Manohiw by Chinooc, 209
Menoius quoted, 302, 310
Metropolitan Museum, New York, n. 367
Mien Ning. Prince, son cif Cliia Ciring.
bocomo Emperor Tao Kuang, 375
Military organisation, 18, 390
Ming Heir Apparent, 97, 100, 101, 107,
121. 122, 124, 166
miHAion to Vatican, 222
iKiblea aqueozod, 110
Mings at Nanking, ft4, 107. 168
last of the. 104, 106. 137. 235
Miaaiona to Cliintuie Court from Portugal
and Italy. 324
" Model Beauty, The," 341 et tea.
Mongol Empire, finally shattered, 23
Pnnoos' tribute, 25()
amdlpox amonsat, 352
HoQgol TtiKhetu Khan. 157
Mongolian Suporintondonov, 277
MoDf^lia subjugated by 1 ai Xsung, 143
Moukden, 142
Mu Cli'ang-a, Orand Secretary, 391, 395
ei Mq.. 401
Ma Ching-Tuan. European, at Court nf
Yung Cheng, 290
Mu Yung-B, 242
NAiremo. sack of (1913}, 12
fall of. 406. 425. 428
Napier, Lord, 385
Nepal oamiwign, 320, 321. 332, 333
Ning, Prinoe, 32, 33
Ning Yiian, last of tha Ming stronghotda,
112
defence of, by Wu Sankuei, 118, 143.
148, 164
Nurhachi, 217, 225
appointed Warden of the Marches, 138
OMumusid^'nastlonameof Manchn, 140
declares war on China, 140
his army, 139. 143
his capital at Haing Ching, 140
hii capital at Moukden, 142
orgamsee tribes under four banners, 139
rise of, 86, 138
ruler of five Maoohu tribes, 139
" Ocean Terracb," 437, 440
Odea, Book of, quoted. 474. 477
Omens and port«nts, 43, 87, 88, 224, 243,
244, 318, 400
Opium abolition, 395. 503
OrieataU. jealousy of, 342
Pa Cmnto. GMieral, n. 333
Palace actors. 487, 502, 504
Amazon.'^, 475
conou bines, 60, 406
pearls, 501
of Prince Hsiao, n. 365
of Tranquil Longevity, 363
P'an Achilles, Chicd Eunuch of Emp
Helen, 222
in oommantl of land and ae* foroaa o(
Mings, 223
Pang Fao, eunucb. 48, 40
Panshen Lama. n. 233
P'an Tsu-yin. 469
Pao Tai. Rmident at Lliaaa, n. 333
Parker, K. H., work cited. 223
Peace Protocol (1901). 440
Pearl Concubine. 440. 468, 405
Pearl necklaces, 353, 363, 369, 370
Peking C'vuH Oautte, 293
Peking Qendarmerie, 338. 600
Poking horse show, S07
P^i^ra. Anthoine, 230
Pescadores, seizure of, by Dutoh, 86
Ping Ling, 411 rt »eq.
Pi Ting.ho, 444
Pi Yiin-ssu, 76
Poison, use of, 81 , 134, 166. 346. 464, 483.
484, 487, 489
Polygamy, 13 ri /tv}., 245, 270
Portuguese in China,
aid Mings, 141
at Macao, 221
language uaed by Princea, 307
Mission tn Chinese Court, .334
supply Mings with cannon, 145
Po Siu, Crond Secretary. 409 «f nq.
execution of. 414-17
Pottinger, Sir H., 395
PreoiouB Pearl, Empress, 59 ef 9fq,
death of. 82-5
President Yuan Shih-k'at's Falaoe, n. 341
Prioe of oggB. 337, 490
Priesthood, Shun Shih's regulations for
onteritig, 229
not reverenced by liUrati, 236
Princedom of Jui re-established, 334
Prophecies. 224, 225
P'u Sluui, Duke, 508 «i 9«q.
Pa Ying-ob'i, 427, 428
Random NottM from tSe Chamber o/ (fte
Clmidy Sea, 469
Ransom for Proscribed Mings, lOft
528
^^^^^^^^^^^^^E3^^^^^^^^^^^^^^H
RebelltonA ag«inKt Manohits, 347, 373
Sister Phcenix, 37 ei seg. ^^^^^|
Rof oiiBoni, 436
Smith, Dr. Arthur, work quoted. 226 ^^^^H
Rcgonta. Board of. 242
Song of the Cokes, quoted, 224, 226 ^^^1
har«h treAtment of Jesuits, 242
8oochow, fall of, 424 ^^^|
KoK^ntH, Princo Alittti. 242-4o
Soothsay I'm and fortuno-tellorH, 40, 226 |^^^H
Ao Pai. 21U. 242, 24.1, 257
Spirits and onienK, 43, 44 ^^^H
Prince Cb'un. n. 302, ii. 303, n. 433,
Spring and Autumn Annals, quoted, 174, ^|
403 el atq.
178, 265 ■
Regentw, Ufiurfiinji, 418, 470
Slate deal of Mi>ngo] dynaaty, 1 46 H
dUmiitsed by K'ang Hsi* 242
Staunton, Nir (lOtirgo, cited, 311. 310, H
Regency, Joint, of Pnnce Cheng and
n. 320, 321, n. 386 ■
Dorgun, 168
" Stranger Concubine." 341 ei seq. H
of TzO Hat and TkO An, 419, 495
Su, Prince, Blinister of the Interior, 609, H
Republic, the, 442
610 M
*' BeHtore the Mings," battle cry of Tai-
Su, Prince, son of Eraporor T'ai Taung, ^^^|
pinKH. 221
146. 167 ^H
Riooi. 221
Suicide of two hundred women of the ^^
Rituul of mourning, 271
Palace, 103
Roman Catholic religion. 221. 272 tl seq.
Sungaria, canipaipi in, 340
" Kound-faced Beauty," 120, 122. 125;
also vide Lady Ch en.
Sung Ch'icliiao. 108
Sung Kan, Viceroy of Kansuh, 460, 461
Ruasian morchonta at Poking, 327. 328
Sung, Prince. 218
Russian trade at Kiakhta, 328
Stug Yiin. R{>sidont at Lhasa, 321
Sun Vat-Hen, 221, 226
Sages, teaclunfjK of the, 141
Supent lit ions, clmractcrlKMc, 343
San Ku-niang, literary ooartmtan, 338, 330
Su Shun, Imperial clansman, 406 et teq.
Sohall, Adam vun, 242
death of, 417, 418, 470 et »fq.
Secret Sooietifw, 373, 378
Symptoms of demoralisation, 372
Shuighai TautAiahip, 4^10
Slun Hai-kuan, 9fi
Tai ht, Magistracy, 30
degeof, 113
Toiping Court at Nanking, 406, 410, 423
rebelliun, 391, 406 et 9eq., 422 ti aeq..
Shen, Eonuch, 608
Shih, alleged paramour of Tzii Hai, 490,
475
491
genesis of. 423
Shih K'o-fa, General, 168, 188, 189, 207
Tai Tau, 317
his memorial, 169, 170
Tai Tsung, Emperor, 143
ooireapondenoe with Manohu Regent,
ambitions of, 143, 144
174-84
oorrespondence M'ith Ming Emperor*
death of, 174
148. 149, 161, 163
Shou Fu, 464 fi »eq.
defttb of, 167 ^m
Shun Chih, Emperor. 138, 167, 158. 160,
invades Korea, 146 ^^^|
229
raids China. 147 ^^^|
alleged to have joined priesthood. 236.
receives State seal of Mongol dynast}', ^^^|
237
146 J^M
birth, 231
■ubjugatea Charhar Mongols, 145 ^^H
character of, 229, 232
takes Port Arthur, 145 ^^M
ourtaila pouTr of eunuchs, 232
Tai Vuan-fu, siege of, 93 ^^H
death of, 23r>
Ton, " UenTen-compplhng " singer, 604 ^^^H
muriafle, 234
reputed illegittmaoy, 230
TantU Pans, n. 333 ^^M
Too Kuang, Kmporor, 376, 390 et atq. ^^H
Shun (Obedient), title of Li Tzu-chVng'a
and Tseng Kuo-fan. 400 et seg. ^^^M
rebel dynasty, 121
character of, 391. 394 ^^M
Bianfu, aack of Tartar city, 209
signs Xanking Treaty, 399 ^^H
" Signs of a Dooaying Dynaaty," 443 tt
Taranatha Lama, 280 ^^H
tt«q.
Taahilhunpo, sack of. n. 333 ^^B
Singing-girl and Wu San-kuei, 119; alao
Temple of Anccetoni. 67, 93, 369 ■
vide " Round-faced Beauty."
Temple of Uoavon, 93. 115, 342 ^^M
1 J
INDEX
Tenff. " thtt large-thished." 231
Td. Prince, oouatn of Ming Emperor, 147
TheatricMilB. palace, 136, 172, 335, 501. 503
Tibet. 320
Britiflh mission to, 332
China*8 suzerainty over, 320
war with Nnpal. 321. n. 333
Tien Cli'i, Emi>orof Hai Tnunp. 5.1 ri *pg.
Tien, Conoubino. 104 et seq., 122
T'ien Ming, reign title of Nurhnolii
Tien Taung, reign title of Huang Taiki,
143
Tien Wen-ohinp, 305, 306
Tinp, Prince, 122
Ting, Prince, fn^ndson of Ch'ien Lunp,
364, 369, 370
Trading centre at Poking, 322
Treaty of alliance between Iji Tzu-oh'eng
and Wu San-kuoi. 114. 119, 122
Treaty of Nanking, 396, 399
Tui Chen, son of Prince Cli'ing. 446
Tui Ch'u. 479
Tisai Lan, Duico, 4.'>8 et atq.
Tsai Lien, Beiloh. 446, 447
Taai Yuan. n. 271,481
Ts'ao Chen-yung, Onund Secretary. 393,
403, 404
Tkeng Kuo-fan, 400 et aeq., 419, 422, 426,
492
Tsin, euniieti. 440
Tao Koang-tou, Cenaor. fil. r>2. 56, 76
Tso Tsung fang. 419, 422, 477, 484, 480
Tsui Won-hmang, ounuoh, 62, 63
Tuan, Prince (Boxer), 465
Tu Hsiin, ounuch. Commander- in-Chief,
94.96,98.99. 115
Tn fihou-t'ien. Imperial tutor, 391. 392
Tung Chia, ErnprcM of Shun Chih. 234
Tung Chih. Emperor, 410, 469, 477
character of, 419
death of. 478-80
eacapadee of. 420, 478
marriage, 420
Tung, Lady, Concubine, 234, 235
Taa An, Empros». 469. 473. 476 W ««?..
481 et seq.
death of. 483-«4, 486 et aeq.
Tzu Hsi, Empress Dowager, 337, n. 367,
394, 400, 419. 422, 461. 466 fl atq.
and aalrotogers, 226
and Cenaor Wang P'eng-yiin, 436
and Tzu An. 481 d acq.
character of, 3^)6, 466 et seq.
coup tTiJat, 430. 364
m relraite, 434
executes Bu Shun, 417; and usurping
Begents, 4L8
Tzfi Hsi, EmpreM Dowager, (conA'awtf)
her pearl-embroidered jacket, 364
her relations with Kuang Hsii, 429 d
8tq.
homilies of. 272
rpatliy vrith Boxers, 40K
verdict of history. 492
usurps power, 433, 476
Vbhuiest. 221, 339
VisdeloD, Claiiile de, 240
Wan Cmsa. Board Secretary. 74
Wang An, eunuch, 56, 58, 70
Wang Ch'eng-en. eunuch, 98, 100, 103
Wang Ch'eng-yun, General, 98
Wang Kao, alleged father of Shtm Qiih,
230-32
Wang P'ong-j'iin. Censor, 434 e£ Mq.
Wang Ting-Iin, Grand Soiiretary, 397
Wang Wen-sbao, 460, 457, 460
Wang Yung'Ohang, Diary of. 119, 122,
124
W^sn Li, Ming Emperor, 47 et *eq., 313
Heir Apparent of, 47-^. 377
Wei Ching-yuan, OoTomor of Ta Tnuff-
f u. 96, 97
Wei Chung-haien, the infamous eunuch.
47. 56 etseq., 142, 168, 232, 360
Wei IJang-ch'ing, 79
Wei Ta-chinp, 74, 76
" Wen Cliing," writings of, 230, 466
Won ilsiang. 419, 480
Weatem Market, place of execution, 415
White Lily Conspiracy. 346, 347. 373
" Writ«r on Court Subjects, A," 486
Wa Ch'ang, captured by Mancbus, 116
Wu Chflo-pinp, 324
\Vu Hsiang. General, 113, 119
Wu Kotu, Censor. 491
Wu Len-clieng, suicide of, 110
Wu San-kuei, 98, 1 10, 118 rt «^.
allies himself with Maiichus, 126 ri eee,
allica himself with Li Tzu-ch*ong. 119,
123. 125
and last of the Mings, 124, 214
and the " Round-faood Beauty," 113
1 16 et 9rq.
character of, 134 ef aeq.
death of, 132
dofeaU Lt Tsu-oh'ong, 123
defence of Ning Yuan, 112, 118
hia career, 1 10 cj seq.^ 132
his father. 125
his rebellion in 1674, 128. 133-35
Wu Sn, Ml. 112
Wu Tai MounUin, 85
530
I \
INDEX
I
Tano, Chou-fu, sack of, 16S, 172, 1B5, 188
Ymk, Colons*], 188
Yang Haiao lou, 504
Yang Hain-ohVnfC, rebel Prinoo, 437
Yang Jui. reformer, 467
Vang lien. Censor, 51, 62, 55, 56, 68
et *eq., 75
Yang Ssu-oh'ang, MinR Commander- in-
Cbiei in Hupei, n. 89
Yang Yueh-lou, actor, 487
Yao, Emperor, 312
Yeho tnbe. 139. 474
Yehonala olan. n, 139, 493 et 9tq.
'* Yellow Lotus Holy Mother." 452, 453
Yen Ghing-minR, Grand Secrelary, 483
Yi, General, 170. 172
Yi Haing, roign title of Aling Ueir Ap-
jpaivnt (1644). 122. 124
Yi, Prince, brother of Cliia Cli'ing, 396,
413. 418
Yi, Prinoedom oreatod, n. 271
YI Yuan-lu, Board Preeidont, 109
YounK China, luatorioal whtingH of, 230,
492
Yu. Princo, brother of Dorgun. 170, 172,
206
Yuan Ch'ang. 455. 457
Ynan, General, 142
Yuan Shih-k'^i, 325, 340, 450
hia diamiasal by Kmproaa Lung Yti, 242,
n. 479
his iwipoct for Confuciaa tradition, 15
Yu Hsien, 450, 451
Yu Lu. 452
Yu Ming, 431-33
Vun Cli'ih, eldest son of K'ang Hsi. 245,
255, 262, 263
Yiin Chih, son of K'ang Hai, 246, 301
Yung Ch'ang, Imperinl title of U Tzu-
ch'cng. 91, 123
Yung Cheng, Kmperor. 246, 269-309
alleged illf^itimaoy of. 290. n. 297
alleged murder of, 309
and diiiloyAt brvtbers, 289-301
ohar&cter of. 270, 284, 297. 304
end of reisri, diaturlied, 30!
exeoutes Viin Tang and Ytin Ssu, 29^
300
his literary style. 303
letter to Pope. 307
limit« authority of ounuclia, 306
peraecuteit ChrtRtiAns, 304
relations with Jesuits, 307
reported dninkeonoM of, 291, n. 292
ivaoriptA. 303
Yung Li, roign title of Kuei Wang (laatof
thoMings). 213. 319
Yung Lo, Emperor, 23, 217
Yutt Jeng. Heir Apparent of li.'ang Hai.
246e/«i^.
death of. 275
deposition of, 249-62
imprisonment of, 257
Yiin O, son of K'ang Hsi, 246, 273. 275.
280 300 301
Yiin Ssil. son of K'ang Hai 246. 262,
264-67. 280. 271, 27S-301
YOn Tang, son of K'ang H-^i. 246. 278.
289. 290. 298, 299
YQn Ti.son of K'ang Hsi. 247. 280. 28fr-
91, 297.300
531
ijl
I
RiCKAKD Cur * SoM, Luuno,
■RUKSWICR ITBIOR, aTAXFOBS BTKItSr, I.K.,
AITD HnraAT, VUnrOLK.
i
Live Music
Archive
Librivox
Free Audio
Metropolitan Museum
Cleveland
Museum of Art
Internet
Arcade
Console Living Room
Open Library
American
Libraries
TV News
Understanding
9/11